By C R Abrar

The Daily Star

May 9, 2018

THIS week has experienced a flurry of diplomatic activities centring the Rohingya issue. Principal among those was what has been dubbed a “historic and highly unusual” visit of an important delegation of the UN Security Council (UNSC) to Bangladesh and Burma. Quite understandably, the visit drew attention of various quarters—states, international agencies, refugee and rights organisations, and most importantly, the hapless Rohingyas who have been “living in mud and shacks, with no hope and no future, no nation and no identity, no past and no future.”

During its visit, the delegation should have experienced two contrasting scenarios. On the one hand, in Kutupalong refugee camp and in the no-man's land, they heard heart-wrenching testimonies of scores of survivors of the ongoing genocide—horrifying tales of mass murder, rape, torture, tossing of children in raging fire, torching of homes and hearths and systematic expulsion of an ethnic community whose identity and claims to citizenship have been meticulously dismantled over the last four decades by a state that has little regard for human rights, which the world body so fervently champions (at least in theory). The delegation also heard how a resource-poor and one of the most densely populated countries of the world, has lived up to its commitment to uphold the UN Charter and the lofty principles of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights in sheltering more than a million of refugees in distress. While UN diplomats heap massive praise on Bangladesh for its generosity and compassion, the organisation has so far failed to do the heavy-lifting in mobilising resources and garnering political will in addressing the root cause of Burma's genocide.

On the other hand, the delegation met representatives of a regime that not only perpetrated perhaps the most gruesome crime against humanity this century has ever witnessed, in fulfilling its long-term genocidal agenda to free Arakan of ethnic Rohingyas, but also blatantly flouted the UN Charter and UDHR, and since the outbreak of current crisis in August 2017, repeatedly hoodwinked the security council that called for bringing an end to the current humanitarian crisis.

By now the authorities in Naypyidaw have established themselves as masters of the art of deception. Time and again they have promised the UNSC that effective action would be taken to create an enabling environment for the return of Rohingyas who are languishing in refugee settlements in Bangladesh. The delegation does not need reminding that till date not a single case of repatriation has taken place, save the staged repatriation of five Rohingya individuals out of a million who have been deported.

Befitting the adage “giving the devil its due”, the astute policy planners of Burma have been immensely successful in manipulating the UNSC. As early as September 2017, Burma informed the UNSC that it was prepared to start the repatriation at any time. The country's National Security Advisor U Thaung Tun assured the UNSC that repatriation would take place by using the framework worked out jointly by Bangladesh and Burma in 1992. However, despite such a pledge, seven months have passed with no sign of repatriation. Under the memorandum of understanding with Bangladesh, Burma promised to stem the flow of refugees. In less than two weeks after signing the document, more than 100,000 Rohingyas crossed the border into Bangladesh. Anticipating the security council's displeasure over its inaction, Naypyidaw was smart enough to cook up yet another scheme—the Union Enterprise Mechanism, with the purported aim to extend humanitarian assistance and resettlement of repatriated Rohingyas. The UNSC fell into the trap and in a presidential statement it “welcomed” the signing of the memorandum with Bangladesh and the formation of the Union Enterprise Mechanism.

Despite its explicit commitment to UNSC to cooperate with Bangladesh in expediting the repatriation process, in contrast to 1992 accord, Burma further tightened the eligibility criteria for the Rohingyas' return and the verification process, thwarting any substantive effort for repatriation. In essence, it rebuffed the calls made by the UNSC in its two meetings held in September and November 2017.

The Burmese swindlers made best use of November 23 agreement with Bangladesh to stave off UNSC criticism for not progressing with repatriation. In a December UNSC meeting, Burma's envoy to UN informed the council that repatriation would begin within the next two months. While the gullible world body appeared to have fallen for the hoax, true to its colour, a week before the commencement of repatriation (on 22 January), Burma demanded family-wise list of Rohingyas—a demand that Bangladesh subsequently complied with.

Even though the Burmese threw in a spanner in the latest effort of repatriation, its minister for international cooperation, Kyaw Tin, claimed that his country was ready to welcome refugees and held Bangladesh responsible for the delay. One hopes while assessing the sequence of stalled repatriation, eminent members of the UNSC delegation would bear in mind the subterfuges that the Burmese resorted to in undermining the repatriation effort.

In their meeting with the UNSC delegation, Rohingya refugees handed over a 13-point demand which they had earlier passed on to the visiting Burmese minister for social welfare. Included in the list were demands for restoration of their citizenship rights, bringing the perpetrators of heinous crimes to justice, ensuring international presence in Arakan, return of ancestral land confiscated by the authorities, payment of compensation for losses, presence of international media and human rights groups in Arakan, release of all political prisoners and closure of internally displaced camps. In other words, the refugee community demanded ensuring “protected return to protected homeland”—a plan that was floated in the February 2018 Rohingya conference in Berlin that has gained near unanimous acceptance of the global Rohingya community.

While briefing the press in Bangladesh, a member of the UNSC delegation noted “We don't have any magic solution in the Security Council”. May he be reminded that maintaining “world peace and security” forms the core function of the security council and the council is duty bound to deliver on both counts? All states that are members of the council are meant to act on what is good for international community and not be guided by their own selfish political, strategic and economic interests. Any departure from this would tantamount to violation of the UN Charter. Rohingyas do not want UNSC delegation to whisk around a magic wand in its search for solution. They want the UNSC to adhere to the UN Charter, in word and spirit, to ensure their protected return to protected homeland and bring the perpetrators to justice.

The influential UK permanent representative Karen Pierce observed “…it is not the Security Council's fault that there is a crisis.” Well, not quite so. For decades, the Burmese state has pursued a policy of annihilation of ethnic Rohingya considered as “the most persecuted minority in the world” by the United Nations. As the community was gradually stripped of their citizenship and other associated rights, being subjected to methodical discrimination and unleashing of spikes of violence periodically triggering massive refugee flows, the international community opted to look the other way. Rohingyas were also considered a dispensable lot as western countries raced to exploit the resources and engage in trade with the genocidal regime under the rubric of supporting democratic transition. Every veto wielder in the security council is guilty of complicity in the four decade long slow genocide. The difference in complicity among them is in degree and not in kind.

This charade is exposed when UK representative in the delegation Pierce told BBC in Burma on May 1 that there is no difference between Burma's domestic investigation and international investigation as long as Aung San Suu Kyi accepts and launches the investigation with the help of the security council. What could be crueller for the victims of genocide than the security council openly lending its collective assistance to the genocidal government to conduct such investigation into its own crimes?

Over the last four decades, the UN has failed to stop genocide and other atrocious crimes that led to death and displacement of millions (Rwanda, Bosnia, Sudan and now Burma). The onus lies on the permanent members of the security council to make the institution functional and relevant. The Rohingya case provides an opportunity for the UN's redemption. Ensuring protected return to protected homeland and bringing the perpetrators to justice is the first step in that direction.

While members of the UNSC delegation return to New York and deliberate on their whirlwind mission, one hopes they bear in mind that for the first time in the history of the august body that is tasked to maintain global peace and security, they had the rare opportunity of visiting the sites where genocide was perpetrated by a murderous regime.

C R Abrar teaches international relations at the University of Dhaka.

Media Release from Burmese Rohingya Organisation UK

For Immediate Release 

2nd May 2018

BROUK welcomes Liechtenstein Support for Burma ICC Referral

Burmese Rohingya Organisation UK welcomes the support of Liechtenstein for the UN Security Council referring Burma to the International Criminal Court. 

Liechtenstein UN Twitter account, @LiechtensteinUN tweeted on 30th April:

Amb. Wenaweser at #UN event with @BenFerencz today coveys his hope that #UNSC members will return from their #Myanmar visit with renewed sense of duty to take action including #ICC referral #ACTcodeofconduct.

https://twitter.com/LiechtensteinUN/status/990977902010404866

Despite overwhelming evidence of large scale violations of international law against the Rohingya, including evidence from several of the United Nations’ own agencies, members of the United Nations Security Council have refused to support referring Burma to the International Criminal Court. The United Nations has stated that these violations of international law are so serious that they could constitute genocide. 

Rohingya organisations worldwide have been calling for years for the UN Security Council to refer Burma to the International Criminal Court. Had they done so, the current crisis might never have happened. 

Kachin civil society organisations, also suffering from large scale violations of international law, have also called on the United Nations Security Council to ‘do their job’ and refer Burma to the International Criminal Court.

http://www.kachinalliance.org/kachin-communities-worldwide-demand-united-nations-security-council-urgently-refers-burma-to-the-international-criminal-court-23rd-april-2018/

“We would like to thank the government of Lichtenstein for supporting a UNSC referral of Burma to the International Criminal Court,” said Tun Khin President of the Burmese Rohingya Organisation UK. “Lichtenstein is showing principled leadership. We need to build a global consensus, not just of Security Council Membership, but all UN members, to overcome potential opposition by some Security Council members. The UK can’t claim leadership on this issue when it is dragging its feet and refusing to support an ICC referral. It is time Boris Johnson stopped blocking Foreign Office backing for an ICC referral.”

For more information please contact, Tun Khin +44 7888714866.

RB News

May 1, 2018

Buthidaung -- Ethnic Rohingya villagers are being subjected to forced labor by Buthidaung-based Myanmar military regiment (551) and LID (15).

According to the villagers of 'Ah Thwin Nget Thae', 25-30 Rohingyas from the village are forced by the military at the regiment (551) to clean the camps, wash their clothes, cook for them, feed their pigs and more.

Before they (Rohingya) return home in the evening after working for the whole day, they are forced to sign on a blank page. Sometimes, their village administrator is forced to sign an acknowledgement that these forced labors are paid.

"(The military) force (us) to do the work the whole day. They pay us not a single penny, rather we are forced to sign a blank page. Village administration is also forced to acknowledge that they (the forced labours) are paid. The forced labours are demanded through the village administration," said a villager asking not to be named.

If the villagers do not go for forced-laboring as per the order, then the Military personnel would go on rampage in the village and; catch and hold the cattle belonging to Rohingya on ransom. And the villagers have to pay Kyat 400,000-500,000 to get these cattle back, say the villagers.

Besides, every week, 10 Rohingya villagers from 'U Hla Phay' are forced to work for the military without pay.

Likewise, 10 Rohingya villagers each from 'Ah Thwin Nget Thae,' and 'Tappyo Chaung' are summoned by the military at LID (15) to work as forced labors, sources added.

[Translated by Sabit Hamid]

Please email to: editor@rohingyablogger.com to send your reports and feedback.

By Michelle Nichols

Reuters

April 30, 2018

DHAKA -- Bangladesh Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina asked the U.N. Security Council on Monday to press Myanmar to take back hundreds of thousands of Rohingya Muslims who fled a military crackdown to take refuge in her country.

Security Council envoys visited Hasina in the Bangladeshi capital, Dhaka, before traveling to Myanmar for meetings with its government leader, Aung San Suu Kyi, and military Commander-in-Chief Min Aung Hlaing later on Monday. 

“They should put more pressure on the Myanmar government so that they take their citizens back to their country. That’s what we want,” Hasina told reporters. 

The visit by the Security Council envoys, to see the aftermath of a military operation in Myanmar’s western Rakhine State, puts a global spotlight on the crisis which the United Nations and others have denounced as ethnic cleansing of Rohingya Muslims. 

Myanmar denies the accusation, saying the military was engaged in a legitimate counter-insurgency operation. 

Rohingya insurgent attacks on security posts in Rakhine State in August last year sparked the crackdown that, according to the U.N. and rights groups, sent nearly 700,000 Rohingya fleeing to camps in neighboring Bangladesh. 

Hasina said the refugees should return “under U.N. supervision where security and safety should be ensured”. 

“They want to go back to their own country. So the Security Council can play a very pivotal role,” she added. 

When asked if U.N. supervision meant the deployment of peacekeepers, Hasina said: “Not exactly, well, that the U.N. will decide”. 

Myanmar government spokesman Zaw Htay did not immediately respond to requests for comment. Social Welfare Minister Win Myat Aye, who is leading rehabilitation efforts in Rakhine, declined to comment. 

Kuwait’s U.N. Ambassador Mansour al-Otaibi, one of the envoys, told Hasina the Security Council wanted to “send a clear strong message ... that we’re determined to end this humanitarian crisis”. 

The envoys visited camps on Sunday, where distraught refugees pleaded for help ahead of the coming monsoon season. Many live in bamboo-and-plastic structures perched on hills in the southeast Bangladesh district of Cox’s Bazar.

‘DIFFICULTIES’ 

Myanmar and Bangladesh agreed in January to complete the voluntary repatriation of the refugees within two years but differences between the two sides remain and implementation of the plan has been slow. 

“We know there are difficulties in the talks between Bangladesh and Myanmar on the return of the refugees but it is important ... to create the appropriate conditions for the refugees to go back freely and voluntarily to their home of origin,” said al-Otaibi. 

The envoys are due to travel to Rakhine State on Tuesday. 

The Security Council asked Myanmar in November to ensure no “further excessive use of military force” and to allow “freedom of movement, equal access to basic services, and equal access to full citizenship for all”. 

They will seek to push the Myanmar government to implement those requests, diplomats said. 

Hasina also called on Myanmar to implement the recommendations of a commission headed by former U.N. Secretary-General Kofi Annan, which was appointed by Suu Kyi in 2016 to investigate how to solve Rakhine’s long-standing tensions.Among the commission’s recommendations was a review of a Myanmar law that links citizenship and ethnicity and leaves most Rohingya stateless. 

Buddhist-majority Myanmar has for years denied Rohingya citizenship, freedom of movement and access to basic services such as healthcare. Many in Myanmar regard Rohingya as illegal immigrants from mostly Muslim Bangladesh. 

Additional Reporting by Thu Thu Aung and Yimou Lee in YANGON; Editing by Darren Schuettler

By Dr Maung Zarni

April 29, 2018

Northern Rakhine State, which is ancestral home of Rohingya need to be declared and turned into Homeland for Rohingya protected by international armed forces.

Arakan National Party (Rakhine racist party) openly opposes Rohingya presence South of Maung Daw. One Rakhine MP reiterated this opposition at the Myanmar Parliament this week.

The least Rohingya survivors deserve is all the area North of Maung Daw from where they have been expelled in the last 40 years in waves of genocidal terror.

South of Maung Daw needs to be made de-militarized zone where no Myanmar Tatmadaw troops would be allowed to cross.

Bangladesh the creation of which was made possible by the international community, particularly India and certain western governments such as Canada, will likely be in a position to foster cross-border trade between Rohingya Homeland and Bangladesh provinces of Cox Bazaar, Tef Naaf, and Chittagong.

Rohingya homeland will NOT be landlocked.

When Myanmar is prepared politically and psychologically to re-accept Rohingyas as an ethnic group with full and equal political citizenship then Rohingya Homeland may be reintegrated back into Myanmar.

Until then Rohingya community around the world and 'friends of Rohingya' must devote their energy to turning Protected Homeland into an interim solution - in fact, this is THE ONLY VIABLE SOLUTION - to end Myanmar Genocide.

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Makawp maga da ya hkrum ai Rohingya ni aq Buga ginra byin pru wa na matu saw lajin ai lam 

​ 

Rakhine mungdaw aq dingda maga na ginra gaw Rohingya ni jiwoi jiwa prat kaw na nga pra wa ai ginra rai nga ai. Dai ginra hpe shanhte madu ai Buga ginra(Homeland) langai hku ndau nna, mungkan mungdan ni aq pawng hpawn laknak lang hpung ni makawp maga ya ra na re. 

Arakhan Amyusha Pati( Arakan National Party) gaw Maung Daw mare aq dingdung maga hta Rohingya amyu sha ni shanu nga ai hpe ning hkap ma ai. Ndai bat laman hta sha Rakhine mung shawa rap daw salang langai gaw Myen rap daw(Parliament) hta Rohingya ni hpe ning hkap ai lam kahtap tsun lai wa sai. 

Rohingya amyu sha ni gaw lai wa sai shaning 40 ning jan kawn Maung Daw mare kaba a dingda maga kaw na amyu sha shamyit masing hkrum sha nna, shanhte Buga kaw na gau shale hkrum wa sai re. Shanhte amyu sha ni yawm dik htum hku nna ndai ginra yawng hpe madu ging ai. 

Mung Daw mare a dingdung ginra hpe gaw Myen laknak lang wuhpung ni n mai shang ai ginra hku nna ndau masat ra ai. 

Bangladesh mungdan byin pru wa ai gaw mungkan mungdan law law jawm shakut lai ya wa ai majaw re. Grau nna India mungdan hte Canada mung dan zawn re ni atsam dat garum ya lai wa sai. Rohingya amyu sha ni madu ai lamu ga hte Bagaladeshg mungdan na Cox Bazaar, Tel Naaf hte Chittagong mare kaba ni lapran hta sut masa, dut lu dut sha galaw lu na matu Bangaladesh mung dang hku nna garum ya ra na re. 

Rohingya ni aq lamu ga gaw panglai hkinggau n nga, lamu ga ni hte sha pat da hkrum ai(Landlocked) ginra rai na nre. 

Myen asuya maga hku nna Rohingya amyu sha ni hpe mungchying sha langai hku masat na matu mung masa lam ya hku sha n ga, myit kraw kata kaw na mung hkapa la lu ai aten, mungdan masha ni yawng lu ging ai ahkaw ahkawng ni hpe hpring tup jaw lu ai aten hta gaw lahta kaw tsun mat wa ai Rohingya ni a Buga ginra hpe Myen mung dan aq daw chyen langai hku bai masat mat wa mai ai. 

Rohingya ni hpe galaw nga ai amyu shamyit masing hpe tsep kawp jahkring kau lu na matu gaw aten ladaw langai laman shanhte madu ai Buga ginra hpe n dau nna, makawp maga ya na matu jawm galaw ai ladat hte sha galaw sa wa ra na re. Dai zawn n lu galaw shi ai aten hta chyawm gaw mungkan shara shagu hta nga ai Rohingya amyu sha ni hte shanhte hpe madi shadaw ai ni yawng gaw Rohingya ni madu ai Buga ginra langai byin pru wa hkra atsam dat jawm shakut sa wa na re.