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(Photo: AID Doctors)
Aijaz Zaka Syed
July 25, 2013

THE United States says it’s concerned over the growing Islamophobia around the world. In its annual report on the state of political and religious freedom around the world, the State Department has denounced a sharp spike in anti-Muslim sentiment and violence: “Government restrictions, which often coincided with societal animosity, resulted in anti-Muslim actions that affected everyday life for numerous believers.” From Western nations like Belgium, home to European Parliament, where the veil is seen as the flag of invading Islamic armies, to emerging Asian giants China and India, many usual and unusual suspects find themselves in the dock. However, it is Burma or Myanmar, lately the scene of raging atrocities against Rohingya Muslims, that justifiably attracts the strongest censure. Senior officials and security forces are seen as openly fanning the waves of attacks that have killed hundreds and displaced hundreds of thousands. The persecution and witch hunt has been so overwhelming that the Rohingyas have been desperately trying to flee Burma using whatever means they could find but with little success. With the authorities turning a blind eye to the growing violence against Muslims and at times even colluding with the assailants, the attacks are spreading to new areas and are now being reported from across the country. News agencies report of mobs armed with machetes, pipes and long bamboos attacking Muslim towns and burning down mosques, shops and homes while security forces stand and stare. Earlier this month, Associated Press pieced together the March 21 massacre of madrassa students in Meikhtila by a mob led by Buddhist monks right when they were apparently being moved by police to safety after their school was burnt down. Based on the testimony of 10 witnesses, AP says that 36 teenagers were slaughtered before the eyes of local officials and police who stood and stared.

“And what has happened since shows just how hollow the promise of change has been for a neglected religious minority that has received neither protection nor justice,” writes the author of AP’s extraordinary report on Burma. “The president of this predominantly Buddhist nation never came to Meikhtila to mourn the dead or comfort the living. Police investigators never roped this place off or collected the evidence of carnage left behind on these slopes. And despite video clips online that show mobs clubbing students to death and cheering as flames leap from corpses, not a single suspect has been convicted.” Rights groups say the lack of justice fuels impunity among Buddhist mobs and encourages more violence. The US report notes that Myanmar promotes Theravada Buddhism at the expense of other faiths. Which seems like a minor offense considering Burma sees Rohingyas as ‘illegal aliens’ and enemies despite their presence in the land for centuries. They do not exist and have no citizenship or rights whatsoever as far as the state is concerned.

Interestingly, Secretary of State John Kerry released the damning report on the day President Obama hosted Myanmar President Thein Sein at White House. Sein is the first Burmese leader in nearly five decades to get the honor, marking a turnaround in relations with Washington and rest of the West. Obama created history of sorts last year when he visited the country that Washington still calls Burma.

The US concern over the plight of Muslims is touching. Some would see it as typical US hypocrisy considering America’s own role in Muslim lands. That said, there’s no denying the fact that with every passing day the witchhunt of Myanmar’s Muslims is turning into an all-out war mocking the world community which has been deafeningly silent on the issue. There’s increasing evidence to suggest that this targeting of Rohingyas at the hands of Buddhist extremists and militant monks enjoys the blessings of powers that be. The government has even stonewalled international relief efforts. President Sein has the audacity to blame the victims themselves. He told CNN’s Christiana Amanpour: “The trouble was started by criminal actions of some (read Muslims).”

Entire neighborhoods and villages have invited the wrath for imagined slights such as the accidental brushing of a Rohingya woman with a monk. These are but mere footnotes in the endless tragedy that is the Rohingya existence. Persecuted and hounded for the past several decades by a ruthless state and an increasingly jingoistic majority, they are strangers in their own land. Deprived of citizenship, they cannot even send their children to schools nor make use of essential government services.

Recently, the ‘reformist’ government issued a new diktat forbidding Muslims in Rakhine province from having more than two children. This is something that even the Nazis and Zionists couldn’t come up with. One wonders if Myanmar is part of the same planet that you and I inhabit? Is this 21stcentury or have we somehow been whacked back in time? Is this the country that is supposed to be swept by winds of change and being warmly embraced by Western nations?

Clearly, in an age ruled by Mammon, economic interest takes precedence over everything else. Who cares for a powerless people in an isolated land on the far side of the world anyway! Even democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi has chosen to look the other way while Rohingyas are hunted and killed like animals. She has criticized the two-child norm as ‘discriminatory’ though.

His Holiness Dalai Lama, feted in world capitals as champion of world peace, is yet to break his silence on Myanmar-or Sri Lanka for that matter. As in Myanmar, the Bodu Bala Sena’s terror campaign against Lankan Muslims is led by militant monks and apparently enjoys the blessings of the state. After the Tamils, clearly it’s time to discipline Muslims.

All this is unfortunate considering Muslim-Buddhist relations have historically been amicable. Islam and Buddhism have never been at war or in an ideological tussle. Buddha is hailed by Muslim poets as a messenger of peace. What went wrong then? Did it have anything to do with the mindless destruction of Bamiyan Buddhas by Taleban?

But there has been a long history of the Rohingyas’ persecution and systematic dispossession. It goes way back-even before the military took over six decades ago. In recent months and years, it has crossed all limits even as the country flirts with democracy and cautiously opens up to the world after long years of isolation.

If the US, Europe, China and India are salivating over the large economic pie that is the mineral- and oil-rich Burma, it’s understandable. But should everything else including humanity be sacrificed for business? Besides, if the world powers need Myanmar’s virgin markets, it also needs them for investments and development.

It’s time the world held Myanmar to account and push it to respect the fundamental rights granted by the UN Human Rights Charter and that all member states are committed to. As Richard Sollom of Physicians for Human Rights put it, Burma needs to be told that the only path from tyranny to democracy is through respect for human rights.

The US which has lately become close to Myanmar must walk the talk on human rights and religious freedom. Else the State Department’s report isn’t worth the paper it is printed on. Arab and Muslim states for once must put their economic clout to use to help the besieged Rohingyas. But Muslim nations can hold others to account only when they take care of their own minorities.

Given the state of minorities in some Muslim countries, they are in no position to lecture others. Many Muslim nations figure also in the US report for their “egregious and systemic repression” of religious rights.

What is happening in Pakistan, Iraq and elsewhere doesn’t help our case. It also goes against the Islamic history of tolerance and protection of minorities. This needs to change if we want a change in the condition of Muslims in countries like Myanmar.

Aijaz Zaka Syed is a Gulf based writer. Email: aijaz.syed@hotmail.com
(Photo: Flickr (foreignoffice))
Mong Palatino
July 25, 2013

It is common for unpopular governments to be accused by their enemies of committing serious human rights violations such as murder and kidnapping, but it is not often that genocide is included in the charge sheet. Even notorious dictators who are assumed to be guilty of committing the most heinous crimes against humanity are rarely accused of genocide.

When various groups denounce a government’s action or program as being genocidal, it immediately gets global and media attention. Something evil must be really happening to warrant the use of the term.

Two Southeast Asian governments are currently facing such accusations. Myanmar is accused of committing genocide against the ethnic Muslim Rohingya minority. Meanwhile, in the Philippines, a former senator and the influential Catholic Church hierarchy have warned the government that it could be held liable for genocide if it implements the controversial reproductive health law. Really?

Fortunately, there exists an international convention that can help us identify specific acts of genocide. The convention states that genocide involves "acts committed with intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnical, racial or religious group" through 1) Killing members of the group; 2) Causing serious bodily or mental harm to members of the group; 3) Deliberately inflicting on the group conditions of life calculated to bring about its physical destruction in whole or in part; 4) Imposing measures intended to prevent births within the group; and 5) Forcibly transferring children of the group to another group. 

So, using this definition, in the case of Myanmar, the genocide accusation seems solid. Rohingyas have no citizenship rights because the government has still refused to recognize them as a distinct ethnic group in the country. Rohingyas have no government-issued identification cards, they cannot own land, and they are barred from government employment.

In recent years, riots between Rohingyas and other ethnic groups in the state of Rakhine have displaced thousands of villagers, especially the Muslim Rohingyas who are further discriminated against due to their religion. State forces are accused of doing nothing when a mob attacks a Rohingya settlement. An estimated 125,000 Rohingyas are living in refugee camps in Myanmar in dire need of aid. 

Recently, the government imposed a two-child policy on the group in a bid to defuse ethnic tension. This controversial measure finally elicited a response from opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi, who until then was criticized by many human rights groups for her silence on the persecution of the Rohingya minority.

Almost all major human rights groups in the world have already issued an alarm over the growing repression of the Rohingyas. They are one in urging the Myanmar government to review its laws and programs that curtail the basic rights of Rohingyas. 

Unless the government revamps its discriminatory and repressive policies against the group, it will have a tough time convincing the international community that it is resolving the communal riots and ethnic tensions involving the Rohingya with utmost transparency and fairness.

While the Rohingyas’ plight in Myanmar seems to warrant claims of genocide, in the Philippines’ case the accusation seems flimsy. Early this month, Former Senator Francisco Tatad appeared before the Supreme Court and petitioned for the scrapping of the reproductive health law, which he rejected as an unconstitutional assault against God and family. He argued that the government will commit genocide because the law prescribes “state-mandated birth control” that would lead to the slaughter of innocent souls.

The law, hailed by women’s groups and health advocates as a landmark legislation, lays down the framework for comprehensive reproductive healthcare in the country, principally to prevent maternal deaths. It allows local health centers to provide birth control services to the population in the face of fierce opposition from the Catholic Church. The Philippines is the only Catholic-dominated nation in Southeast Asia. 

“That is not freedom of choice at all. That is not protecting the family as foundation of the nation,” Tatad said of the birth control provisions provided under the law.

He added, “That is not equally protecting the right of the mother and right of the unborn and this is simply putting the family under state supervision and control…Have we become a democracy only to submit to state supervision and control?”

But Tatad conveniently forgot to mention that the law doesn’t force individuals or couples to use artificial birth control measures. Filipino Catholics are still free to practice natural birth control methods or other options approved by the Vatican. The law simply provides for freedom of choice and consent. 

For highlighting the population control agenda of the government, Tatad’s critique deserves to be studied. But for dismissing the law as an instrument of genocide, Tatad’s petition should be outright ignored.
Grant Bayldon
The New Zealand Herald
July 24, 2013

Getting tough is not the answer: Australia and NZ must work with Asian nations to help, writes Grant Bayldon.

Asylum seekers can end up in desperate conditions in receiving countries. (Photo/AP)
The Asia Pacific region is probably the worst part of the world to be a refugee in. Not only does it have more refugees, it has less protection for them than anywhere else in the world.

This month while in Thailand, I visited Rohingya women and children who had fled from appalling atrocities in Burma. I should be used to hearing such stories by now, working for Amnesty International, but the stories are always so far removed from my life in New Zealand that I don't think I ever will be.

These women had been so desperate to escape that they had fled to Thailand, a terrifying three-week journey in a small open fishing boat packed with 100 people. Some were pregnant - one delivered her baby on the boat. All had terrible stories: houses burnt, family members killed.

The Rohingya are a Muslim minority group in Burma who for centuries have faced severe discrimination, and are denied equal access to citizenship in their own country.

Now in Thailand, the women and children have some room to move around, but their husbands have been caged like animals in a separate detention centre where shocking conditions are standing room only - a desperate mix of disease and depression.

In some ways these are the lucky ones. It's believed that many other Rohingya fleeing Burma by boat over the past year have fallen into the hands of human traffickers who have sold them to become what amounts to slave labourers on fishing boats or into the sex industry.

Some have allegedly been towed out to sea by the Thai Navy, stripped of fuel and supplies and left to die.

For those who've made it to Thailand and other countries, their problem is that - like most countries in the region - Thailand isn't a signatory to the Refugee Convention, and therefore asylum seekers have no guarantee of protection.

What's worse is that Thailand even refuses to allow the United Nations to register the Rohingya for the UN refugee resettlement programme. But even if they did, places are scarce. In Thailand, as in most other countries, they are simply illegal migrants liable to fall prey to human traffickers or indefinite detention.

It's no wonder so many people are trying to get on boats to Australia.

But in Australia the issue has become what humanitarian issues should never be - a political football kicked around by politicians desperate to win an election. On Friday the Australian Government announced it will now refuse to resettle asylum seekers who arrive by boat. Instead they will be permanently deported to Papua New Guinea.

But if you've been listening to the political debate in Australia, everything you've heard is probably wrong. Prime Minister Kevin Rudd paints the arrivals as a catastrophe engulfing Australia. The Leader of the Opposition Tony Abbott claims most are economic migrants seeking a better standard of living.

At first Rudd seems right. The numbers are significant, with almost 16,000 arriving so far this year. Until you look at it as a proportion of Australia's total annual migrant immigration, which brings in an additional 185,000 new Australians each year.

And Abbott's claim that most are not genuine refugees? As you'd probably guess, it's not easy to meet the requirements of being a refugee. Poverty won't get you there, you must prove that you are genuinely fleeing human rights abuses or war. But more than 90 per cent of arrivals in Australia are found to be exactly that: genuine refugees.

Then there's the deterrent claim - that tough policies are necessary to stop people dying at sea. Australia set up the offshore processing solution to achieve this, and New Zealand even had a go with our recent legislation to allow for mass detention of asylum seekers.

But the get-tough approach of making asylum seekers wait for years in inhumane conditions in Nauru and on Manus Island didn't work. They kept coming. The biggest group arriving in Australia are Afghanis, mostly the Hazara ethnic group so dreadfully persecuted by the Taliban. Could Australia or New Zealand's policies ever be so terrifying that they'd rather stay and face the Taliban?

The real tragedy is that the Australian move to send the problem on to Papua New Guinea, and the recent legislation change in New Zealand, diminishes what moral legitimacy we have to play the role of respected brokers in the region.

Because what's needed is not more failed get-tough policies, but to work with the receiving countries like Thailand, Malaysia and Indonesia to increase recognition and support for refugees so they don't have to get on boats. We need to create opportunities for the most vulnerable people to be settled right across the region.

That's the role Australia and New Zealand need to play - to be leaders in the region, doing their bit and working with other countries to help them do theirs. Not playing pass the parcel.

Grant Bayldon is Amnesty International's New Zealand executive director.
Noru, 22, holds the son she gave birth to on a fishing boat after fleeing Myanmar in January. The stateless Rohingya Muslim is seen here in a government-run shelter in southern Thailand, on June 18, 2013. REUTERS/Damir Sagolj
July 24, 2013

PHANG NGA - Violence in western Myanmar between stateless Rohingya Muslims and ethnic Rakhine Buddhists first erupted more than a year ago, in June 2012, followed by further bloodshed in October. Scores were killed, thousands of buildings burnt and the communal tension and distrust seems as intractable as ever. Some 140,000 people remain displaced, almost all of them Muslims.

Living conditions worsened, forcing the Rohingya - who have lived in Myanmar for generations but are denied citizenship - to pay smugglers to help them flee Myanmar in ramshackle wooden boats. Estimates on the number of people launching out from the Bay of Bengal between June 2012 and May 2013 range from 27,000 to nearly 35,000 - the biggest exodus in years.

Some passengers are from Bangladesh, but most are Rohingya, including 22-year-old Noru, who was heavily pregnant when she fled and actually gave birth during the treacherous journey. 

Detained in southern Thailand, where she has been held in a government-run shelter with 61 other women and children since February, she told Thomson Reuters Foundation about her desire for her family to be reunited.

“I’m from Kyaukphyu (a major town in Rakhine State in western Myanmar), but after our home was burnt down in October, my family made our way to Sittwe and stayed in a camp. In January, we boarded a fishing boat with my husband and two daughters who are eight and four. 

“There were more than 100 people on the boat. There were more men than women. It was very cramped.

“I suffered a lot on the boat in my pregnant state, but what could we do? We couldn’t live in Myanmar anymore, so we had to leave.

“We brought some water and food and a change or two of clothes. Others brought rice and different snacks, and we shared the food and water, but they ran out pretty quickly. 

“I gave birth six days into the journey. It was at night, and I had labour pains for two hours. It was very painful.

“Zawbader, a Rohingya woman who was on the boat with me, and another woman helped deliver my son.

“There was no medicine, no food and no water. I had to take saltwater when I was thirsty during labour. I cried. 

“I sort of knew I could give birth on the boat, but after we lost our home, my mind wasn’t clear anymore, and I couldn’t even really remember how far along in the pregnancy I was.

“It took 12 days to get to Thailand. When we reached Thailand, we were given food and water by the Thai Navy and told to leave, but we didn’t have much petrol left so had to come back.

“We arrived in Kuraburi (a district in southern Thailand) and stayed there for five days before getting arrested. The police took us to the station, questioned us and then brought us to this shelter in February. We had to leave our husbands behind at the police station.

“We’ve been here since February. You ask me are we ok? How can we be ok? We came as a family but now we’re all separated. The children want their father. He hasn’t seen his kids since we were separated (by the Thai authorities).

“It doesn’t matter where we go or where we are. I just want my family to be together again.”
RB News 
July 24, 2013

Maungdaw, Arakan - Residents of three villages worry of problems that will occur as their elected village administrators have been replaced by Rakhines.

On June, 2013, Maungdaw district administrator and township administrator went to Kyauk Pando, Wachaa and Gawdusara villages and appointed a head for every 10 houses. These head people appointed 5 commissioners and elected village administrators for each respected village. The elected were then trained by Township Administration. The names of the elected Village Administrators are:

(1) U Abdul Karim for Wachaa,
(2) U Rahim Ullah for Kyauk Pando and
(3) U Karim Ullah for Gawdusara. 

The replacement order, which ignores the election by the villagers, saw the appointment of:

(1) U Maung Maung Thein (resident of Mawrawaddy village) for Wachaa,
(2) U Kyaw Thein for Kyauk Pando and 
(3) U Tha Hla for Gawdusara. 

According to villagers, the replacement order has been made by Vice President Dr. Sai Mauk Kham.


RB News 
July 24, 2013

Maungdaw, Arakan – A Hlun Htaine police officer, Kyaw Zeya, reportedly extorted 400,000 Kyat from two innocent Rohingyas from Maung Tula village tract, Aley Than Kyaw, Maungdaw Township.

Hafiz Ullah, son of Rabiza Ahmed and an unnamed man, son of Litya Ahmed from Maung Tula village tract, were reportedly arrested by Hlun Htaine police officer Kyaw Zeya on July 22, 2013 at about 2:00 am for unsubstaniated accusation that they had stored weapons at their home. Both men were reportedly handcuffed and brutally beaten on location. Later the police brought them to the police station.

Since there was apparently no evidence against either of the men their arrest seems only to be for the sake of extortion.

“We were happy to learn that the notorious Nasaka was disbanded but now the Hlun Htaine police are carrying the same jobs of Nasaka. Now the arrestees are innocents but they were arrested just to extort the money by police” a villager told RB News.

On the following day both detainees were freed after paying 200,000 Kyat each.


Protesters dressed as David Cameron and Thein Sein outside parliament in July
Emanuel Stoakes
July 23, 2013

The freeing of political prisoners by Thein Sein is more PR than a sign of change

As expected, the visit of Burma’s President Thein Sein to Britain last week was hailed by both nations as a highly symbolic event, a landmark reaffirming the new status that the former pariah state, now courted by the West, enjoys. Accordingly, new promises unveiled by David Cameron’s recent guest around the time of his stay were presented by partial pundits as a sure sign of the Asian nation’s steady movement toward deep and lasting reform. 

Two key announcements were made: that all remaining political prisoners would be released by the end of the year and that a notorious border force accused of appalling abuses against minorities would be disbanded.

While these moves are to be welcomed, they are sadly unlikely to portend any serious change in state policy on civil and human rights, regardless of their PR value. This is because Burma remains a gehenna for dissidents and many minorities.

This is demonstrated well by the poor state of civil freedoms in the South East Asian nation. Even though prisoners of conscience may soon be released, many of the junta-era laws intended to criminalise dissent remain firmly in place - meaning that while the government gains plaudits for freeing dissidents wrongly imprisoned in the first place, others will continue to be detained unjustly. 

In recent weeks alone, dozens have been arrested for offences linked to criticism of the government under these laws; one of them, Wai Phyo, was arrested - ironically enough- for calling for the release of political prisoners

It should also be noted that freeing imprisoned critics of the government does not in itself mean that they will be allowed to resume peaceful political activity.

Many of those emancipated in the celebrated mass pardons of recent years have been monitored and arbitrarily re-arrested after their discharge from prison. One of them, whom I met in Rangoon, told me how he was forced to sign a document prior to leaving jail, which made him liable for future imprisonment if he publicly denounced the government again. While in incarceration he was brutally tortured, and still suffers from severe post-traumatic stress, a condition made worse by the ongoing harassment he says he experiences at the hands of law enforcement. 

Human rights

Besides the above, many other touchstone freedoms in Burma associated with democracy remain truncated - earlier this month a law that effectively bans press criticism of the military-drafted constitution, which ensures the latter’s stranglehold on power, passed the Lower House

Thus, regardless of appearances, Burma still has far to go. And whether or not Thein Sein delivers on his latest batch of promises, the President and his government are still neglecting to positively engage with much more urgent rights issues. These include the continuing vulnerability and persecution of the Muslim Rohingya minority in the west of the country, who, according to authoritative assessments face the prospect of genocide if little is done to increase their security. Government policy on this front remains utterly abysmal - and possibly criminal.

Britain surely knows how bad things are for the Rohingya. A damning and highly credible body of evidence contained in a report issued by Human Rights Watch (HRW) in April indicates that ethnic cleansing and crimes against humanity have been perpetrated against the minority with the complicity of state agencies. 

Instructively, Naypyidaw refuses to meaningfully address the allegations made by Human Rights Watch. Thein Sein himself dismissed claims of military involvement in the violence as “pure fabrication”, even though very real mass graves have been found. On Friday he referred to claims of ethnic cleansing as falsehoods spread in a “smear campaign” against his country. 

It has also emerged, perhaps most revealingly of all, that the Na Sa Ka border force closed by the government just before the visit to Britain may have been done so in order to side-step sanctions, and not as an act of goodwill. A very well-informed source I spoke to confirmed these claims. The group whose record on human rights is truly abominable, continue to enjoy impunity for a host of past crimes, alleged to include rape, torture and murder.

Despite all this, London has seen fit to pursue lucrative trade deals with Burma and revealed last week that it will develop ties with its military, within which are units implicated in the atrocities documented by HRW. Arms sales have also been announced

Instead of insisting on accountability and clear action on the Rohingya situation from Burma prior to deepening relations, the UK seems content to hop into bed with a government that has consistently failed to live up to its pledges on human rights.

Get tough

As a consequence of policies such as this, life continues to be miserable for the latter minority. Matthew Smith, author of the latter HRW report, expressed the view that, with regard to the Rohingya, in Burma “human rights violations continue with impunity... There has been no accountability and no justice.” 

“The lack of humanitarian aid to displaced Rohingya a full year after initial displacement is indefensible and amounts to the international crime of persecution. Tens of thousands are going without basic aid”, he added.

In my view, the alleged abuses mentioned above could be halted, at least in large part, if Thein Sein and Burma’s ruling party acted decisively to protect the minority, something they seem blatantly unwilling to do

In lieu of domestic action, sustained international pressure on Naypyidaw - something that an influential country such as the UK could help to instigate - is surely required to prevent a future catastrophe from taking place.

As things stand nothing of this kind seems to be on the cards - instead Britain is helping to fund programmes linked to government efforts to deny the Rohingya’s ethnic identity

All of which is worse than shameful: as the recent anniversary of Srebrenica reminds us, inaction in the face of ethnic cleansing is a betrayal of the victims, pure and simple.
(Photo: AP)

July 23, 2013

YANGON, Myanmar — Myanmar started releasing nearly 70 political prisoners Tuesday, just days after the president promised during a European tour to free all who remain behind bars for opposing the government by the year’s end.

The continued incarceration of prisoners of conscience in Myanmar, which is in the process of opening up following decades of isolation and brutal military rule, has been a key concern of the United States and other Western nations.

After Tuesday’s releases, which included members of several ethnic minorities, more than 130 political prisoners are still believed to be behind bars.

Many new arrests and trials, meanwhile, are reported every month, increasingly for peaceful protests against illegal land seizures by the rich and powerful.

“It is important that the president has been releasing political prisoners,” said Thet Oo, a member of the former political prisoner society. “But it’s more important to stop arresting and charging those who are fighting for citizen’s rights.”

One of the big problems, critics say, is that all the repressive laws that put political prisoners in jail in the first place are still in place.

They accuse the government of only releasing inmates in small batches and usually for public relations purposes.

Thein Sein’s tour to London and Paris was aimed in part at cleaning up his country’s image following bloody sectarian violence — mostly radical Buddhist mobs targeting Muslims.

Though more than 250 people have been killed, many allegedly with the backing of security forces, he told France TV that allegations of “ethnic cleansing” were part of a “smear campaign” by outsiders.

One of his promises during the trip was the release of more prisoners.

Ye Aung, a member of the government’s political prisoner scrutiny committee, said in total 69 people were being released from various prisons across the country Tuesday.

Among them were Brang Shawng, an inmate who had been serving time at the notorious Insein prison in the northern outskirts or Yangon for alleged links to illegal organizations in the troubled state of Kachin, said Thet Oo.

Some members of Aung San Suu Kyi’s opposition National League for Democracy party also were waiting for the release of prisoners in front of Mandalay prison.

Win Mya Mya, of the NLD, said eight had been released by late afternoon, six from the Shan State National Army and two from the Kachin Independence Organization.
Zawbader Hattu, 31 (left), sitting at a government-run shelter for women and children in Phang Nga in southern Thailand, on June 18, 2013. REUTERS/Damir Sagolj

July 23, 2013

PHANG NGA, Thailand - Record numbers of stateless Rohingya Muslims are fleeing Myanmar following two bouts of sectarian violence last year that left scores dead and some 140,000 displaced, most of them Muslims.

Estimates on the number of people leaving on boats from the Bay of Bengal between June 2012 and May 2013 range from 27,000 to nearly 35,000 - the biggest exodus in years.

Some passengers were from Bangladesh but most were Rohingya, who have lived in Myanmar for generations but are denied citizenship. 

Zawbader Hattu, 31, was one of them. Detained in a government-run shelter in southern Thailand with about 60 other women and children since February, she told Thomson Reuters Foundation why she left Myanmar. 

“The main reason we left Myanmar is because we couldn't get peace of mind. 

“We’ve lived in Sittwe all our lives and we've been discriminated against. We have many graduates in my family and none of them could find decent jobs. We considered the government like our mother and father and expected it to help us, but it didn’t.

“On the afternoon of the 10th June last year, our village was torched. We tried to run away on small boats. The riot police shot at one of them, putting a hole in it. It sank. Eight of our relatives drowned. I saw that with my own eyes.

“We hid in a village in Pauktaw for a month and three days. Then we moved to Dapaing in Sittwe. Life was difficult and on January 13, 16 of us - myself, my four kids, sisters and brothers and in-laws - left Myanmar at midnight. My husband took a boat that left days later. 

“It was a fishing boat we bought ourselves. There were 110 of us altogether including three pregnant women. 

“I was afraid to go on the boat journey but I saw what happened in June. We might die from the journey but we didn't want to die in Myanmar. 

“On the sixth day, Noru, one of the pregnant women, gave birth. I helped with the delivery and felt we were in this situation because of the bad government.

“I don't even hold a grudge against the Rakhines. If the government was good we wouldn’t be on that boat.

“Many people were seasick and we didn’t shower for the whole trip. If we wanted to go to the bathroom, the men helped by covering the woman with a cloth from all sides so nobody could see. 

“After 12 days, around the end of January, we reached Ranong (a province in Thailand bordering southern Myanmar). 

“We wanted to go to Malaysia but the Thai Navy turned up while we were still on the boat. They gave us food, pointed in the directions of Myanmar, Malaysia and Thailand and told us to go where we wanted, but we had very little petrol left. So we came back to Thailand after spending two nights in the middle of the water. 

“We were all crying and praying, thinking we were going to die if we couldn’t reach (Thailand). When we got close to land, I saw these massive rocks. Our boat then hit one of the rocks and broke up. The men rescued the children and women. Luckily nobody died.

“We then started walking. I remember walking on steep mountain slopes. It was very hard. After two nights of walking we reached Kuraburi. After staying there for 5 days, the Thai authorities found us and arrested us. 

“We were questioned at the police station. They separated men and women and we were brought to the shelter in vans. It was February.

“I made contact with my husband a couple of weeks ago. He made it to Malaysia.

“What is going to happen to us? We hear we’d be sent back to Myanmar. 

“I don’t want to betray the people at the shelter or the Thai government. But it's better to poison us then send us back to Myanmar.”
July 22, 2013

BRUSSELS -- The EU Foreign Affairs Council, Monday, welcomed and endorsed a "Comprehensive Framework" consisting of priorities for the European Union's policy and support in the next three years to Myanmar/Burma.

"This Framework sets forth EU's goals and priorities geared towards building a lasting partnership and promoting closer engagement with the country as a whole," said a council statement.

The EU encouraged the immediate end of hostilities across the country, including in the Kachin State. It called for the early launch of inclusive political negotiations aimed at a lasting peace settlement.

The EU urged the government to pursue and implement durable solutions to the underlying causes of the tensions in the Rakhine State.

"These should include addressing the welfare needs and the status of the Rohingya minority. Most urgent is the need to deal with human rights and humanitarian needs of the displaced population," it noted.

"Restrictions on the freedom of movement and denial of access to health care should not be allowed to continue. The government should secure unfettered access for humanitarian and development workers in all areas," it said.

According to media reports, thousands of Rohingya Muslims have been driven out of their homes and dozens killed in violence by the Buddhist majority in Myanmar.

The EU also expressed support to Myanmar's participation in regional integration, with particular emphasis in the upcoming chairmanship of ASEAN.


The NIA, which is investigating the July 7 terror attacks at the Buddhist shrine, has got some clues that point in the direction of the northeastern state.

Deeptiman Tiwary
July 22, 2013

NEW DELHI: Even though Indian Mujahideen(IM) and its Bihar module have been put under scanner in connection with the Bodh Gaya blasts, investigations indicate that the suspected bomber caught on CCTV cameras may be of Assamese origin.

The National Investigation Agency (NIA), which is investigating the July 7 terror attacks at the Buddhist shrine, has got some clues that point in the direction of the northeastern state. "Although there is a suspicion on a module from Bihar being involved, there are indications that the bomber could be Assamese. Witnesses, who saw him, told us that he looked to be from the northeast and there are some clues that point to Assam. However, investigations are still on and the bomber could turn out to be from anywhere, including Bihar," said an NIA officer.

The agency had last week released two sketches of the suspected bomber recreated from CCTV footages and eyewitness accounts. Sources said the bomber seems to have Mongoloid features. However, people with such features are also found in Bihar, Bengal and other parts of the country.

NIA has been exploring the angle of Myanmar's Rakhine Buddhist and Rohingya Muslim clashes as a backdrop to the attacks. Importantly, the June 2012 Assam riots had coincided with Buddhist-Muslim clashes in Myanmar that displaced some 60,000 Muslims from their homes. Most of these people fled to various neighboring countries as refugees.

Intelligence agencies had then expressed fear Rohingya refugees could add another insurgency to an already volatile mix of Assam. It was also said that the outflow of Rohingya refugees could lead to stronger contacts between Myanmar Muslims and regional Islamist militants. Such militants could recruit disaffected Rohingyas to their own cause.

Investigations have also indicated that though bombers placed 13 bombs in and around the Mahabodhi Temple complex, the intention was not mass casualty but to send a message by causing damage to the temple. "The bomber wanted to blow up the main Buddha statue inside the temple, but could not go there as the prayers had already started. He has spent a good 10 minutes trying to enter the main temple and plant the bomb. This has also been corroborated by eyewitness accounts," said the officer.
In this photo taken Sunday, July 21, 2013, Buddhist monks and residents watch police examining a car after an explosion in Mandalay, central Myanmar. A small explosion went off Sunday near a firebrand monk as he was giving a sermon during a Buddhist ceremony, wounding five people, police and witnesses said Monday. (AP Photo)
Aye Aye Win
July 22, 2013

YANGON, Myanmar - A radical Buddhist monk blamed Muslim extremists Monday for a small bomb that detonated in Myanmar just a few meters (yards) from where he was delivering a sermon, though police said it was too early to speculate. Five people were injured, but only slightly.

The blast, which occurred at 9 p.m. Sunday during a religious ceremony on the outskirts of Mandalay, comes as the predominantly Buddhist nation of 60 million struggles to contain religious violence that has claimed more than 250 lives in the last year.

Most of the victims have been members of the country's minority Muslim population, hunted down by frenzied Buddhist mobs.

Monk Ashin Wirathu -- accused of inciting the bloodshed with his hate-filled, anti-Islam rhetoric -- seemed unfazed after the attack and quietly carried on with his sermon, said Ma Sandar, a witness.

"It wasn't a loud explosion," the 35-year-old said, comparing the sound to that of a tire blowing out. "But it caused some commotion. Many people left."

Myanmar has won international praise in the last two years for implementing sweeping political and economic reforms following a half-century of brutal military rule and isolation.

But the nominally civilian government of President Thein Sein has been largely silent as Buddhist mobs have gone on rampages in several cities, chasing down victims with metal pipes, chains and swords, and torching mosques and Muslim-owned shops and homes.

In addition to those killed, more than 140,000 people have been forced to flee their homes.

A police officer, who asked to remain anonymous because he was not authorized to speak to the media, said it was unclear who was behind Sunday's bombing.

A small device was placed under a car, he said, about 60 feet (18 meters) from where Wirathu was speaking.

Among the five injured was a young novice monk.

Wirathu immediately called it the "work of Islamic extremists."

"Ordinary Muslims wouldn't have done this," he told The Associated Press by telephone Monday from his monastery in Mandalay.

Wirathu, who once referred to himself as the "Burmese bin Laden," is the leader of 969, a fundamentalist movement that started on the fringes of society but now boasts supporters nationwide.

He has called for a boycott of all Muslim-owned shops and is pushing for a law that would restrict marriages between Buddhist women and Muslim men.

Soaring birthrates, he says, mean that Muslims, who today make up just 4 percent of the population, could one day become a majority.

Wirathu, who has come under heavy criticism in the international press, again lashed out again at Time magazine Sunday for a cover story earlier this month that plastered the words "Face of Buddhist Terrorism" under his photograph.

That too, he alleged, was the work of Muslim extremists, though he did not elaborate.

"The first threat to me was through the Time magazine," he said, and the second was Sunday, in the form of a bomb.

Thein Sein sought during a European tour, which wrapped up over the weekend, to clean up the image of a country gripped by sectarian violence, saying claims of "ethnic cleansing" in western Rakhine state were part of a "smear campaign" by outsiders.

The New York-based Human Rights Watch lashed back, saying that the president had "zero credibility," having done next to nothing to investigate atrocities, allegedly carried out with the backing of security forces.

The rights group pointed to several mass graves as evidence.

The president lifted a state of emergency Rakhine on Saturday -- several months ahead of schedule -- claiming peace and security had returned.
Buddhist monk Wirathu (C), leader of the 969 movement, attends a meeting on the National Protection Law at a monastery outside Yangon, in this June 27, 2013 file picture. (Photo Credit: Reuters/Soe Zeya Tun)
July 22, 2013

A bomb exploded meters away from a radical Buddhist monk as he delivered a mass sermon in Myanmar, police said on Monday, the latest flare-up in tensions pitting Buddhists against minority Muslims.

Wirathu, the prominent monk who heads a movement accused of stirring violence against Muslims, said he believed the blast on Sunday evening in Myanmar's second city, Mandalay, was intended to silence him.

The home-made bomb went off inside a parked car, according to police and witnesses. There was no immediate claim of responsibility.

Tensions have been smoldering between radical elements of Myanmar's Buddhist majority and Muslims. Bouts of religious violence have killed at least 237 people and displaced 150,000 in the past year, testing the resolve of a two-year-old quasi-civilian government.

The device exploded during a ceremony conducted by Wirathu, who once called himself "the Burmese bin Laden". He is the chief proponent of a movement known as 969, which reformist President Thein Sein's office has described as a "symbol of peace".

Wirathu was unharmed, despite being 40 feet from the blast, according to police. Five people were slightly injured, including a novice monk.

Sources close to Wirathu could not be immediately reached for comment. However, the monk told Radio Free Asia's Burmese service that he had previously received a sound recording containing a threat to his life, which he believed was the voice of a Muslim cleric.

The bomb, he said, was intended to silence him.

"I've no idea who exactly carried out this explosion. But it must have been done by those who usually carry out terrorist acts," he told Radio Free Asia.

"The motive could be to shut my mouth."

Reuters investigations in two of the hotspots of unrest - Rakhine state and the central city of Meikhtila - have revealed the violence was on both occasions fanned by monks who led Buddhist mobs.

"We can say it was a small hand-made bomb that caused the explosion. We are not in a position to reveal any more information at the moment since investigation is ongoing," a Mandalay police officer told Reuters by telephone, requesting anonymity because he was not authorized to speak to the media.

DEATH THREAT RECEIVED

A witness said security had since been stepped up in Mandalay. Even prior to the explosion, security had been tight during Buddhist events held in the past week in the commercial capital, Yangon.

The explosion took place on the fifth and final day of mass sermons held by Wirathu.

The president's office, which says it wants to foster peace, tolerance and unity in ethnically diverse Myanmar, has described Wirathu as "a son of Lord Buddha". Buddhists make up about 90 percent of the estimated 60 million population.

The 969 movement has been accused of stirring anti-Muslim sentiment in a deeply Buddhist nation, where curbs on freedom of speech and assembly have eased since the end of military rule two years ago.

A Reuters investigation last month showed 969 monks were providing a moral justification for a wave of anti-Muslim bloodshed that could derail Myanmar's nascent reforms.

Government officials were unavailable for comment about Sunday's explosion.

(Reporting by a Reuters reporter; Writing by Martin Petty; Editing by Ron Popeski)
By Dr. Maung Zarni

Zarni: Do NOT sign the 969 Marriage Law draft and educate your family, neighbors, and friends about the enveloping "Buddhist" Nazism in Myanmar. 

Only 2.5 million signatures for that Nazi law, in a 50-plus million people country. 

Nazis are a minority in Myanmar. The majority need to start fighting back. 

Source:

Aung Lion: Wirathu's background in the interests of the public (translated by Zarni)

"The Venerable Wirathu has been actively promoting religious hatred towards other faith-based communities for more than 10 years.

Instead of preaching the Buddha Dharma, he has done only two things: 1) dishing out scathing attacks against the Vipassana Meditation methodologies which the Venerable Tant-kyi-Taung (a famous mountain range on the west bank of the Irrawaddy across from the ancient city of Pagan in the Dry Zone), despite the fact that there is allowed freedom to pursue one's own practices and 2) spreading religious bigotry among the Buddhist monks and lay public.

In Kyaukse (Than Shwe's birthplace) in 2003, I saw with my own eyes the police and security troops turning away truck loads of Saffron Robed Burmese monks armed with machetes/swords coming in Dinar buses (imported used light trucks from Japan converted as passenger buses since around 1980's). They surely were responding to Wirathu's hate-driven call to acts against the Muslims. I can never erase that sight from my memory.

After his release from prison where he was jailed for inciting religious violence and tarnishing the image of Buddhism, he resumed his original mission: inciting religious hatred and mass violence against the Muslims. 

One thing that never ceases to amaze me is that Wirathu seems to always know ahead of any mass violence acts (against the Muslims). Instead of informing the authorities and working together to prevent these mass atrocities from happening he continues to be complicit in them.

For sure, Wirathu is collaborating with the regime's intelligence services, with the view towards the upcoming election in 2015. Both the regime and Wirathu are pursuing their old delusional mission of preventing any inter-faith marriages in Burma. 

I have been posting notes about Wirathu of late so that the public can be informed about him and his background"

Zarni's note: I have a collection of speeches by Wirathu and his seniors including the Venerable Nyar-neik-tha-ya (Thi-da-gu Sayadaw) dated 2003. I will see if I can find ways to upload them. These men and their bigoted views are extremely harmful to the country, national and ethnic reconciliation and contributing to the rise of Nazi- worldviews disguised as 'Buddhism.

If you are a Buddhist and concerned about the mass atrocities against theMuslims and the Rohingya and the attacks on other people's religions - such as Christianity, Hinduism, and other monotheism the least you can do is speak out. 

Do NOT sign the 969 Marriage Law draft and educate your family, neighbors, and friends about the enveloping "Buddhist" Nazism in Myanmar.


RB Report
July 21, 2013

Pahang Rohingya Language School: The first Rohingyalish School in Malaysia

School Theme: “Bring Rohingya Language from tongues to papers”

Project Supervised by: Rohingya Social & Welfare Association Pahang (Newly found organization) 

Mohammed Rafique Shah: Chairperson of RSWAP

Zahir Uddin Mohammed Babar: Project Manager & Founder of P.R.L.S


A Brief Story:

By: Zahir Uddin Mohammed Babar 

It was on Sunday afternoon of June 2, 2013 when I have visited to a remote village called Sebrang Balok in Kuantan of Pahang for organizing the Rohingya people on this issue of Rohingya Language School. I have crossed many questions raised by community elders which I have successfully answered to them. I had three separate proposals for them from which one of them is about opening a permanent Rohingya Language School for Pahang Rohingya Community. It is the first time in my life to take such a big step besides my study for extending the social services from my thinking to the practical fields. 

I believe that our problem is much concerned with socio-economic standards rather than political ones. We need to become more socialized and civilized through education and financial harmony for what we should have enough economic strength to change our standards of living from hand to mouth to a medium income family. Therefore, I proposed to the Rohingya people of Kuantan to have a permanent community/social bank for microloans/finances activities. At the same time, I have also proposed to have a Charity Fund (Zakat Fund) for those Rohingyas only who are disables, orphans, widows and olds with none to take care of them. I should thank Al-Mighty Allah who has changed the mind of the people towards my campaign. Now, it is not my success alone. It is a success for all Rohingya around the world to have permanent Rohingya Language School in Malaysia after Canada. 

Actually, it was not possible for me to have this achievement without having the support from the following persons. 

1. Mohammed Rafique Shah (Rafique) : Chairperson of RSWAP
2. Ali Jafor : Sponsor 
3. U Kyaw Khin ( Mohammed Sultan): Vice-chairperson of RSWAP
4. Mohd Sayyad (Jafor) : General Secretary of RSWAP
5. Ismail (Mamu)
6. Jafor Ahmed
7. Imam Hussein ( Batu 5)
8. Imam Hussein (Sebrang Balok)
9. Mohammed Rafique (Sungai Ular)
10. Hashim
11. Mohammed Ghani
12. Asst. Prof. Dr. Norlelawati A. Talib
13. Asst. Prof. Dr. Solachuddin Juahari Arief
14. Asst. Prof. Dr. Wan Mohd Azizi Wan Sulaiman
15. Asst. Prof. Dr. Marwan Saad Azzubaidi
16. Dr. Hakimi ( postgraduate, IIUM)
17. Mohammed Sinan Al-Maula ( Postgraduate, IIUM)
18. Mohammed Anas (IIUM Staff)
19. Shaharnizam Mustaffa 

My special thanks should go to Mr. Rafique (Chairperson of RSWAP), Mr Ali Jafor, Mr Shaharnizam Mustaffa, Jafor Ahmed, Ismail (Mamu), Mr Imam Hussein and Hashim for their extra efforts and potential supports towards the completion of our school.

Luckily, I have got a very strong driving force behind this campaign which was not me myself but it was Mr. Anwar S. Arakani and his wife Zainab, and their colleague, Christa Van Daele (Norway-born Canadian) from Kitchner, Ontario of Canada who has been inspiring me continuously with their initiation of first Rohingya Language School. Fortunately, Mr. Anwar S. Arakani came to visit Kuantan on my request to inspire the Rohingya community with his unique interview and exchange of ideas. My consideration for my own language is not about learning it only but to bring it into papers from different tongues so that we could update and expand it extensively in future. As I’ve observed, being a Rohingya from the same state, we used to talk in different dialects and tunes based on locations. For instance, people from Maungdaw town used to say ‘Mui’ (means “I”) while the people from Northern Maungdaw used to say ‘ Aññi’ (means “I”). There is maybe a very huge gap between the similarity of Rohingya language dialects used by Mrauk-U and Maungdaw-Buthidaung Rohingya. 

Therefore, it is noteworthy to focus on this untold story of our Rohingya language. We have been ignoring ourselves by giving up our hopes and opportunities that once we get to learn our own writing system. If we don’t spend our time and money for preserving and keeping our language updated, probably, our language may extinct very speedily without noticing of it. On the other side, the possibility of extinction of Rohingya language is very high (~10% in 2020) as long as we practice intercultural marriage due to refugee lives in exile. Before it is too late for us to bring our language into papers, we must start writing Rohingyalish now and pass it to our children so that the term ‘Rohingya’ remains in the world. I would like to say that our language is our identity and the identity is our right to resist injustice and inhumanity of Myanmar quasi-civilian regime. The more we learn, the more we know about our own culture, history and civilization so that we become really educated and civilized easily.

Mohammed Rafique Shah (Chairperson of RSWAP) explaining the plan to Mr. Shaharnizam Mustaffa (Police Officer).

Inside view of the Pahang Rohingya Language School
Few attendees of 18th July Opening Ceremony of P.R.L.S
Chairperson of RSWAP, third from the left. 
RSWAP members and volunteers were gossiping after Iftar and Dinner functions 
The first working day for the Pahang Rohingya Language School on 14th June, 2013 (Friday).
While Mohammed Rafique Shah was inspecting the working progress from behind and Mr Hashim came to join the school work as a volunteer from his duty with his company uniform. 
While the plastering work started on 21st June, 2013.
Working condition of first day on 14th June, 2013, seen Mr Ismail, Mr Imam Hussein, Mr Ghani, Mr Abdul Malik and Foyas.
Mr Jafor Ahmed (Asst. Manager of the project) while erecting the wall.
See the following links to have video messages from our International guests;




For any inquiry:

Zahir Uddin M. Babar: +60 14 528 6300
Chairperson of RSWAP: +60 14 989 5743 

Rohingya Exodus