Jason Szep and Andrew R.C. Marshall

Reuters

June 11, 2013

Myanmar's Immigration Minister has expressed support for a controversial two-child limit on a Muslim minority group that opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi and the United Nations call discriminatory and a violation of human rights.

Khin Yi, Minister of Immigration and Population, is the most senior official to publicly support the recently announced enforcement by local authorities of a two-child policy in northwestern Rakhine State for Rohingya Muslims, a stateless minority termed "Bengalis" by the Myanmar government.

"This will benefit the Bengali women," Khin Yi said in an interview with Reuters.

His comments coincide with mounting international concern over the treatment of minority Muslims in the majority Buddhist country following outbreaks of communal violence that have killed hundreds of people since last year and made more than 140,000, mostly Muslims, homeless.

Continued religious tensions pose among the biggest challenges for the reformist government that replaced a military junta in March 2011.

Health workers say the two-child policy encourages unsafe abortions in one of Southeast Asia's poorest regions.

Authorities in Rakhine State say they need to impose controls on Rohingya to prevent further unrest. In Sittwe, the Rakhine State capital, apartheid-like policies have segregated Buddhists from Muslims, many of whom live in prison-like ghettos, since sectarian violence in June last year.

A spokesman for the Rakhine State government last month reaffirmed a 2005 two-child regulation in two townships, Buthidaung and Maungdaw, part of a web of restrictions drawn up by the former military government to control a fast-growing Rohingya population.

"The Bengali women living in the Rakhine State have a lot of children. In some areas, one family has 10 or 12 children," said Khin Yi. "It's not good for child nutrition. It's not very easy for schooling. It is not very easy to take care of the children."

Asked whether he supported the policy, he replied: "Yes."

"NOT IN LINE WITH HUMAN RIGHTS"

The policy has drawn worldwide condemnation and stoked a growing debate over treatment of Rohingya, who claim a centuries-old lineage in Rakhine State.

The United Nations has called on Myanmar to "to remove such policies or practices". New York-based Human Rights Watch said the law was "violating international human rights protections and endangering women's physical and mental health".

Nobel Peace Prize winner Suu Kyi has called the policy "discrimination" that is "not in line with human rights".

The government says the Rohingya are Muslim migrants from Bangladesh who arrived during British colonial rule between 1824 and 1948.

The term "Bengali" suggests they are illegal immigrants from northern neighbor Bangladesh.

A 1982 Citizenship Act excluded Rohingya from Myanmar's 135 recognized ethnic groups, effectively rendering them stateless. Bangladesh also disowns them and has refused to grant them refugee status since 1992.

Khin Yi put their number at 1.33 million in the country of 60 million people, above past estimates of 800,000. He said 1.08 million are in Rakhine State. Only about 40,000 had citizenship, he said.

He said the two-child policy appears to have been implemented on a grass-roots level by the local authorities. "The order is not issued by the central government. It is not issued by the state government," he said.

He said the policy would help reduce problems caused by large impoverished families.

"Almost all of the Bengali women are very poor, uneducated. It is not easy to take care of the children. The two-child policy or three-child policy is enough for these people. That is my point of view," he said.

"UNSAFE ABORTIONS"

To avoid paying fines or being arrested, some pregnant Rohingya have resorted to illegal abortions, say health workers.

"We see women coming into our clinics with infections and medical complications because they have had unsafe abortions," said Vickie Hawkins, deputy head of mission in Myanmar at international medical charity Doctors Without Borders, which has been operating in Rakhine State since 1994.

"We have concluded over the years that women are having unsafe abortions because of the restrictive policies."

Hawkins said the two-child limit was "a public reinforcement of policies that have already been in place for decades".

Doctors Without Borders runs clinics in Maungdaw and Buthidaung townships, home to Rakhine State's largest Rohingya populations. The government does not allow foreign journalists to visit either area.

Human Rights Watch said some Rohingya women pay bribes to evade the regulations and register their children with other legally married adults.

Others keep their children hidden or unregistered to avoid fines or jail, it said. When authorities learn of families with more than two children, the children are sometimes placed on a government blacklist, making them vulnerable to arbitrary arrest.

The two-child policy threatens to fuel wider anti-Muslim sentiment at a time of high communal tension across Myanmar.

In early June, hundreds of Rakhines marched in support of the policy through the Rakhine capital Sittwe and the towns of Mrauk U and Minbya, reported the Yangon-based publication The Voice Weekly.

Led by Buddhist monks, the rallies carried echoes of nationwide protests against the Organisation of Islamic Conference that preceded last October's violence.

(Editing by Alex Richardson)

Inter Press Service

June 10, 2013

UNITED NATIONS - As the situation in Myanmar deteriorates, thousands of Rohingyas have fled the country in search of a safe haven. 

Reports continue to emerge depicting inhuman and squalid conditions in the temporary camps where these displaced people live. 

Local officials in the Rakhine state of Myanmar recently called for the strict implementation of a “two-child policy” on Rohingya Muslims. Even though this announcement has been condemned by human rights groups around the world, the crackdown on Rohingya Muslims in Myanmar is far from over. 

In an interview with IPS correspondent Sudeshna Chowdhury, Dr. Wakar Uddin, director general of of the Arakan Rohingya Union, a non-governmental organisation incorporated in the United States, urged the international community to stand up for the Rohingyas of Myanmar, also known as Burma. 

While the international community has taken note of the sectarian violence against the community, “it is not enough,” Uddin said. 

Critics of the United Nations often cite examples from history when the world body failed to prevent such tragedies, such as the Rwanda genocide and more recently, the death of civilians in Sri Lanka. 

“How many Rohingyas have to die for the international community to respond to the ongoing crisis?” asks Uddin. 

Excerpts from the interview follow: 

Q: What are the larger implications of a two-child policy on the Rohingya Muslim population? 

A: This two-child policy is a tool employed to reduce as well as control the population of Rohingya Muslims. It is an ethnic cleansing policy filled with hate. The policy is specifically for Rohingya Muslims who are unwanted and hated by the government as well as some extremist Buddhist elements. Some experts would say that it is also a genocide policy. 

The population of Rohingyas in Myanmar has grown like the population of any other ethnic group in any part of the world. It is about three million now globally, including those in Myanmar. 

In fact, this two-child policy was there in Myanmar since 1994. However, it lacked serious enforcement. But surgical and forced operations were prevalent in remote pockets of the country. This is why it wasn’t reported widely. But now local authorities are actually stepping up the implementation of the directive. 

The authorities are trying to eliminate the population by driving them out of the country as well as putting a cap on the birth of Rohingyas. So they are controlling the population growth in both ways. Eventually, there will be no Rohingyas left in the region and then one can easily grab all their land. 

Q: So, this is not just about sectarian violence? 

A: A significant amount of land in the Rakhine state, also known as Arakan state of Myanmar, is owned by Rohingyas. Areas within this region are rich in hydrocarbons, natural gas and other resources. So, the goal is to grab these lands that belong to the Rohingyas. 

The extremist elements are trying to drive Rohingya people out of the country by making false claims. They are saying that the Rohingyas had illegally infiltrated the Arakan State of Myanmar, and that they actually belong to Bangladesh and to the state of West Bengal in India. 

But what is important to understand is the fact that the Rohingya history in the country of Myanmar dates back many centuries. 

Q: Is the violence spreading to other parts of the country as well? 

A: The Burmans are the majority ethnic group in Burma. Therefore, what we are seeing is the “Burmanisation” of the country. 

The aim is to eliminate other minority groups in Myanmar. In places like the Kachin state, people are now asking for autonomy. To begin with, violence was mainly directed against the Rohingya Muslims. But now you see Muslims, who are not even Rohingyas, being targeted by the ruling class. Slowly Hindus and Christians, too, won’t be spared as the violence escalates in the rest of the country. 

Q: What is the current situation of those who are displaced? 

A: The most vulnerable are the women and children. From lack of medicines to malnutrition to squalid conditions - you name it. Monsoons are coming so the situation is going to deteriorate further. The internally displaced persons (IDPs) are therefore at a huge risk. 

What is most disturbing is the emergence of sex slave camps where Rohingya women are raped and used as “sex slaves” by Burmese forces. These women have nowhere to go. The authorities provide them with food and shelter. In return they exploit them. 

While incidences of rape do get reported in the media once in a while, there is no systematic data collection or records that can give us an estimate of how many women have been raped. 

Q: How are the neighbouring countries and the international community dealing with this situation? 

A: Some of these Rohingya Muslims took shelter in neighbouring countries, such as India, Thailand and Bangladesh. But we are talking about 1.5 million people here in Arakan. Absorbing them will not solve the Rohingya issue. The root cause of the problem needs to be addressed here. One has to give them their rights. Proper education and jobs will help solve this crisis. 

As far as the role of international community is concerned, it is only now that people outside Burma are paying some attention to the plight of the Rohingyas. 

As members of the Rohingya diaspora, we have to continuously work towards keeping the discussion alive, and keep reminding people that the Rohingyas are suffering and a permanent solution is important to solve the crisis. 

But the international community, like the United Nations, is very slow in responding to such emergencies. Moreover, it is too bureaucratic in nature. Historically, the international community has been very slow in its response when it comes to intervention during such situations. 

So, those capable of intervening wait until a certain number of people die. Before that they do not take action. 

Also one must understand that until very recently Burma was a closed country. International media did not have much access to the region. It was only after the mass killings last year that the international community, including the media, took notice of the Rohingya crisis.

RB News

June 10, 2013

Kyauk Ni Maw, Arakan – Rakhine terrorists torched two Kaman houses in Kyauk Hta Yan village, Kyauk Ni Maw hamlet, Rambre Township on June 9, 2013 at early morning 3 am.

Although there was a heavy rain at that time the houses were burnt down to ashes. According to the villagers the houses were poured with gasoline and set fired. 

An eyewitness told that three Rakhine men from Ka-Su-Kaing village were going through the village before the fire broke out. And he also heard the sound like gun-shot twice. The fire broke out after the sound. So the villagers believe that the Rakhine terrorists poured the gasoline first, and then shot with the gun or something like gun to trigger the fire. 

Even there was an eyewitness to the arson attack by the Rakhine terrorists, the authorities are blaming the houses owners of being careless. The authorities are trying to hide the reality behind the arson attacks and covering it up as if normal fire was broke out. 

The houses owners are Chit Thein and Kar Thein and they belong to Kaman ethnic. They were brought to the police station in Kyauk Ni Maw by the authorities. They were pressured and also threatened to claim it as a normal fire.

The Rakhine terrorists have been trying to torch the houses in Kyauk Hta Yan village since last month but as the villagers are vigilant most of the time, they did not succeed before. However, after many attempts, they were able to burn down these two houses on 9th of June 2013.

RB News

June 10, 2013

Maungdaw, Arakan – Aung Kyaw Zin from Special Branch of Intelligent is extorting money from local Rohingya residents like a robber in Maungdaw according to the villagers from Aley Than Kyaw, Maungdaw Township.

On 4th of June 2013, Aung Kyaw Zin arrested a Rohingya, Molvi Rahul Amin S/o Fayaz Ahmed (21-years-old) on false accusation while Amin was coming back from Aley Than Kyaw bazaar. Then he locked Amin up for one night in Intelligent Station. 

“This Molvi (Religious Cleric) is innocent. He was arrested while coming back from bazaar. Aung Kyaw Zin knew that the financial status of Amin’s parent could meet his extortion demand. I was informed that the Molvi was cruelly tortured while kept in prison for one night. Next morning (i.e. June 9, 2013), his parents gave Kyat 600,000/ extortion money to Aung Kyaw Zin and he was finally released.” a villager told to RB News.

Aung Kyaw Zin has been arresting local Rohingya residents nearby bazaar since long time for extortion. Every shopkeeper in Aley Than Kyaw must pay him 1,000/ Kyat weekly as bribe. Any shopkeeper would be arrested if fails to do so. A villager said that he especially targets the people who can effort the money. 

Beside this, about twenty members of Nasaka (Border Security Guards) from Area No (7) have raided Thadar village in Southern Maungdaw on 2nd of June 2013. As the Nasaka used to arrest, torture and extort money whenever they raid, the Rohingya men from the village fled. But one unfortunate Abu Kasim S/o Karlu (25-years-old) was unable to escape as he was sick. He was handcuffed and inhumanly tortured in front of his mother by the Nasaka. 

“Abu Kasim couldn’t go out because he was sick. Whenever Nasaka raided we were tortured and extorted money. Sometimes they arrest us and keep us in prison till we arrange the extortion money they ask for the release. So Rohingya men do not stay in the village whenever Nasaka comes. As Abu Kasim was sick and could not escape he was handcuffed and brutally beaten. And his mother couldn’t bear the pain and finally gave Kyat 200,000 to Nasaka to stop the torturing.” said a villager.

“Mayu district is like a hell for us” the villager continued.

Los Angeles

June 9, 2013

Taking into accounts of all the crimes committed against Rohingya and the Muslim population of Burma and based on the United Nation’s Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide Article II,the crimes against humanity in Myanmar have risen to the level of genocide. Therefore, the Myanmar Muslim Genocide Awareness Convention (MMGAC) has declared the following resolution on protection and prevention of genocide against Rohingya and the Muslim population in Myanmar.

1. MMGAC, in the strongest term, condemns the violence against the Muslim population of Myanmar that has entered the stages of genocide. We demand the Government of Myanmar to protect the Rohingya and the Myanmar Muslim to the fullest extent and bring the rule of law to the land that it governs.

2. The Government of Myanmar must bring the perpetrators of the crimes targeting the Rohingya and the Muslim population of Myanmar to justice.

3. The Government of Myanmar must provide full security to NGOs, INGOs, Muslim community and its religious leaders, and the National League for Democracy leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi.

4. The Government of Myanmar must give the international team of investigators complete access to all the areas in Myanmar that are affected by the violence.

5. The Government of Myanmar must return the land and properties of the displaced people, and must allow the restoration and rebuilding of their properties and places of worship immediately. The Government of Myanmar must permanently lift the closure of the Muslim places of worship in Rakhine state and all around Myanmar and allow the Rohingya people to have funeral services according to their religious customs and practice decent burial service at cemeteries.

6. The Government of Myanmar must reinstate Rohingya as the original ethnic race of Myanmar along with their bona-fide citizenship of Myanmar. The Government of Myanmar must also give full equality and rights to all the Muslims of Myanmar in their citizenship as the other citizens of Myanmar.

7. The Government of Myanmar must outlaw the 969 terror network and must take actions to stop their terrorist activities in Myanmar and in Southeast Asia region.

8. We appeal the Government of the United States and the European Union to designate 969 group in Myanmar as a terrorist network, and impose sanctions on individuals associated with 969 terror network.

9. We appeal the United States Congress to conduct a hearing on ethnic cleansing and violence against Rohingya and Muslim population in Myanmar.

10. We strongly urge the international community to fully cooperate with the legal experts in launching an investigation to the genocide committed by the officials in the Government of Myanmar in association with the extremist Buddhist elements, to pave the way to proceed to the International Criminal Court.

M.S. Anwar

RB News

June 9, 2013

Maung Daw, Arakan: Around 8PM yesterday (i.e. on 8th June 2013), twelve Rakhine terrorists attempted to torch a Rohingya house in the village of Kilaiduang (Duchira Dan), Southern Maung Daw. The terrorists apparently came from a nearby Rakhine village called Kaing Kyun.

“At 8PM yesterday, 12 Rakhine terrorists from the village of Kaing Kyun secretly entered the middle village of Kilaidaung and attempted to torch the house of Abdu Salam S/o Abdul Aziz. People on night sentry duty spotted them and yelled. And the villagers came out and chased the terrorists. 11 of them managed to escape, while one got caught by the villagers.

The villagers handed him over to the NaSaKa Camp 15 headed by Captain Hein Htay under the commandment area 7. NaSaKa is said to have been carrying out investigations” said a nearby villager. 

But what the villagers could confirm from the terrorist is that he is not a local of the above mentioned village and came from somewhere else. He is one of those who are deployed in an operation to burn down Rohingyas’ houses in Arakan. 

“Upon questioning, he answered he is not a local of Maung Daw and is in an operation led by some Rakhine terrorists ring in Arakan” the villager added.

A similar case happened in the village of Shikdar Fara (Myoma Kayintan) on 3rd March 2013 that a few Rakhine terrorists attempted a Rohingya house. And one of them got caught and handed over to Police. Police released him arbitrarily saying he was a fool.

“We really wish NaSaKa to carry out a proper investigation and protect Rohingya villagers from the danger posed by Rakhine terrorists. We don’t think NaSaKa will behave as arbitrarily as Police did” said an elderly Rohingya.

In a separate incidence this morning, Captain Htaik Soe of the Military Camp based in the village of Kanthaya threatened the villagers of Baggona that he will shoot down if any Rohingya in the village if they shout like the villagers of Kilaidaung last night. 

“He threatened Baggona villagers of being shot down if they shout like the villagers of Kilaidaung even if Rakhines attempt to torch their houses. Therefore, the villagers suspect and fear that he is also involved in the plot to burn Rohingyas’ houses in the region” he continued.

The Nation

June 8, 2013

After all the years that Thailand has been involved with sheltering refugees from neighboring countries, one would think that our authorities' handling of sensitive humanitarian issues would have improved over time. But as a recent report by Human Rights Watch (HRW) suggests, Thai officials have learned little and haven't improved their overall attitude to those in vulnerable situations.

HRW has called on the Thai government to immediately end the detention under inhumane conditions of more than 1,700 ethnic Rohingya, who are being kept in overcrowded cells in immigration detention centers around the country. The statement followed the release of shocking video footage of an immigration facility in Phang Nga province, aired by ITN Channel 4 News on May 31.

“The ITN program showed 276 Rohingya men living in extremely cramped conditions in two cells resembling large cages, each designed to hold only 15 men,” HRW said in a statement. “They barely had enough room to sit. Some suffered from swollen feet and withered leg muscles due to lack of exercise. The men said they have not been let out of the cells in five months.”

Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra should be reminded that in January she agreed to permit Rohingya arriving by boat from Myanmar to stay temporarily, initially for six months, until they could be safely repatriated to their places of origin or resettled to third countries. She needs to understand that she can't go around making these promises to the international community and then turn a blind eye to the appalling conduct of her officials.

Moreover, the U.N. High Commissioner for Refugees has not been permitted to screen the Rohingya in Phang Nga. The embarrassment that would be caused by revelation of the dreadful holding conditions is likely the same reason why the government is reluctant to permit foreign governments and international organizations like the U.N. from visiting the violent deep South, where a Malay-Muslim insurgency has raged since 2004. There are just too many things to hide, like the culture of impunity and extrajudicial killings by government and pro-government officials.

Five years ago Thai security officials on the southern coast sent a boatload of Rohingya back out to sea, where many had already died. Shortly after that there was another incident in which video footage showed how Thai officials lined up Rohingya refugees in the open under a blazing sun.

In response to these back-to-back incidents, local media were brought in to report on Thai doctors and aid workers “pampering” the new wave of Rohingya boat people. But more keep coming and the end is nowhere in sight. It's nowhere in sight because no one in the region is willing to take up the issue and discuss the root cause of the migration problem, which is the statelessness of the Rohingya in Myanmar.

The Rohingya are stranded along the Myanmar-Bangladesh border. Southeast Asia's construct of “nation-states” has passed them by. Post-colonial governments drew up national maps, most of which were in line with boundaries left by the European powers. Neither Myanmar nor Bangladesh wants them, thus making them one of the most pitiable people in the world. And neither country seems willing to do anything about resolving the problem.

While emerging countries like Myanmar and Bangladesh seek to administer the territory within their political boundaries, they don't always want the people that come with it — especially if they are from a different cultural and linguistic stock from the ruling majority.

The stateless hilltribe people along the northern and western Thai border are not much different from the Rohingya. The only difference is that most, if not all, of the northern hilltribes have been documented, even though they might not have been granted citizenship and the privileges that come with it.

But documentation is a start. And perhaps this is where Myanmar should begin. The Rohingya issue should be about legality. It's a humanitarian crisis that stems from an unwillingness to give them legal status anywhere.

RB News

June 8, 2013

Geneva: Last Thursday and Friday “Ethnic Cleansing on Rohingyas in Burma” became the hottest issue at Geneva UN Human Rights Council. About four side events took place in last two days to discuss about the Human Rights situations in Arakan. 

“Persecutions of Rohingya Muslims in Burma” event was organized by Human Rights Watch. Chris Lewa, Director of Arakan Project, Melanie Teff from Refugees International, Tun Khin from Burmese Rohingya Organization UK and Josh Lyons, Human Rights Watch Satellite Imagery Analyst joined the penal to highlight the ethnic cleansing on Rohingyas.

The missions from about 20 countries attended the events including US Mission, UK Mission and OIC mission. 

Chis Lewa highlighted the Northern Arakan State situation in detail. Melanie Teff raised the issues about the Humanitarian Aid and Tun Khin President of BROUK pinpointed about the 1982 citizenship law and actions that needed to be taken by the International Community urgently. Josh Lyon; HRW Satellite Imagery Analyst explained with the power point presentation how Rohingya and Kaman Muslim were systematically targeted in Arakan.

“It was very fruitful events that encouraged for an international investigation. It also served as a Joint Lobby Group to support the investigation on Arakan violence by about 20 important missions to the UN. Even after one year the safe return of Rohingya IDPs to the original places has not been discussed yet, at the same time the Humanitarian Aids reaching to them has been constantly facing restrictions and blockages by the authorities and local Rakhine extremists.” said Tun Khin.

The 1982 citizenship law which deprived Rohingyas of their bona fide citizenship rights has been strongly criticized by the international human rights advocacy groups abroad. In home, it also faced a serious question being of an international human rights standard by the major opposition party NLD led by Nobel Laureate Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. It is reported that still President Then Sein Government is trying to implement it by force; ignoring international outcries. So far more than 35,000 Rohingya boatpeople have left the country because of the unbearable situation that made by the authorities. It is also seen that the government is encouraging violence against Rohingyas and other Muslims minority in Burma by allowing hatred speeches and by failing to take accountability on the perpetrators.

BROUK president asked the missions to discuss the immediate intervention to stop the crimes against humanities by the Burmese government and to send UN Observers to the effected Arakan region. He also requested to form UN Commission of Inquiry to investigate the violence and to bring those found responsible to justice. 

On Thursday evening Joint Lobby Group held a press conference in Geneva Press Club.

BROUK President was invited to speak at the UN Panel Discussion on Friday where they discussed on the problem of Statelessness and its severe impact on Human Rights in Burma. Mark Manly, the Head of the Statelessness Unit, UNHCR, Lilianna Gamboa Coordinator of Open Society Justice Initiative, and Zahara Albarazi Researcher from Tilburg University also joined the penal. The event was moderated by Deputy Chief of Mission to the UN in Geneva.

BROUK President highlighted the incompatibility of 1982 Burmese Citizenship Law with International Human Rights Law. He also mentioned about the existence of Rohingya in Burma since early 7th Century A.D and how the Rohingya ethnicity and citizenship rights were stripped of by the previous Military governments and by the current President Thein Sein’s quasi civilian government. He reiterated the intention of all Rohingyas to live peacefully in their home land along side with other ethnic people as dignified citizens of Burma with their ethnic Rights and citizenship rights restored.

MYARF

RB Analysis

June 8, 2013

Rohingyas have been the victims of a conspired Genocide in the hands of brutal Burmese Regime and Rakhine terrorists. Burmese regimes have been creating a conspiracy after a conspiracy to blindfold the international community. Today, Rohingyas, who are on the verge of extermination, have been living in fear of being massacred. To exaggerate their fear of becoming victims of targeted violence again, a highly suspicious film shooting took place in the village of Shikda Fara (Myoma Kayintan), Maung Daw, from 1:30PM to 2:30PM on 5th June 2013. Here is its true account as it has been told by an eyewitness. 

“Around 1:30PM, about 12 Military Personnel from the camp based at Basic Education High School (BEHS) 1 located in the village of Myoma Kayintan took some intimidating pictures to create a fake situation suspected to carry out further more violence against Rohingyas.

The military personnel with their cameras went to the road between Basic Education High School 1 and Basic Education Primary School (it is also the road to the central mosque) in the village. They were accompanied by two Policemen (Tin Aye and a Bama Police) and five Rakhine youths. Subsequently, they blocked the road and so did the villagers’ access. Some descriptions such as “STARTING FOR THE SECOND TIME, ANYONE WHO CROSSES IT WILL BE SHOT DOWN” were written on the Road Barricades. 

The Rakhine youths had to do rehearsals for the shots several times as they kept laughing. While the military were holding up their guns and one of them was with a micro-speaker as if issuing warning, Rakhine youths were made to act as if they were trying to attack the Military by stones and sticks. Then, taking pictures and making videos of the scenes including Rohingya passers-by in different dimensions followed. 

Another shot of the video was made as a military captain asked one of the military to take off his uniform and to pretend as if he was a civilian caught by a police officer. He did as he was asked to and one of the motor policemen acted of forcing him to lie down, twisting one of his arms and putting his (Police Officer’s) gun on the attacker’s (the military person’s) back. 

One thing here, what one of us spotted was, when the actor (the military) happened to show his face during the shoot, the cameramen asked him not to show his face. We suspect he was asked so because they were pretending as though Rohingyas attacking the military. This might be preliminary steps to making up fake videos before they prompt another massive violence against Rohingyas.

On the same day, three trucks of Monks and Rakhine youths from rural areas were taken into a monastery called Aung Mye Bawdi at the northern part of the same village tract. Later, the military went there and asked them to put their hands up while they were getting off the trucks only to make videos of the scenes.

We have never seen film shooting in our areas. This time we could see but it might not be for our pleasure and it can blast us if it goes as to our suspicions. We also suspect the authority did all these drama to extend the Curfew (Martial Law) period continuously against Rohngyas. Since the curfew order imposed on Rohingyas, they have neither been able to move nor been able to work.”

(Edited by Maung Aurther)

Press TV

June 7, 2013

Myanmar’s opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi has rejected criticism leveled at her over her silence about the persecution of the Rohingya Muslim community, while announcing her desire to run for president. 

The Muslim minority of Rohingyas in Myanmar accounts for about five percent of the country’s population of nearly 60 million. The persecuted minority has faced torture, neglect, and repression since the country achieved independence in 1948. 

Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch have called on Myanmar’s government to address the plight of the Rohingya Muslim population and to protect the community against Buddhist extremists. 

“I do not want to aggravate the situation by saying that one community is wrong or the other community is wrong,” she added. 

Suu Kyi made the remarks during a meeting with foreign business executives in the city of Naypyidaw on Thursday. 

She also expressed her political ambitions and said, “If I pretended that I didn’t want to be president I wouldn’t be honest. And I would rather be honest with my people than otherwise… I want to run for president.” 

Under the current law, her marriage to a foreigner disqualifies her for Myanmar presidency.

Alfred Joyner
International Business Times
June 7, 2013

Religious violence in Burma between the Buddhist majority and other ethnic groups, such as the Rohinga Muslims, has existed for decades if not centuries. However over the last 12 months what's been classed by both Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch as a wave of ethnic cleansing has been sweeping across various townships in the Rakhine state on the country's west coast.

The United Nations estimates are that around 140,000 people have fled widespread oppression and brutal violence to makeshift refugee camps, with many dying unnecessarily. But while the international community has praised President Thein Sein for his steps towards improving democracy in Burma, they have turned a blind eye to the growing violence and persecution against the Muslim minority in the country.

In an exclusive documentary short, IBTimes UK investigates the hidden genocide currently occurring inside Burma.

Mark Farmaner is director of London-based human rights organisation Burma Campaign UK. He explains how the government has dealt with the country's multi-ethnic makeup since independence in 1948.

"Burma is a predominantly Buddhist country but it is not [an entirely] Buddhist country. It is made up of many different ethnic groups, many ethnic minorities and many different religions," he says.

"This is what goes to the root of why there has been a dictatorship and human rights abuses and incidents like what is taking place in Rakhine state and Kachin. The vision of the central government of Burma since independence has been that Burma is a Burmese Buddhist country and they try to impose and 'Burmanise' the rest of the ethnic minorities and religions in the country."

Martine Flokstra has been in Burma for the past few months as part of the work done by Médecins Sans Frontières, which has been providing aid and healthcare in the country for the last 22 years.

Speaking via Skype, she says: "The majority of people are still living in makeshift camps, meaning straw, wood, rice bags and plastic sheeting, on rice paddies and areas which are prone to be flooded".

"There are people starting to flee during the night to other camps because they were very afraid for the upcoming rain and storms."

IBTimes UK exclusively revealed the sinister actions of 45-year-old Buddhist Monk Ashin Witharu who, fresh from serving a nine-year jail term for inciting anti-Muslim prejudice, has crept back into the spotlight after sending his sermons of hate around the world through social media.

Foreign correspondent Gianluca Mezzofiore explains that the videos form part of an apartheid-like campaign in the country.

"His videos have been uploaded on YouTube and followed by thousands of people. The videos encourage people to boycott Muslim businesses and communities," he says.

"In these videos he warned Buddhists against Muslims, accusing them of raping Buddhist women. He claims that they've taken over, they're too rich, and that through their mosques they're planning foreign influence on the country."

Tun Khin is a Rohingya Muslim from Burma and president of London-based Burmese Rohingya Organisation UK. He condemns the inaction of western government to impose sanctions on Burma and says that it is critical more aid is provided.

"Well firstly, the international community have to take action immediately to provide humanitarian aid in all the areas of Rakhine. Other Rohingya are facing a restriction of movement. They can't buy food, they can't go to hospital. They have to provide humanitarian aid to protect the Rohingyas," he says.

"Secondly the international community has to support the UN Commission of Inquiry. Crimes against humanity and ethnic cleansing is taking place in our country against the Rohingya's. There needs to be justice and accountability to bring those perpetrators to justice."

Zoya Phan knows the reality of extreme violence and fear. She's Burmese-born and from the Karen ethnic group. As a young girl, she and her family were forced to flee from vicious attacks on the village she called home.

She tells IBTimes UK that Britain and the rest of the international community need to be more forthright in their condemnation of Thein Sein's current regime of religious persecution, and hopes that one day a fair and equal multi-cultural society in Burma can be established.

"I can't believe that the British government and the rest of the EU countries turned a blind eye against this situation in Burma and prioritised trade and investment," she says.

"What we need to see in Burma in the future is where everyone can have freedom of expressions. Not just some people in central Burma but everyone, regardless of our race, our ethnicities, our gender, our religion. Everyone is equal and should be treated equally."

CNN

June 7, 2013

Channel News Asia

June 7, 2013

Malaysia has stepped up law enforcement to prevent ethnic clashes within the Myanmar community from spreading. Sectarian violence in the community left four people dead in Kuala Lumpur. Malaysian police arrested over a thousand Myanmar nationals in the past week

MALAYSIA: Malaysia has stepped up law enforcement to prevent ethnic clashes within the Myanmar community from spreading.

Sectarian violence in the community left four people dead in Kuala Lumpur. Malaysian police arrested over a thousand Myanmar nationals in the past week.

32-year-old Mohd Rafik fled Myanmar's Rakhine state three months ago, after he was allegedly attacked by members of the so-called 969 radical group.

Now being treated in Kuala Lumpur for severe slash wounds, Mr Rafik’s hope is to start his life anew in Malaysia.

He said: "I hope to bring my family over one day, unless the situation improves in Myanmar.”

But now, it seems the violence that Mr Rafik was trying to escape has followed him to Malaysia and clashes over the last two weeks have left four people dead.

Malaysia is home to one the largest Rohingya communities in the region. Although the UNHCR said there are 23,000 registered Rohingya refugees in the country, human rights groups said the unregistered ones are twice as many.

Some have lived and worked in Malaysia for ages and they too condemned the recent spate of violent clashes. They deny that the violence was started by Rohingya seeking revenge against Myanmar nationals working in the country.

Abdul Ghani Abdul Rahman, deputy president of Rohingya Society of Malaysia, said: "Do you think that we dare and are bold enough to attack them in a country of others? We came here to get shelter and to have a safer place for Rohingya to stay. Rohingya have never fought, even though Rohingya have lost their family members. A lot of relatives have been killed by the Myanmar (nationals), killed by the Rakhine people.”

There are close to half a million Myanmar nationals in Malaysia, working mostly in factories, restaurants and other service industries.

Leaders of Myanmar's ethnic minorities are calling for a peace dialogue to condemn the deadly clashes that are threatening to jeopardise their status in their host country, Malaysia.

Mr Ghani said: "Malaysians are kind enough towards refugees. This way, our refugees need to understand not to bring this problem from Myanmar to here."

Malaysian Home Minister Zahid Hamidi has warned of tougher action against troublemakers.

He has asked the UNHCR to work closely with enforcement agencies to contain the situation.

He said: "The ethnic cleansing efforts are not part of Malaysia’s culture. We want the UNHCR to cooperate more with the police and immigration authorities in order to prevent recurrences, if indeed they want to protect the Myanmar refugees. They should work with the authorities so that Malaysia is not seen as a country that's lax in enforcement."

The UNHCR has said it is still assessing the situation, even as thousands of asylum seekers, reportedly from Myanmar, are still being held in detention centres across the country.

Chris Lewa

In May 2013, authorities in Myanmar's Rakhine state issued a directive placing a two-child limit on Rohingya couples in two predominately Muslim townships in the region -- in blatant disregard of the recommendations of a commission set up to investigate the recent violence between Muslims and Buddhists in western Myanmar.

As political reforms slowly took hold in Myanmar following years under the rule of the military junta, longstanding tensions exploded into sectarian violence in Rakhine in 2012, instigated by Rakhine Buddhists against Rohingya Muslims.

Hostility toward the Rohingya has deep roots, fueled by prejudicial and competing notions of the role of race and religion in Myanmar's national identity. Successive regimes and Myanmar society at large perceive the Rohingya as a product of recent migration and Islamic expansion from overpopulated Bangladesh. Antagonism towards Islam has lately spiraled into anti-Muslim strife in other parts of the country.

During military rule, the Rohingya were subject to a gradual process of marginalization and exclusion through discriminatory policies and restrictions, particularly in Northern Rakhine State. Denial of citizenship has legitimized arbitrary treatment against them and exacerbated hatred.

The two-child policy emerged from this context and from local orders issued by the NaSaKa and other local authorities since the early 1990s. The NaSaKa, established as a border security force in December 1992, was tasked, among other things, with controlling Rohingya population growth. Restrictions on movement and regular population checks were imposed to prevent imaginary infiltrations from Bangladesh, while regulating marriages and family size aimed at curbing birth rate from within.

In January 1994, the NaSaKa introduced a local order requiring official permission to marry, contradicting customary marriage practice. This order later included penalties for non-compliance. In practice, marriage authorizations can take up to several years to obtain and are only granted against the payment of bribes. Infringement such as cohabitation or sexual contact out of wedlock can result in up to 10 years' imprisonment. Currently, 535 Rohingya men are serving sentences for unauthorized marriages in Buthidaung Jail, according to research by the Arakan Project. To avoid prosecution, many young women resort to induced and illegal abortion.

Local orders limiting the number of children for newly married couples were first issued by township administrations in Maungdaw and Buthidaung in April 2005. They imposed stringent conditions for applying for marriage permission and added that "Those permitted to marry according to this Order should control the birth rate and limit the number of children for livelihood sufficiency." The number of children was not specified. However, the limitation was enforced when newly-married couples were asked to sign a declaration. Initially, the pledge was no more than three children, reduced to two children in 2007.

Consequently, Rohingya women giving birth to a third child are unable to register the newborn and could be prosecuted under Section 188 of the Penal Code for disobeying orders from a civil servant, which carries a prison sentence of up to 6 months. Most often, they become victims of never-ending extortion by local authorities.

The Rakhine Investigation Commission estimated that 60,000 Rohingya children are currently unregistered, born out of unauthorized as well as authorized marriages. Some parents are too poor to cover travel expenses and bribes for birth registration, or experience administrative hurdles. An absent father precludes the mother from registering her baby, or the newborn is above the permissible number of births.

Unregistered children are not recorded in the family list as they do not exist administratively. They will not be issued with a temporary ID card and will thus be unable to attend school, to apply for travel permits or ultimately to marry.

The Commission report cites high birth rates among Rohingya as a key factor of insecurity among Rakhine. It recommends family planning education to mitigate these concerns but stresses that authorities should refrain from implementing forcible birth control measures.

Lack of awareness but also poor access to family planning is prevalent, particularly in rural areas where reproductive health services are often unavailable. Elsewhere, a growing number of Rohingya families have actually adopted birth spacing methods.

This Rakhine State Government directive also violates Myanmar's international obligations under the Convention for the Elimination of Discrimination against Women and the Convention on the Rights of the Child.

In a speech on May 6, President Thein Sein pledged that his government would ensure the basic rights of Muslims in Rakhine State, enforce the rule of law and "provide genuine and decisive leadership in resolving the conflict." Leading pro-democracy activist and lawmaker Aung San Suu Kyi also condemned the two-child restriction on Rohingya couples as "discrimination not in line with human rights."

Following international outrage, Ye Htut, the President's spokesperson, timidly responded that the government is re-examining this order.

Thein Sein's words must urgently be translated into action and he should immediately repeal the two-child policy and other discriminatory orders against the Rohingya. If left unchallenged, more directives will be issued that could trigger renewed violence.

Chris Lewa is founder and director of The Arakan Project, an NGO engaged for the past 13 years in research-based advocacy on the situation of the Rohingya people in Rakhine State, their predicament as refugees in Bangladesh and their migratory movements in the region.

Middle East Online

June 6, 2013

No words can suffice to describe the plight of the Rohingyas who are trying to survive an unprecedentedly violent ethnic purge, with support and complicity of the Burmese government and silence of the very western governments that never cease to preach democracy and human rights, writes Ramzy Baroud.

On April 21, the BBC obtained disturbing video footage shot in Burma. It confirmed extreme reports of what has been taking place in that country, even as it is being touted by the US and European governments as a success story pertaining to political reforms and democracy.

The BBC footage was difficult to watch even when faces of Muslim Rohingya victims were blurred. To say the least, the level of violence exhibited by their Arakan Buddhist attackers was frightening. “The Burmese police (stood) by as shops, homes and mosques are looted and burnt, and failing to intervene as Buddhist mobs, including monks, kill fleeing Muslims,” the BBC reported. A Rohingya man was set ablaze while still alive. The police watched.

To some extent, international media is finally noticing the plight of the Rohingyas who are experiencing what can only be described as genocide. And there are reasons for this. On one hand, the atrocities being carried out by the Burmese state, local police and mobs belonging to nationalist Buddhist groups in the northwestern ArakanState, are unambiguous attempts at removing all Rohingyas from Burma. The Rohingya numbers currently hover between 800,000 and one million. On the other hand, Burma (also known as Myanmar) has, as of late, been placed in the limelight for the wrong reasons - thanks in part to western governments breaking the political and economic siege of the country’s decades-long military dictatorship.

While the ‘new Burma’ is being rebranded in a new positive discourse in order to open Rangoon up for foreign investments and steer it way from growing Chinese influence, western governments are deliberately ignoring the fact that a human rights crisis of unprecedented proportions is taking place. This all being done with the active involvement and encouragement of the government.

In the eyes of many in Burma, the Rohingyas are considered subhumans, and are treated as such. Most Rohingya Muslims are native to the state of “Rohang” – also known as Rakhine or Arakan. The majority of them live in very poor townships – mainly Buthidaung and Maungdaw – in the northwestern part of Arakan, or live in refugee camps. Their population subsists between the nightmare of having no legal status (as they are still denied citizenship), little or no rights and the ethnic purges carried out by their neighbors. The worst of such violence in recent years took place between June and October 2012. However, the onslaught targeting Rohingyas is resurfacing and spreading. This time around the intensity and the parameters of violence grew to include other Muslim minority groups in the country.

The BBC footage is not only revealing in the sense that it confirmed the authorities’ complicity in the violence, but it also reflected the government’s general attitude towards this minority group, described by the UN as the ‘world’s most persecuted people’. Responding to the outcry against his country’s brutal treatment of its minorities, Burmese President Then Sein made an ‘offer’ to the UN last year where he was willing to send the Rohingyas “to any other country willing to accept them.”

This peculiar behavior by the Burmese government is problematic in more than one way. Rangoon doesn’t seem even slightly mindful of international humanitarian laws or simply wishes to ignore it altogether. Its legal frame of reference is hardly a reflection of a repented dictatorship. But what is even more dangerous is that Rangoon has been sending unmistakable messages to nationalist groups who are leading the ethnic purges, that their extremely violent behavior is in fact consistent with the central policies of their governments.

Groups like Human Rights Watch (HRW) have become markedly more outspoken regarding the violence against the Rohingya. To quell growing criticism, perhaps fearing a backlash in terms of lucrative business contracts, the Burmese government decided to investigate the ‘sectarian violence’ through a supposed independent commission. Its recommendations were as equally disturbing as the violence itself.

The government Inquiry Commission on the Sectarian Violence in Rakhine State, assembled last August, was composed of 27-members, all Arkanese Buddhists, none of them from the Rohingya minority. The long-awaited report on the violence finally emerged on April 29, 2013. Its major findings included concerns over “rapid population growth” among Rohingya and Kaman Muslims. Its recommendations compelled a swift response from local authorities that moved in to limit the birth rate of Muslim Rohingya in two large townships.

On May 26, Arakan State spokesperson Win Myaing told journalists that the findings of the commission were consistent with the 2005 law that limits birth rate among Roghingya Muslims to two children per family. That discriminatory law goes back to 1994 where severe marriage restrictions were imposed on the Rohingya community, requiring long and complicated procedures. The BBC said, “it is not clear how (the ‘two-child policy’) will be enforced.”

Regardless of what sort of mechanisms Burmese authorities plan to put in place to implement the ‘law’, limiting population growth of the Rohingya people, is an abhorrent principle in and of itself. It even compelled celebrated ‘democracy icon’ Aung San SuuKyi to break her silence regarding the violence against Rohingyas, however, she carefully selected her language.

“It is not good to have such discrimination. And it is not in line with human rights either,” SuuKyi told reporters, although “she could not confirm whether the policy was being implemented,” reported the BBC online on May 27.

Considering the level of violence directed at Rohingyas and the fact that more than 125,000 Rohingya have already been pushed into internally displaced camps, (tens of thousands more have already been forced to flee the country and are scattered in refugee camps throughout Southeast Asia) one can only imagine the kind of sinister plans which are being put into action, amid the deafening international silence.

In fact, ‘silence’ is an understatement, for following the early wave of devastating violence, European officials welcomed the country’s ‘measured response’ and spokesperson for the EU's high representative on foreign affairs, Catherine Ashton, said on June 11: “We believe that the security forces are handling this difficult inter-communal violence in an appropriate way.”

Meanwhile, western countries led by the United States, are clamoring to divide the large Burmese economic cake amongst themselves. As Rohingya boats were floating (or sinking) in various waters, Burma’s President Sein met with Norway's Prime Minister Jens Stoltenberg in a ‘landmark’ visit in Oslo on February 26. Regarding the conflict in Arakan, Jens Stoltenberg unambiguously declared it to be an internal Burmese affair, reducing it to the most belittling statements. In regards to ‘disagreements’ over citizenship, he said, “we have encouraged dialogue, but we will not demand that Burma’s government give citizenship to the Rohingyas.” Moreover, to reward Sein for his supposedly bold democratic reforms, Norway took the lead by waving off nearly half of its debt and other countries followed suit, including Japan which dropped $3 billion last year.

Meanwhile, the Rohingyas are left to ponder their punishment for flouting one discriminatory law or another. “Fear of punishment under the two-child rule compel far too many Rohingya women to risk their lives and turn to desperate and dangerous measures to self-induce abortions,” Asia director at HRW, Brad Adams said in a report published May 28.

No words can suffice to describe the plight of the Rohingyas who are trying to survive an unprecedentedly violent ethnic purge, with support and complicity of the Burmese government and silence of the very western governments that never cease to preach democracy and human rights.

Matthew Smith is a researcher for HRW and author of the organization's report, "All You Can Do is Pray": Crimes Against Humanity and Ethnic Cleansing of Rohingya Muslims in Burma's Arakan State.’ Concluding a commentary in CNN online, Smith wrote: “The world should not be blinded by the excitement of Myanmar's political opening. Rohingya are paying for that approach with their lives.” Since then, more Rohingyas were killed, many more homes, mosques, shops and orphanages were burned to the ground and there has been no international uproar as of yet.

Ramzy Baroud (www.ramzybaroud.net) is an internationally-syndicated columnist and the editor of PalestineChronicle.com. His latest book is: My Father was A Freedom Fighter: Gaza's Untold Story (Pluto Press).

RB News

June 6, 2013

Amsterdam: The delegation of Burmese Rohingya Community Netherlands (BRCNL) had meeting with H.E. Witjaksono Adji, Counselor of Indonesia Embassy in The Hague of Netherlands on June 3, 2013. 

Sazaat Ahammed, Chairman of BRCNL and Muzharul Haque, member of BRCNL discussed with the Mr Adji about Rohingya ethnic cleansing in Arakan and daily abuses against Muslims throughout Myanmar/Burma and Rohingyas and Burmese Muslims fleeing from Burma to Australia through Indonesia. 

During the meeting, Sazaat Ahammed requests Indonesia foreign minister to pressure Burmese government to stop the Rohingya ethnic cleansing in Arakan and violence against Muslims across Burma. 

Ahammed also urges Indonesia government to provide temporary shelter to the refugees in co-operation with UNHCR till the situation is stable in Burma and all the rights of Muslims are restored. 

Ahammed gave the monthly leaflet of BRCNL and a document with graphic photos of Rohingya ethnic cleansing in Burma to the Counselor at the end of the meeting.

BRCNL's Leaflet