By Thu Thu Aung, Antoni Slodkowski 

Reuters

March 21, 2018

YANGON - Myanmar’s civilian president Htin Kyaw resigned due to ill health on Wednesday and is expected to be replaced by a close ally of de-facto leader Aung San Suu Kyi, a move unlikely to affect power in a country where the army remains influential.

Htin Kyaw’s office said he was retiring “in order to take rest from the current duties and responsibilities”. Win Myint, a Suu Kyi loyalist who has served as the speaker of the lower house, was likely to replace him, said NLD spokesman Aung Shin. 

Win Myint has had a tight grip on the parliament and his critics accuse him of stifling democratic debate, including from within the caucus of Suu Kyi’s ruling National League for Democracy (NLD) party. He resigned from that post on Wednesday. 

“He is loyal and has been a member of the NLD since the party was founded,” said Aung Shin, who lauded Win Myint’s performance as the lower house speaker and said he has “worked very well with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi during the whole period”. 

Suu Kyi is known for keeping her cards close to her chest and operating only with a very narrow group of trusted acolytes. Local media, citing confidential sources, have also reported Win Myint has been tipped to become the next president. 

Analysts said the move was forced by the 71-year-old Htin Kyaw’s deteriorating health, and was unrelated to the crisis sparked by the brutal military crackdown that has pushed out hundreds of thousands of Rohingya Muslims to neighboring Bangladesh. 

Speculation over Htin Kyaw’s ill health mounted in recent months over his rapid and visible loss of weight.

“The discussion about the replacement has been around for a while so this was well expected,” said Liu Yun, political analyst from China-based Han Yue Consultancy. “It should have a fairly limited impact on the political equation in Myanmar.” 

He said the role of the president “isn’t that influential as Suu Kyi makes the final call, so the impact will be limited.”

INTERREGNUM 

According to the country’s constitution, the more senior of two vice presidents will stand in as president until a new leader is elected by parliament within seven working days. 

“There’s no doubt as to what the outcome of this will be,” said Richard Horsey, a former United Nations official and Yangon-based analyst. 

“The NLD has a strong bloc and a supermajority so whoever is selected as the lower-house candidate will become the next president,” Horsey said. 

In the meantime, Myint Swe, who was the military’s appointment for vice-president, will stand in as the acting president.

The president is the head of state and government in Myanmar, and under the constitution has far-reaching powers. However, Htin Kyaw’s role was more ceremonial because Suu Kyi has been Myanmar’s de facto leader since April 2016. 

A constitution drafted by the former junta bars Nobel Peace Prize laureate Suu Kyi from the top office and so she hand-picked Htin Kyaw, a close ally of hers, to become president following a historic landslide victory in 2015. 

The charter also reserves for the army one quarter of the seats in parliament and several major cabinet posts, including defense, interior and border affairs, giving it an effective veto over constitutional change and control of security affairs. 

One of the key questions facing Myanmar now, according to Horsey, is, “what will the acting president Myint Swe do during the interregnum because he has the power to do many things.” 

Horsey said that while Myint Swe will be the top executive for no more than a week, “it may worry some in the NLD that you have the military vice-president in charge of the country.” 

Yangon-based diplomats say the relationship between Suu Kyi and the military chief, Min Aung Hlaing, is marked by mistrust and lack of frequent, open communication, highlighting a risk even in the smallest changes to the leadership structure. 

Myint Swe is a retired general who headed the feared military intelligence agency under former junta leader Than Shwe. When Than Shwe ordered a crackdown on anti-junta protests led by Buddhist monks in 2007, known as the Saffron Revolution, Myint Swe was the head of special operations in Yangon. 

Reporting by Thu Thu Aung and Antoni Slodkowski; Additional reporting by Yimou Lee and Simon Lewis; Writing by John Chalmers; Editing by Bill Tarrant

By Dhaka Tribune

March 19, 2018

Criticism of the United Nations and aid groups is particularly pronounced in Rakhine state, where ethnic Rakhine Buddhists have long accused them of favoritism toward the Rohingya

Myanmar government, struggling to handle accusations of ethnic cleansing over its treatment of Rohingyas, is contemplating new legislation that would seek greater oversight of the work of international non-governmental organizations, including the United Nations, prompting concerns of a crackdown on their activities, The Washington Post reports.

The Draft Law on International Non-Governmental Organizations, a copy of which was recently obtained by The Washington Post, contains a vague definition of the groups it would regulate, proposes monitoring of aid groups’ work by Myanmar staff and provides the affected organizations with few safeguards against the government suspending their work. This has led some groups to fear it could be used to restrict their work in Burma.

The proposed law comes at a time of a wider crackdown on democratic freedoms under Nobel laureate Aung San Suu Kyi and her government, as they struggle to deal with the fallout of military operations that have sent nearly 700,000 Rohingya fleeing over the border to Bangladesh since August.

“The stated purpose of the law allows government to suppress activities they do not favour and undermines the efforts in advancing democracy and human rights,” according to a February presentation reviewed by The Washington Post from the INGO Forum, a coalition of dozens of aid groups operating in Myanmar.

Representatives from international aid groups and diplomats are lobbying members of the parliamentary committee reviewing the draft to change the wording or to have it withdrawn. It was unclear whether the law would move past the commission or what provisions the final version would include, according to The Washington Post.

It was also unclear who wrote the draft or if it was done at direction of the president or state counsellor’s office. Zaw Htay, a spokesperson for the government, directed questions on the draft law to the Ministry of Planning and Finance.

Tin Maung Oo, a member of the commission that is working on the legislation, said the group was consulting with ministries, representatives from non-governmental groups and experts. He said that international aid groups were doing important work and that the government would like them to “flourish” but that a law was needed to oversee their work.

Critics warn that such laws are part of a disturbing trend in the region.

According to Tin Maung Oo, the draft law would apply to the work of the United Nations in Myanmar. The government has blocked a UN fact-finding mission from entering Myanmar, barred its human rights investigator and denounced the United Nations’ statements on Myanmar’s treatment of Rohingyas, which it has labelled a “textbook example of ethnic cleansing.”

Criticism of the United Nations and aid groups is particularly pronounced in Rakhine state, where ethnic Rakhine Buddhists have long accused them of favoritism toward the Rohingya.

It is unclear whether the government would be able to apply the law to the United Nations and its work in Myanmar. Stanislav Saling, spokesman for the Office of the UN Resident and Humanitarian Coordinator in Myanmar, said the country is already a signatory to “international conventions and agreements” that govern the United Nations’ work in the country.

But UN agencies implement many of their programs through nongovernmental groups, which could be affected by the law.

“The UN and other development cooperation partners have expressed concern that some of the provisions in the current draft of the law are arbitrary and excessive, and could restrict the ability of INGOs to play their important humanitarian and development role,” Saling said.

“We believe it will neither help government to regulate and manage INGOs, nor help INGOs to operate effectively, efficiently, transparently or accountably,” he added.

By Trevor Marshallsea 

Associated Press 

March 18, 2018

SYDNEY — Malaysian Prime Minister Najib Razak said Saturday that the displacement of Rohingya Muslims was no longer solely a domestic issue for Myanmar, as Southeast Asian nations signed a counterterrorism cooperation agreement at a regional leaders’ conference.

Najib made his comments at a meeting of the 10 members of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations, or ASEAN, being hosted by Australia. The summit has been marked by protests against the regimes of Myanmar and Cambodia.

In a pointed and rare departure from the grouping’s policy of non-interference in the affairs of fellow member nations, Najib said Rohingya refugees fleeing from alleged persecution by Myanmar leader Aung San Suu Kyi’s government were a prime target for radicalization from the Islamic State group.

“Because of the suffering of the Rohingya people and their displacement around the region, the situation in Rakhine state in Myanmar can no longer be considered to be a purely domestic matter,” Najib said in closing comments before the signing of the counterterrorism agreement. “In addition, the problem should not be looked at through the humanitarian prism only, because it has the potential of developing into a serious security threat to the region.”

“Rakhine, with thousands of despairing and dejected people who see no hope in the future, will be a fertile ground for radicalization and recruitment” by the Islamic State and affiliated groups, he added.

Before resuming his seat on a leaders’ panel beside Suu Kyi, Najib said Malaysia was “ready to assist and find a just and durable solution,” as it had with fellow ASEAN nations Thailand and the Philippines on terrorism-related issues.

Myanmar staunchly denies that its security forces have targeted civilians in its “clearance operations” in Rakhine state on Myanmar’s west coast. Suu Kyi, a Nobel Peace laureate, has bristled at the international criticism. But Myanmar’s denials have appeared increasingly tenuous as horrific accounts from refugees have accumulated.

The Associated Press last month documented through video and witness accounts at least five mass graves of Rohingya civilians. Witnesses reported that the military used acid to erase the identity of victims. The government denied it, maintaining that only “terrorists” were killed and then “carefully buried.”

Malaysia has a large Rohingya population who are considered by the government to be illegal immigrants rather than refugees.

A few hundred meters (yards) from the conference, around 1,000 protesters demonstrated against alleged human rights abuses against Rohingya people, brandishing anti-Suu Kyi placards. More than 600,000 Rohingya refugees have fled Myanmar in recent years. A second, smaller protest was held to condemn human rights abuses in Cambodia attributed to its leader, Prime Minister Hun Sen.

Protesters also targeted Australian Prime Minister Malcolm Turnbull for hosting the conference. Australia is not a full member of ASEAN, but is an active dialogue partner.

“We would very much like to remind the prime minister that many of the hands he’s shaking yesterday, today and tomorrow are hands full of blood,” protest leader Hong Lim, a member of Victoria state’s parliament, said outside Sydney’s Town Hall.

Turnbull hailed as a major breakthrough the signing of the memorandum of understanding on counterterrorism, at a time of increased risk to the region due to militants fleeing Islamic State losses in the Middle East.

The measures include cracking down on the movement of terrorists between ASEAN nations, tightening policing on the cross-border movement of money to fund terrorism, and targeting on-line methods of radicalization and instruction on how to commit terrorist acts.

“We know that ISIL’s operational and ideological influence in our region is growing,” Turnbull said, referring to the Islamic State group. “More fighters will seek to return to our region, and they will return battle-hardened and trained.”

“Our ASEAN friends and neighbors share our interest in regional peace and they share our commitment to respecting international law and that rules-based order which underpins our way of live, secures our prosperity and safety,” he added.

Turnbull said the memorandum of understanding addressed more innovative methods being used to support and fund terrorism, such as moving money through digital currencies and crowd-funding platforms that made it harder to detect terrorism funding.

Internet-based communications, such as encrypted online messaging systems, also make it easier for extremists to instruct converts abroad.

“Those who seek to do us harm use technology as innovatively as any of us can,” Turnbull said. “And they are able to adapt and move in a very agile way. We have to be as fast and as quick as them.”

Malaysian Prime Minister Najib called on ASEAN members to “step up and intensify cooperation in preventing the spread of terrorist ideologies and to hone even more effective approaches to counter the threats of radicalization and violent extremism in the Asia-Pacific area.”

___

Associated Press writer Rod McGuirk in Canberra, Australia, contributed to this report.

An Open letter to Suu

From Aunty Riri Win

Dear Suu,

Our acquaintance started way back as far as the 60's. We got connected through Aunty Dora who  adored you like a daughter she never had. Zali went to school in Worcester and was invited to visit  her. He became a regular visitor at your home, a hospitality he appreciated because you provided him a home away from home. After you left Oxford, Zali went to see Aunty Dora several times before she died. At Aunty Dora's funeral service at Oxford we got to meet the Free Burma group, as well as Alexander, Kim and family. 

In addition to Zali you treated us like a family. I still cherish the memory when we celebrated Christmas at your home in Oxford when you served the traditional Christmas fruit cake your mother in law prepared. You looked lovely and sweet surrounded by your family. Upon parting Michael  mentioned in passing, “Uncle, we are not involved in the movement against Ne Win.” Neither did we  ask him to join us. He was aware that we were actively involved against the atrocities that the Ne Win regime unleashed that caused a lot of suffering and pain amongst the Burmese. In 1988, you  eventually came home to take care of your ailing mother and was swept in the upheaval of that time  when thousands of people rose up against the oppressive military regime. 

You were detained by the military for not less than 15 years for speaking up for justice and peace,  separated from Michael and the boys. Over and over again you were maligned as being influenced by foreign forces as you had married a “foreigner”, a dirty word to the xenophobic military regime. Even your brother became estranged from you. 

You were held incommunicado, Michael's contact with you was severely curtailed. I remember vividly how at one time Michael had to leave Rangoon because his visa had expired. He had no place to go and no funds to sustain himself. We arranged for him to stay at a safe place in Bangkok before he was allowed to go back to see you, even for a short tome. 

We often called upon Michael to inquire about your safety and health. I mentioned that the democratic movement should heed the demands of the various ethnic groups for more autonomy. Michael's answer was: “Aunty, right now the army must return to the barracks.”

In the United States and all over the world, pressure was borne upon the military regime to release you. Amnesty International made it a priority to have you unconditionally released. With thousands of US residents we organized rallies as well demonstrations in front of the Burmese Embassy, the White House, and lobbied Congressional representatives. Congressman Bill Richardson was allowed to see you in Rangoon. We prayed for you in churches throughout the US. Chapman College, Bucknell University, and American University were amongst those institutions that championed and honored your cause. 

In the meantime we kept close contact with Michael. We joined him at the Nobel Peace Prize Award in 1991. I shed tears when they played Johann Pachelbel's “Canon in D”. According to Michael you used to play that piece on the piano. At the the ceremony, Alexander stood tall and dignified when he made the acceptance speech. “Today,” he said,” the people in Burma could stand a bit taller....” Michael proudly said that Alexander wrote the speech himself, he was only sixteen then. 

You were very generous in donating the Nobel Prize reward to establish scholarships for Burmese students for their education abroad. Zali and your friends in England still keep the funds alive and the young people were grateful for your financial support. 

Your children suffered a lot, separated from you for many years because of the Burmese political upheaval which was beyond their control. One wonders how this separation affects them emotionally.  We admire your family's sacrifice for the sake of freedom, justice and peace for the Burmese people.

We had the chance to visit Michael several times at Oxford as well as in the United States. In the middle of his apartment was a big picture of you. We were stricken with sorrow when Michael suffered from prostate cancer. He was not allowed to see you for the last time. You stayed in Rangoon for fear that the regime would not allow you back. Michael died. Was it an ultimate sacrifice? The xenophobic military regime stated that you were not a true patriot since you were married to a foreigner, a dirty word for the xenophobic military regime. Did Michael take the ultimate sacrifice to forever eliminate this curse brought upon you by the regime? One only wondered why so many men survived the battle against prostate cancer, but not Michael. 

We met you clandestinely in Rangoon . I cried when I saw you and you chastised me for crying, “you have struggle so much and suffered for such a long time,” I said. You stoically said: “the longer the struggle the sooner it will end.” The Military Intelligence Service got hold of our meeting and the Burmese Ambassador in Washington DC told Uncle that no more visa would be issued to him. 

The next time we met in Rangoon you were already released and you were busy meeting dignitaries, foreign and domestic. You were kind enough to present us with a lacquer tray, “For a remembrance.” you said. We will treasure the gift. In exchange we brought you some chocolates, your favorite comfort food. We asked whether you feel safe now. “Yes,” you said, “ I am safe behind these tall walls. And I have my dog that Kim gave me. He is very protective.” 

How time has changed. Today you don't have to fear the military regime since you are part of it. You have become the Prima Donna of the military and oblivious to the suffering of the people; the Kachins that were slaughtered as well as the Rohingyas. You have declared the accusations of genocide of the Rohingyas as fake news. You stated that you are for law and order, obviously regardless of justice. 

The military stated that the Rohingyas are not Burmese but Bengalis who settled in Burma for a better life. Is this not unlike your forefathers who came from Central Asia/Mongolia to seek a better life in Burma; not unlike the Portuguese, the English and the Indians who seek a greener pasture. They make up for what we now call Burmese The denial of the genocide committed by the military is reinforced by your stance and statements in agreement of this atrocities. The Stockholm Syndrome apparently hits you when the victim eventually become part of the oppressor. Remember Patricia Hearst? She joined her kidnappers and robbed a bank. 

It is a shame that you disregard the Buddhist tenet of ahimsa, thou shall not kill. Instead, you support the narrow-minded Buddhists that consider killing Muslims not a sin. Do you not heed The Dalai Lama's pronouncement that Buddhist monks do not kill? Bishop Tutu, the Dalai Lama, Malala, as well as the Pope urged you to work against discrimination and justice. Yet you remain unmoved. 

Your esteemed father spent his life to establish the military for the good of the nation. On the other hand, the present military regime work for their personal coffers. They have plundered the nation's natural resources for their power and wealth while the rest of the nation suffers. 

Like so many observers, Uncle witnessed the suffering of the Rohingyas at Cox's Bazaar in Bangladesh. They lost their homes and saw their family members killed by the military. There are factual accounts how the military used rape as a weapon of destruction. That is factual and that is the truth. 

You cannot be blind to the truth. Justice will prevail. The international institutions will bring “the perpetrators of crime against humanity, including murder, forcible transfer, deportation and persecution on political, racial or religious grounds” to justice. Remember Pol Pot in Cambodia? The Serb leaders in Kosovo? 

I fear for the destiny of Aung San Suu Kyi, the former icon of democracy. For being unmoved and unconcerned you are being complicit in the atrocities perpetrated by the military. Is Michael's sacrifice for nothing? Is the suffering of Alexander and Kim for naught? Will you be the Marie Antoinette of Burma? Stand up for law and order with justice and redeem yourself, Suu. 

Uncle and I are at the sunset of our life, God willing we will always strife for justice . As John Wesley said: 

Do all the good you can,

By all the means you can,

In all the ways you can,

In all the places you can,

At all the times you can,

To all the people you can,

As long as ever you can.

Amen. 

Reuters

March 16, 2018