Jared Ferrie

Reuters

June 20, 2013

YANGON – Her adoring compatriots believe democracy champion Aung San Suu Kyi is destined to become Myanmar’s next president. But don’t bet on it.

A year ago, the Nobel Peace Prize winner was feted at home and abroad and flush from her National League for Democracy (NLD) party’s landslide wins in April 2012 by-elections, which swept her into parliament.

Even a military-drafted constitution designed to exclude her from the highest office seemed a surmountable hurdle.

Now the journey from political prisoner to president appears much less certain, even as her ambition is clearer than ever.

“I want to be president and I’m quite frank about it,” she told journalists at the World Economic Forum in the capital Naypyitaw on June 6.

But to emerge as president after a 2015 general election, Suu Kyi, 68, must overcome challenges that would daunt a less formidable political survivor.

She must convince a military-dominated parliament to amend the constitution.

Even if she can do that, and the constitution can be amended in time, she could then face a voter backlash over her position on a violent and widening rift between her nation’s Buddhists and minority Muslims.

Her rare public expressions of support for Muslims, who have borne the brunt of waves of sectarian violence, put her in a politically fraught position in the Buddhist-majority country.

Some people wonder if the violence is being exploited by conservative opponents to chip away at her support.

To win power, she would also have to fend off two former generals who covet the top spot. The first is Shwe Mann, the influential speaker of Myanmar’s lower house.

The other is the popular incumbent Thein Sein, whose quasi-civilian government took power in March 2011 after nearly half a century of military rule and launched a series of political and economic reforms. Thein Sein might seek a second term despite health concerns.

NO EASY TASK

Suu Kyi’s most immediate problem is the constitution.

It bars anyone married to a foreigner or who has children who are foreign citizens. Suu Kyi and her husband, the late British academic Michael Aris, had two children who are British.

“By all accounts it was drawn up with her in mind,” Andrew McLeod, a professor at Sydney Law School and deputy director of the Myanmar Constitutional Reform Project, said of the constitution, drawn up under the former military junta.

Any constitutional amendment would require 75 percent support in parliament – no easy task when the constitution also reserves a quarter of seats for the military.

Most of the rest of the members of parliament are members of the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP), created by the old junta and largely made up of retired military officers.

If passed by parliament, an amendment must win more than half the vote in a referendum. Some analysts say there just isn’t enough time to do all that before the 2015 election.

But even if she can pull off the amendments, the reality of partisan politics could threaten Suu Kyi’s presidential hopes.

Suu Kyi, the daughter of the hero of the campaign for independence from Britain, faces pressure internationally to defend the persecuted, including Muslims. But when she does, her once-unassailable popularity is threatened.

At least 237 people have been killed in violence between Myanmar’s Buddhists and Muslims over the past year and about 150,000 people have been left homeless. Most of the victims have been stateless Rohingya Muslims in the western state of Rakhine.

Groups such as the New York-based Human Rights Watch have condemned Suu Kyi for not using her moral authority to speak in defence of the Rohingya for fear of upsetting the Buddhist majority ahead of the election.

A 1982 law bars most Rohingya from citizenship and the government – and many ordinary Buddhists – consider them illegal immigrants from Bangladesh even though many can trace ancestry in Rakhine state for generations.

ALIENATING VOTERS?

When asked about her failure to strongly condemn violence against the Rohingya, Suu Kyi said at the World Economic Forum she didn’t want to “aggravate the situation” by taking sides. But she has criticised a policy in Rakhine State limiting Rohingya women to two children.

Suu Kyi has also said the government should re-examine the 1982 citizenship law. But that prompted the Daily Eleven newspaper to warn that any attempt by her to change the law would alienate voters and cost her party the next election.

For Suu Kyi the presidency would crown a remarkable life.

The military put her under house arrest in 1989 following the suppression of pro-democracy protests. The NLDswept a 1990 election by a landslide but the junta ignored the result and kept Suu Kyi under house arrest for 15 of the next 20 years.

She was released in November 2010 a week after a general election, widely regarded as rigged, swept theUSDP to power. The NLD boycotted the election as undemocratic.

The European Union and United States have lifted or suspended most sanctions against Myanmar, although Washington warned they could be reimposed if it backtracked on reform.

Denying Suu Kyi a crack at the presidency could suggest to the world that Myanmar is doing just that, said McLeod. This could prompt Western companies to halt investment in one of Asia’s last frontier economies.

But Bertil Lintner, a veteran journalist and author of several books on Myanmar, said that was not likely.

“I think the foreign business community would prefer to have the USDP and the military in power,” he said. “For them, it means stability and continuity.”

(Additional reporting by Soe Zeya Tun; Editing by Andrew R.C. Marshall)

Md Subhan

Postnoon

June 20, 2013

Rohingya refugees from Burma continue to pour into Hyderabad and no proper account of them seems to be maintained. Though a humanitarian issue, the security risk involved is ignored.

From 5,000 a few months ago, the number of refugees from the strife-torn Myanmar (Burma) has risen to some 12,000 now in the absence of any check on the inflow of Rohingya refugees from the Rakhine state of Burma. Myanmar’s 8,00,000 Rohingyas are stateless people today after the ethnic Buddhists drove them out. They are denied citizenship in Myanmar and are rejected by Bangladesh. The UN calls them, “one of the most persecuted people in the world.”

In the past one month alone, 35 families totalling 200 members reached the City. A revisit to the camp in Balapur, Shaheennagar and surrounding areas shows that the government of India and the State government appear unconcerned about them. Many of them have no refugee status and some claim to have cards from the UN high commissioner for refugees (UNHCR). Local Muslim leaders are providing shelter and work for them. They are spread over Balapur, Hafizbabanagar, Shastripuram and Kishan Bagh.

Mustafa Faiz Ur Rahman, a Burmese refugee who has learnt Hindi, has emerged their leader. He mediates between the refugees and the local Muslim leaders who are giving support to the uprooted.

It is learnt that these refugees, desperate and helpless in an alien land, are being used by the local leaders. One thing that came out while visiting the camps was that they do menial jobs or con­st­ruction works for far less than the market rates, which result in loss of jobs to the local people. The other is that the local leaders who provide them support probably see them as future investments.

Violence between Buddhists in Mya­nm­ar’s Rakhine state and the Rohingyas exploded in June 2012. At least 3,00,000 Rohingyas have taken refuge in squalid camps on Myanmar’s border with Bangla­de­sh. But Bangladesh has preve­nted them from entering the co­u­ntry. And China does not allow them access even as refugees.

David L Phillips, director, pr­o­gramme on peace-building and rights, Columbia University Institute for the Study of Human Rights, says Bangladesh should be pressured to fulfil its obligations under international law and provide a safe haven to those fl­eeing violence. Despite its end­emic poverty and sky-rocketing population, Bangladesh cannot be excused for barring Rohi­ngyas. The fleeing Rohingyas are not entertained by either China or Bangladesh. They are all driven to India, where no convincing check is evident.

Hanna Hindstrom

Democratic Voice of Burma

June 20, 2013

Human trafficking remains a significant problem in both Burma and Thailand, where the stateless Rohingya minority has become particularly vulnerable to exploitation and abuse, a leading US report warned on Wednesday.

The annual trafficking in persons (TIP) report released by the US state department accused the Burmese government of fuelling forced labour and trafficking among the Muslim Rohingya by denying them citizenship and stripping them of basic rights.

More than 20,000 Rohingyas are estimated to have fled on rickety boats from Arakan state in western Burma, since two bouts of ethno-religious clashes with Buddhists last year. Many end up paying hundreds of dollars to “brokers”, who either abandon them en route, or sell them to traffickers.

“There were reports that some Rohingya asylum seekers transiting Thailand en route to Malaysia were sold into forced labor on Thai fishing boats, reportedly with the assistance of Thai military officials,” said the report.

Thailand also regularly deports migrant Rohingyas back to Burma, despite protests from human rights groups, where they may be subject to re-trafficking, often in collusion with local authorities. The TIP report accuses elements in the ethnic rebel group the Democratic Karen Benevolent (formerly Buddhist) Army of participating in the trade of ethnic Rohingyas.

Burmese authorities in Arakan state have also been implicated in fuelling forced labour, sex slavery and abuse. According to the TIP report, military personnel have kidnapped several Rohingya women from the state capital Sittwe and subjected them to sexual slavery on military installations.

Earlier this year, media reports revealed that a growing number of Rohingya women were being sold as unwilling “mail order brides” to Malaysia in order to meet the growing demand for wives among the refugee population.

“As far as the Rohingya are concerned, Burma has greatly increased their vulnerability to trafficking,” Chris Lewa, head of the Arakan Project, an NGO that campaigns for the rights of Rohingyas, told DVB. “Segregation and restriction of movement have curtailed their access to livelihood; state’s persecution and arbitrary arrests have prompted many to flee abroad.“

Nearly 140,000 displaced Rohingya are currently estimated to be living in squalid camps in western Burma, where they are subjected to severe restrictions on their movements, work and family life.

Other ethnic minority populations in Burma were also identified as particularly vulnerable to trafficking and forced labour, especially in conflict-torn border regions, such as Kachin state.

“Military personnel and insurgent militia engage in the unlawful conscription of child soldiers and continue to be the leading perpetrators of forced labor inside the country, particularly in conflict-prone ethnic areas,” said the report, which ranks Burma on its Tier 2 “watch list” for the second year running.

The allegations came on the same day that the International Labour Organization (ILO) decided to lift all remaining sanctions against the former pariah state. Burma moved up from Tier 3 last year, the report’s lowest ranking, in large part due to its efforts to address forced labour in collaboration with the ILO.

Thailand, which was identified as a key destination country for Burmese trafficking victims, remained on the Tier 2 “watch list” for the fourth year running. It comes amid reports that three Burmese nationals were arrested in the Thai border town Mae Sot this week for running a prostitution ring using underage girls.

The report highlights the country’s sex tourism industry as a prominent incentive for the trafficking of women and girls. But labour rights campaigners in Thailand say the report is a “subjective” and “non-evidence” based study, which illustrates how poorly the US understands the sex industry.

Liz Hilton from the sex workers’ rights group, the Empower Foundation, insists that it is the criminalisation of sex work that is to blame.

“Look at New Zealand, where sex work is decriminalised — they’ve had no children in the sex industry, they’ve had no prosecutions for trafficking for nine years, and they’re Tier 1,” she told DVB. “So obviously the decriminalisation of sex work eliminates trafficking.”

Thailand spent US$3.7 million on anti-trafficking activities in 2012, but only assisted 270 victims. Hilton adds that this is a “bigger budget than they spend on climate change” or the women’s empowerment fund. Meanwhile, 350,000 migrants, mostly from Burma, were arrested for illegal entry in 2012, but only 57 were helped.

“[Forced work] is one tiny little tick of the exploitation in Thailand, whether it’s in the sex industry or the fishing industry or whatever,” said Hilton. “What needs to be reformed is the labour conditions in Thailand.”

Maung Aurther

RB News

June 19, 2013

Maung Daw, Arakan - Yesterday (June 18) at 9 A.M, around 20 Burmese military together with some Rakhine terrorists raided and looted six Rohingya houses in the eastern part of the village of Duchiradan (Kilaidaung), Southern Maung Daw. Besides, they bodily abused Rohingya women in the houses under raid in the name of so-called search for Bangladeshi mobile phones.

“20 Military and some Rakhine terrorists surrounded and looted six houses in Eastern Kilaidaung (Duchiradan). The raid was carried under the accusation of the possession of illegal woods and Bangladeshi mobile phones. Of the six robbed families, two are:

(1) Mv Moortobis S/o Abdu Jalil

(2) Abdul Kalam S/o Shukkor

They robbed jewelries, money and other valuable properties. They stripped some Rohingya women off their clothes in the name of so-called search for Bangladeshi mobile phones. No incidents of rapes against the women took place as it is said. However, stripping a woman off her clothes is of grave and serious concern. It is really humiliating” said an elderly Rohingya in a vulnerable tone. 

He continued “one of the 12 Rakhine terrorists who were trying to torch a Rohingya house in the village on 8th June 2013 was caught by the villagers and got handed over to NaSaKa (Border Security Force). During investigation, the terrorist was proved guilty of. That’s why they (Rakhines in cooperation with their allied Military) are carrying out raids and torturing the villagers. 

As usual and like the previous robberies, Captain Htaik Soe of the military light infantry unit 352 based at Kayemyaing, Southern Maung Daw, led the brutal raid and robbed the Rohingya houses. We plead to the central government of Myanmar to stop him from robbing and arbitrarily torturing Rohingyas on daily basis and international community to effectively come forward to helping us.”

UN News Centre
June 19, 2013

The United Nations human rights chief today urged Myanmar’s Government to tackle continuing discrimination against ethnic minorities, warning that failure to act could undermine the reform process in the country.

“Myanmar today can act as a source of inspiration by showing how governments can be transformed by a renewed commitment to human rights,” said the High Commissioner for Human Rights, Navi Pillay.

“However, the ongoing human rights violations against the Rohingya community in Rakhine state and the spread of anti-Muslim sentiment across the State and beyond is threateningthe reform process and requires focused attention from the Government.”

Several waves of clashes between ethnic Rakhine Buddhists and Rohingya Muslims, the first of which occurred in June 2012, have affected hundreds of thousands of families in the country’s western region. Some 140,000 people, mostly Rohingya, remain displaced in Rakhine and tens of thousands of others have fled by boat.

In March, anti-Muslim violence spread to Meiktila in Mandalay region, leaving 43 people dead and more than 1,500 buildings destroyed, according to Government figures. Last month in Lashio Township, Shan State, anti-Muslim violence displaced some 1,400 people and destroyed property, including a mosque and an Islamic boarding school.

“The President of Myanmar has made some important statements on the need to end discrimination and violence and foster mutual respect and tolerance between people of different faiths and ethnicities,” Ms. Pillay said. “I believe that the political will is there, but encourage the Government to translate this will into concrete actions.”

The High Commissioner said she hoped that discussions on Myanmar during the session of the Human Rights Council in Geneva earlier this month would further encourage the Government to combat discrimination.

In its latest session, the Council urged the Government to allow humanitarian assistance and aid to reach the people and communities affected, and called on authorities to end impunity for all violations of human rights.

Ms. Pillay noted that her Office (OHCHR) continues to receive reports of widespread and systematic human rights violations against Muslims in Rakhine, including arbitrary detention and torture by security forces, as well as extrajudicial killings and sexual violence.

“I am concerned that those involved in mob violence against Muslim communities in Meiktila, Lashio and elsewhere are not being held to account, which sends out a message that violence directed against Muslim communities in Myanmar is somehow acceptable or justified,” Ms. Pillay said.

“The Government must urgently pursue legal and institutional reforms, including reforming local orders and national laws that discriminate along lines of ethnicity and religion.”

Ms. Pillay also condemned a local order limiting the number of children Rohingya Muslims can have to two, as well as a citizenship law that discriminates against unlisted groups and has left some 800,000 Rohingya stateless.

“This is blatantly discriminatory,” Ms. Pillay said. “This order should be rescinded immediately.”

In addition, she urged for a full investigation into the shooting of three Rohingya women earlier this month. The women were killed as they took part in a peaceful demonstration in Rakhine, when police allegedly fired into a crowd of demonstrators in Pa Rein village, Mrauk-U Township.

“My Office is ready to support the Government’s progressive reforms and to assist in addressing all forms of discrimination and other human rights challenges. I therefore hope to see quick progress in the establishment of an OHCHR Country Office in Myanmar with a full mandate,” Ms. Pillay added.

Bernama

June 19, 2013

KUALA LUMPUR -- Former Prime Minister Tun Abdullah Ahmad Badawi urged the Muslim minority in Asean countries, including those in Myanmar, to give priority to education.

He said that the Muslim communities should seek to empower themselves with education and pursue knowledge which is relevant to their needs in the 21st century.

Abdullah said this in his keynote address at the International Forum on Plight of Muslims in Burma in the 21st century: An Initiative for Solution and the Way Forward, held at the International Institute of Advanced Islamic Studies (IAIS), here, Wednesday.

He said that apart from education, the development of youths and economy of the Muslim communities were also important aspects to be considered in order to achieve a better future for the respective Muslim minority.

However, Abdullah, who is patron of IAIS Malaysia, stressed that in trying to achieve this, they should not sought to violence but instead adopt peaceful means and work in tandem with the non-Muslim communities.

He also pointed out that the more developed Muslim communities could also help the less developed ones in order to achieve this success and to secure their rights in society.

Speakers at the half-day forum, organised by IAIS Malaysia, included President of the International Movement for a Just World (JUST) Dr Chandra Muzaffar, while the moderator was Deputy CEO of IAIS Associate Professor Dr Mohamed Azam Mohamed Adil.

Dr Chandra said that it was true that Myanmar has made some changes such as parliamentary elections, changes in economy and was now more open to foreign investment.

"But perhaps these changes will not bring about fundamental transformation in the Myanmar society," he said adding that Asean had a responsibility to try to bring about the change.

"We would like to see Asean governments adopt a more proactive approach to the question of the Rohingyas in Myanmar and of the other minorities," he added.

He said it was important for Asean to speak up and say "lets try to resolve this problem, you must resolve the root of the problem," which is the question of the citizenship and the question of the nature of the regime in Myanmar.

However, Dr Chandra emphasised that the issue must be resolved through non-violence and peaceful methods.

Asean (Association of Southeast Nations) comprise Brunei Darussalam, Cambodia, Indonesia, Laos, Malaysia, Myanmar, Philippines, Singapore, Thailand and Brunei Darussalam, Cambodia, Indonesia, Laos, Malaysia, Myanmar, Philippines, Singapore, Thailand and Vietnam..

Malaysia Chronicle

June 19, 2013

Following the reported violence in Kuala Lumpur between Myanmar nationals, the Malaysian government has sternly warned them that they could face deportation back to Myanmar in the wake of the violence.

Lawyers for Liberty urge the Malaysian government not to proceed with the deportation especially those from the Rohingya community as they are refugees fleeing persecution in Myanmar.

The deportation of the Rohingya will be inhumane and cruel as they have been systematically persecuted in their homeland and remain one of the most vulnerable communities in the world.

They are stripped of their citizenship thus making them legally stateless and subjected to all kinds of serious discriminatory practices including on movement, marriage, birth, education, health care, employment, civil documentation and subjected to arbitrary detention, violence and forced labour.

Since June last year, there had been a serious series of coordinated attacks against the Rohingya and other Muslim communities in Myanmar causing untold number of deaths, injuries and destruction to their homes.

We call on the Malaysian government to deal with the violence as a law and order issue and in accordance to our obligations under international law.

By deporting the Rohingyas, the Malaysian government is as good as signing their death warrant or at the very least complicit with the Myanmar authorities in continuing their persecution and suffering.

Eric Paulsen

Co Founder and Adviser

Lawyers for Liberty

Bernama

June 19, 2013

BANGKOK -- Villagers of a southern Thailand province are currently protesting against the planned construction of a temporary camp for Rohingya migrants in their neighbourhood, China's Xinhua news agency reported quoting police as saying.

An estimated 5,000 villagers of Cha-uad district in Nakorn Sri Thammarat province have signed up a petition in protest of the government's plan to build the camp for Rohingya refugees, who may have fled a sectorial strife inside Myanmar's Rakhine state by boat sailing toward Thai waters in the Andaman Sea.

The planned site for the camp to accommodate thousands of refugees is inside the compound of the 427th Border Patrol Company which lies in proximity of the local schools and villages, according to the Cha-uad protesters.

The local villagers feared that Rohingya migrants might carry epidemics and other diseases as well as jeopardise their safety and livelihood.

However, Deputy Interior Minister Pracha Prasopdee is scheduled to visit the area where the planned refugee camp is located and meet with the protesters on Friday in a bid to solve the problem.

The Muslim Rohingya "boat people", including children and elderly persons, had earlier landed on shore in southern Thailand, exhausted and underfed, sickly and desperately looking for a third country to settle down. Thai authorities provided the migrants with food and temporary shelter before finally sending them off to the sea.

While some of the Rohingyas were taken care of by Thai authorities and southern villagers purely on humanitarian basis, others were reported to have been robbed, assaulted and killed by suspected human traffickers.

Kyaw Phyo Tha

The Irrawaddy

June 18, 2013

RANGOON— A Burmese court has imprisoned two Muslim women for sparking communal violence earlier this year in the town of Okkan, near Rangoon, in the latest conviction of minority Muslims while Buddhist suspects have yet to face trial.

The two women were blamed for sparking the violence in April after they were involved in an altercation with a Buddhist monk that angered local Buddhists, leading to anti-Muslim rioting in the city about 100 kilometers from Rangoon. One Muslim man was killed and nine were injured in the unrest, while 81 homes and a mosque were burned to the ground.

“The court gave them a sentence of two years each in prison and hard labor on June 5,” an official from the court in Taik Kyi Township, where Okkan is located, told The Irrawaddy.

Burma has seen clashes between Buddhists and Muslims in several states this year, but so far only Muslims have been imprisoned. Muslims make up only about 5 percent of the country’s 60 million or so population.

In Okkan, the violence erupted on April 31 after a Muslim woman bumped into a novice monk, spilling his food and breaking his alms bowl. The woman and the monk were detained by the police following the incident, and both were released about two hours later after the woman apologized.

But when they left the police station, another Muslim woman grabbed the young monk and shook him, accusing him of lying to the police. This prompted both Muslim women to be detained. A mostly Buddhist crowd gathered outside the police station and began destroying Muslim properties in neighborhood.

The two women were charged with offending religion in Buddhist-majority Burma. An article of the country’s penal code prohibits people from engaging in “deliberate and malicious acts intended to outrage religious feelings of any class by insulting its religion or religious beliefs.”

As of last month, a total of 39 suspects were reportedly in police custody for their alleged roles in the rioting.

“We are summoning witnesses and still investigating the case,” an officer at Okkan’s police station told The Irrawaddy, adding that he did not have the authority to disclose the exact number of suspects still in detention.

Before the rioting in Okkan, inter-communal strife between Buddhists and Muslims broke out last year in west Burma’s Arakan State. The violence spread this year to central Burma and east Burma—with clashes in the town of Meikhtila, then in Okkan, and mostly recently in Lashio. In total, more than 200 people have been killed and more than 150,000 people—mostly Muslims—have been displaced.

In the unrest this year, the government has convicted more than 10 Muslims but no Buddhists.

In east Burma’s Lashio Township, a Muslim man was sentenced to 26 years in prison last week after an incident in late May which sparked an outbreak of anti-Muslim violence that left one person dead and displaced about 1,400 Muslim residents. He was convicted of attempted murder, voluntarily causing grievous harm and two drug-related charges.

In the central Burma town of Meikhtila, the Muslim owners of a gold shop and an employee were sentenced in April to more than a decade in prison after a dispute with a Buddhist customer in March sparked anti-Muslim riots that left at least 43 people dead and destroyed hundreds of homes. Last month, seven Muslim men were also imprisoned for the death of a Buddhist monk during that unrest.

In both cases, most of the remaining suspects under investigation are Buddhists. Seventy-four suspects in custody in Meikhtila have been charged with the destruction of property and murder, while 44 suspects in Lashio have been detained but not yet charged, according to regional authorities.

Kyaw Khin, chief secretary of the All Burma Muslim Federation, told The Irrawaddy that he had no comment on the convictions of those who were guilty.

“If they are guilty of the crime, they should be punished fairly—no bias against religion and race,” he said.

“But as of now, all the people who have earned imprisonment are minority Muslims. So I have to ask, where are the majority [Buddhist] people who committed the crimes of looting, rampaging, arson and killing during the riots?”

Kyee Myint of the Myanmar Lawyers’ Network called on the government to ensure equal treatment for suspects of all religions.

“At the moment, they are just playing a game of politics to please the Buddhist majority,” he said.

“But don’t worry: They are going to sentence Buddhists who were involved in the riots very soon.”

Report from UN Resident and Humanitarian Coordinator for Myanmar

Reliefweb

(Yangon, 17 June 2013) One year on from inter-communal clashes in Rakhine State, 140,000 people remain displaced, with little hope of their lives returning to normal.

Outbreaks of inter-communal violence in Rakhine State in June and October 2012 caused the death of 167 people, destroyed over 10,000 buildings and led to a loss of livelihoods and infrastructure across the state. The onset of violence triggered a multi-sector humanitarian response, with food, health, sanitation, shelter and other lifesaving relief to people in need.

Humanitarian assistance has improved the temporary situation of the communities displaced. Food is distributed on a monthly basis to those in need, with nearly 2,200 metric tonnes provided in May alone. Some 3,000 latrines are now functioning. Temporary shelter for over 71,000 people has been built. However, there are still significant gaps that need to be filled, including additional funding for camp management and coordination activities. These gaps will be updated when the Rakhine Response Plan is released in late July.

Restrictions of access and freedom of movement have severely affected employment, and health and education rights. For example, about 20,000 primary school-aged displaced children have lost an entire school year, with no access to formal education. Everyone needs to have the right to move freely and access basic services.

Several thousand people have been displaced since the clashes, have lost their jobs, and access to land and markets. As a result they have migrated to the displacement camps to get assistance. Humanitarian assistance is a short-term solution and the UN Humanitarian Coordinator in Myanmar, Ashok Nigam, urges the Government of Myanmar and the international community to remain focused on addressing longer term issues; “Humanitarian assistance is a temporary measure to respond to immediate needs. Sustainable solutions must be found to restore a lasting peace and harmony between the people of Rakhine State. Reconciliation between communities is the larger priority. The root causes of the tensions that exist between the people must be addressed. Inter-communal tensions fuel fear and resentment. Left unresolved, they will drive communities further apart. The international community stands ready to support the Government in its efforts to foster peace and harmony in Rakhine State.”

Trust-building between communities and the authorities also needs to be rebuilt so that peace and inter-communal harmony can be achieved. Left unaddressed, mistrust will likely deepen fear. “The citizenship status of the 800,000 Muslims in Rakhine State must also to be addressed,” Mr. Nigam cautioned. “The consequences of statelessness for Muslims in Rakhine State continue to have a direct effect on fundamental human rights, and the social and economic development of Myanmar.”

Casey Hynes

Asian Correspondent

June 18, 2013

Two weekends ago, I had the pleasure of attending the Myanmar Muslims Genocide Awareness Convention in Culver City, CA. I went because I felt it was important to put my presence where my mouth was: as I’ve indicated here at this blog, the situation in Burma has been incredibly distressing to me, and rather than simply talk about it, I want to be more involved in helping in any small way that I can to get it resolved.

I’ve certainly tried to be involved, at least from my desk. My friend Joshua Eaton and I collaborated last year on an open letter from Buddhist teachers and scholars and others on Islamophobia that you can read at buddhistletteronislamophobia.wordpress.com. (Joshua authored the letter — though a few of us offered little tweaks and edits — and I put together the website and helped him get the word out and generate signatures.) Not long after I also added my name to “A Joint Buddhist-Muslim Statement on Inter–Communal Violence in Burma”, authored by my friend Bill Aiken at SGI-USA. In addition, I took the time to write a substantial post about Engaged Buddhist icon Aung San Suu Kyi’s silence and lack of action on this matter back in November, and you can read that post here.

Satellite imagery by Human Rights Watch that shows “widespread destruction of Rohingya homes, property.”

As I explained in that post, for the uninitiated: the Rohingyas are the 800,000 or so Muslims who live in the western part of Burma. They have lived in the area of the Rakhine state for centuries, with much immigration and flight between Burma and Bangladesh — the result of ever-changing political fortunes and conquest. British colonialists encouraged their immigration from Bangladesh in the nineteenth century to boost their agricultural yield in the region. By 1939, the population of Rohingya Muslims (and tensions with local Rakhine Buddhists) had risen to such a degree that a commission of inquiry decided to close the border. Once World War II began, the British left the region, and terrible violence erupted between the two groups. Thousands died. More bloodshed ensued when the Japanese arrived: the Rohingyas were supporters of the Allies — some of them even served as spies for the British — who had promised to support them in their goal of a separate Muslim state. Tens of thousands are believed to have fled to Bangladesh at this point. Following the coup of 1962, more were forced to seek refuge in Bangladesh and Pakistan due to the junta’s targeted attacks on the Rohingya community. In 1982, General Ne Win tightened a nationality law in the country and effectively (and illegally) rendered the Rohingyas a stateless people.

Today, the United Nations consider the Rohingyas “one of the most persecuted minorities in the world.” Right now there is considerable unrest and devastating violence — dozens are dead, whole villages have been razed, and well over 100,000 have been displaced — in the Rakhine state as a result of what the Agence France-Presse identified as “the rape and murder of a Rakhine women and the revenge mob killing of 10 Muslims.” By last fall, Human Rights Watch had issued a report noting that “recent events in Arakan State demonstrate… state-sponsored persecution and discrimination [of the Rohingyas],” including murder, rape, and mass arrest. Reuters released a shocking special investigative report not long after which led with what was essentially a confirmation of HRW’s report: “The wave of attacks was organized, central-government military sources told Reuters. They were led by Rakhine nationalists tied to a powerful political party in the state, incited by Buddhist monks, and, some witnesses said, abetted at times by local security forces.”

International news agencies and the Buddhist media have since been following the situation closely, and have reported on those in the Burmese sangha who are encouraging violence, as well as those trying to do something to help. It was all this news and information that brought me to the Myanmar Muslims Genocide Convention on June 9th.

Attended by easily 250-300 people or more — the crowd grew steadily throughout — the audience at the convention was made of largely persons of South Asian heritage, quite a few of them readily identifiable as Muslim from their hijab, kufi, and other distinctive dress. Things got off to a very strong start with some simple, important points of clarification from host Devin Hennessy. In the context of the event, a “Myanmar Muslim,” he stated, was “any Muslim living in the borders of the country, regardless of ethnicity.” This is an important point considering that, even though the Rohingya Muslims of the Rakhine state are dominating news coverage right now, there are more than one-hundred ethnic groups in Burma, and many of them have Muslims in their ranks. Hennessy also laid the groundwork for later discussion about proper terminology in this situation by stating that it had “escalated to a genocidal level,” and that the word “genocide” was being used specifically because what is happening is “within the criteria” for its use.

These introductory remarks were followed by a dua from a young boy in attendance, and a statement from Culver City Mayor Jeffrey Cooper. As the mayor took to the stage, I braced myself for the usual, rote politician’s speech at these sorts of things, only to be very pleasantly surprised: he spoke movingly as both “a Jew and the husband of a Burmese Muslim woman” about how much the cause and the event “hit home” for him. The powerful launch of the event wrapped with the singing of two national anthems: the United States and Burma’s.

Before speakers and others rose to speak, the Burmese American Muslims Association presented a video of their own making (with quite a lot of clips from this Al Jazeera English report) to set the stage for anyone unfamiliar with the situation in Burma. Two things in particular struck me in the video presentation, though neither were surprises exactly — just shocking to see explicitly: first, this clip from the BBC, which shows an attack on Muslim-owned gold shop, with police doing nothing and Buddhist monks joining in the violence. Second, the explication of how precisely what’s happening in Burma now fits with scholar and Genocide Watch president Dr. Gregory H. Stanton’s “8 Stages of Genocide” was arresting.

This segued nicely into Dr. Stanton himself, who presented prepared remarks for the conference via video. He noted that the plight of the Rohingya has been on Genocide Watch’s radar for at least two years, and offered useful perspective on what it means to be a Rohingya right now: no ID cards (needed for education and travel), placement in displaced persons camps and forced labor for many, no government employment, limits on marriage/childbirth, coercive situations, and a host of other indignities. Dr. Stanton also highlighted the unique threats to Rohingya refugees and “boat people” fleeing Burma.

In addition, he noted that the attacks on Muslims in Burma had reached the level of genocidal massacre, saying that “the world must speak out.” He chastised Aung San Suu Kyi, calling her much-discussed silence as a Nobel Peace Prize laureate “unacceptable.” Dr. Stanton also outlined other things that he felt must happen now: (i) Burma’s parliament must pass legislation to make the Rohingya citizens with full rights; (ii) displaced persons camps must be dissolved with UN and ASEAN assistance; (iii) authorities must cease all rights violations; and (iv) Bangladesh must stop turning away and pushing back refugees. This was the first of many times that the issue of Rohingya citizenship would come up in the proceedings.

The second instance came with the next speaker, who also spoke via video: Wai Hnin Pwint Thon, campaign officer for Burma Campaign UK. She began by lamenting that the international community still hadn’t “gotten the balance right” in terms of praise for Burma’s reforms and concrn/penalty over human rights violations. She pointed out that sanctions on Burma had been lifted despite stated benchmarks not being met; by her count, at least eight international laws and treaties are currently being violated by the Burmese government. As many others have pointed out, she reminded the audience that the Rohingya’s exclusion from citizenship in particular represents a clear violation of Article XV of the UN Declaration of Human Rights. “Casual racism and intolerance exist and must be acknowledged and confronted,” she said. “The Burmese have to decide what it means to be Burmese.”

At this point, after quite a bit of information had been presented, the organizers wisely changed up the pace and brought Rev. John Iwohara of the Venice Hongwanji Buddhist Temple to the stage. “It is difficult to receive a human form,” he preached, explaining the Buddhist way of helping others, or, at the very least, “acting less inhumanely.” “The pain and loss of losing a loved one is the same for everyone; you don’t feel more or less if you’re a Buddhist or a Muslim or a Christian or a…” he continued. He invoked the Dhammapada‘s fifth verse and King Ashoka’s experience at the Kalinga War as resources for Buddhists thinking about their approach to this situation. “Let us take this opportunity to exchange anger for love, and violence for beauty. May every life help us find beauty and joy.”

The Buddhist representation at the conference continued in a way with Gordon Welty from the U.S. Campaign for Burma, who named Soka Gakkai International president Daisaku Ikeda as “his mentor” during his remarks. A board member of the organization, he offered a helpful blow-by-blow of how things in Burma have escalated to the point of genocide. Like his predecessors, Welty stated that the removal of the 1982 citizenship law was the “first step” in fixing the problem. He also said authorities must “unambiguously” devote themselves to ending mob violence.

A rousing speech by Omar Jubran, executive member of the Council on American-Islamic Relations (CAIR)-LA, was followed by a presentation of photographs by Matt Rains. Rains has done striking, groundbreaking work photographing Muslims in Burma, and jolted the audience as much with his words as his images. He claimed to have seen “boxes of DVDs from the national government” delivered to monasteries and video halls, which were then used to stir up anti-Muslim sentiment. “This has all been devised by the government,” he said flatly.

Naama Haviv, a genocide expert with Jewish World Watch, spoke next about genocide in general. She joked about being the only speaker who didn’t know anything about Burma, but added that genocide happens in places where leaders are “habituated” to it. The 1994 genocide in Rwanda, she reminded us, was actually the second (arguably third) such event in that country’s history. With such a violent past in the form of the military junta’s reign, she felt Burma was definitely a place that we should continue to watch closely.

Statements of support from House Committee on Foreign Affairs Chairman Ed Royce and Los Angeles Police Department Deputy Chief Michael Downing were read by Hennessy before the mighty Dr. Maung Zarni rose to speak. Buddhist magazine readers will undoubtedly recognize Dr. Zarni, whose name has been coming up a lot lately: his piece “Buddhist Nationalism in Burma” was a feature in one of the most recent issues of Tricycle: The Buddhist Review, and Alex Caring-Lobel interviewed him not long ago for Trike’s Awake in the World blog. A Visiting Fellow at the London School of Economics, Dr. Zarni received applause when he began his remarks by saying, “I offer my apologies as a Burmese — and a Buddhist at that.” Saying he felt compelled to “speak truth at any cost,” he castigated his fellow Burmese for “sleepwalking into a genocidal space,” adding that “the Buddha himself was not a Burmese, so he would be treated as such an outsider [under current laws and conditions].” Joining the chorus of voices decrying the 1982 citizenship law, he noted that “this problem has come to the Rohingya,” and not the other way around.

A panel discussion and Q&A with Haviv, Dr. Zarni, Dr. Rowley, Dr. Uddin, and Lwin Oo followed. Among the questions addressed was, “Why haven’t a majority of Buddhists — who are supposedly against violence — come out to strongly denounce the racist ’969 Movement’? Are they silently supporting them?” Dr. Zarni spoke about the false, fear-based narrative of 969, and how it ”criminalizes” Islam, and produces a largely complicit Burmese Buddhist population in the country. He then went “on the record” to say that the 969 Movement enjoys “the full backing of the Burmese state.” He continued, “In this [current] scenario, the 969 Movement is going to thrive and help destroy the Muslim communities. Therefore, I think it is important for the Buddhist community to wake up to the danger of 969, which is self-destructing the Burmese society.”

While the question, and Dr. Zarni’s response, were helpful, the question that was more important to me personally was, “What can Buddhists, particularly Buddhists outside of Burma, do to help?” So I set out to ask a few of the conference organizers and participants this question.

“Burmese Buddhist is different from other forms of Buddhism,” one of the conference’s spokesmen, Yousef Iqbal, told me. “So they don’t actually look at other Buddhists as ones who can inspire them. Unless you can find a Burmese Buddhist, in Burma’s Theravada Buddhist tradition, to say, ‘Killing people is wrong and you should not do it,’ I’m not sure how much it will do.” While he acknowledged the important contributions of Buddhists from other traditions, like Rev. Iwohara, he was clear about what was needed: “More participation from the Theravada, the Burmese Theravada Buddhists. They should be involved, especially those who have spiritual authority.”

Iqbal’s co-spokesman, Yusman Madha, was more optimistic about the wider Buddhist community. “It would definitely be helpful — definitely,” he said in response to my question of whether or not a more pronounced, ecumenical Buddhist response to the situation would be useful. “The teachings of their faith are being flouted by these thugs, and they should now speak up. There are Buddhist monks in Burma speaking up, but they are in the minority.”

Dr. Uddin agreed, and told me, “American Buddhist organization can do a lot to influence the [anti-Muslim] monks in Burma. We really believe that American Buddhist leaders can have a tremendous influence on this situation, and teach the heretical Buddhists in Burma that this is not the right path. We would like to open up more of a dialogue with the American Buddhist community, in fact. We’ve spoken to some monks here in America, and they’ve been receptive. The vast majority of Burmese Buddhists in America have a totally different vision [then their fellows within Burma]. We can work together — the Rohingya in diaspora and the American Buddhist community.”

As we talked, Dr. Uddin added, “We look forward to making these connections with American Buddhists, but we don’t have the means and know-how. We don’t know who to approach, or how to approach them. We’ve asked ISNA, the Islamic Society of North America, to help us open up a dialogue. We need to get connected to Buddhist leaders and discuss this and develop strategies.”

Before the conference, but even more so after, I was determined to help. After talking with Dr. Uddin about approach, I’d like to say, for whatever it’s worth, that I’m happy to help in any way I can to make these connections and get this conversation started. If you’re the leader of a Myanmar Muslim group and you’d like assistance making connections, please leave a comment. And if you’re a Buddhist leader, please feel free to leave a comment alerting us to anything you might be willing to do or offer.

Dr. Uddin offers a good starting point for us as concerned Buddhists in America: just get Buddhist American leaders to the table with Rohingya in diaspora to talk. At the very least, let’s all of us, as Buddhists in America, make sure this happens.

At one point during the conference, it was observed that the event bore the year 2013 in its title, implying that the Myanmar Muslim community is digging in for what portends to be a long struggle. If we as Buddhists in America truly aspire to love all beings the way a mother loves her only child, we need to get to that table with Rohingya leaders and see to it that this doesn’t become a yearly event.

ESSENTIAL: A non-governmental organisation is setting up three more Rohingya Education Centres in Kedah, Pahang and Johor in the next three years

BUKIT MERTAJAM: THE Future Global Network Foundation (FGN) will be setting up three more Rohingya Education Centres (REC) in Kedah, Pahang and Johor in the next three years.

Its chairman Ahmad Azam Ab Rahman said the first of the three centres would be set up in Alor Star next year, followed by two more in Kuantan and Kluang in the next couple of years.

Ahmad said the REC will equip the Rohingya community seeking refuge in this country with basic education and knowledge for their survival.

FGN had opened two REC in Klang, Selangor, and Permatang Pauh here, operated by a non-governmental organisation, Wadah Percerdasan Umat Malaysia (Wadah).

"REC was initiated by the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) which funds the programme and FGN, as the project manager, accommodates about 270 students aged from 6 to 14 years throughout the centres," he added.

Meanwhile, Penang REC headmaster Mohd Arif Abdul Latif said the centre, which began its operation in 2010, has a headmaster and six teachers.

He said the centre conducts Bahasa Melayu, English, Mathematics, Science, Moral Education and Arts classes for the students.

"Our teachers are highly qualified. Some of them have degrees in their respective subjects," he said.

Arif said the curriculum was based on the standard set by the Education Ministry and monitored by the Takmir Education Foundation.

"Our centre operates from 7.30am to 1.30pm from Monday to Friday, and after the classes, the children attend the Islamic religious classes at the madrasah nearby," Arif said.

The United Nations had reported that the Rohingya community, which hails from the Rakhine state of western Myanmar as one of the most persecuted minorities in the world.

Many Rohingya have fled to ghettos and refugee camps in neighbouring Bangladesh and the Thai-Myanmar border following ethnic unrest over the past 35 years.

According to the UNHCR, as of May 31, there were least 30,000 Rohingya refugees seeking shelter in this country.

Orawin Narabal

PHUKET: Police continue to search for the missing 22 Rohingya children who have run away from the Phuket Shelter for Children and Families on Koh Sireh. The children have been missing since early April, says Phuket City Police Chief Sermphan Sirikong.

“I have notified the investigation team, and from time to time we patrol Muslim areas to look for them and ask villagers if they have seen any of them recently,” Col Sermphan said.

The director of the center, Jiranun Cheamcharoen, told the Phuket Gazette that she had notified the Phuket Provincial Police, Phuket City Police and Phuket Immigration Police after the children, all under 18, went missing. 

“We've also asked nearby residents, imams and members of the Phuket Muslim for Peace group to let us know if they come across any of the children,” she said. 

“After work, our staff ride their bikes through nearby areas to look for them,” she added.

“We did our best for them,” Ms Jiranun said, “but I believe the children ran away because they did not want to stay with us.”