M.S. Anwar
RB Aricle
September 9, 2012

President Thein Sein: An Oxymoron and Liar 

Recently, President Thein Sein claimed “the riot in the region is not religious but communal. International community and media are politicizing the matter,” while they have been instigating violence against Rohingya and propagating racial hatred among general Burmese people and to turn them against Rohingyas by using Buddhism as a tool. Government and Rakhine extremists accuse Rohingyas to be threats and dangers to Buddhism. Therefore, Rohingyas need to be cleansed. 

Moreover, President Thein Sein recently in an interview to VOA said “Bengalis (his own term for Rohingyas) have been living there for generations. We have been considering modifying 1982 citizenship law.” Is it not contradictory to his earlier statement to UNHCR Chief Antonio Gutterres “they are recent Bengali Immigrants and the only solution to the problem is to settle them in third countries?” Burmese government and Rakhine extremist in home and abroad are leaving no stone unturned to deceive the world. They are forcefully or by other means using members of Hindu society (who look like Rohingyas) and taking pictures and making video showing their daily activities to portray that the situation in Arakan has become peaceful and come to normality. Hence, no investigations are needed, no observers and media to sent and not even humanitarian assistances, at a time when they continuously committing crimes against Rohingyas. 

When UN Special Rapporteur on Human Rights, Mr. Tomas Ojea Quintana visited Arakan, Burmese authorities organized some Hindus and few of their puppets from Rohingya community to meet and lie to him. Besides, he was not given free access to meet Rohingya people. The similar case happened with Turkish Foreign Misnister Ahmet Davutglo when he visited Sittwe, Arakan. The government vetted translator mistranslated and omitted the important words of a Rohingya victim in the translation. 

On 17th August 2012, Thein Sein released an 18-paged statement in which he said “some political parties, monks and individuals incited extreme racial hatred and encouraged people to commit irrational racial attacks against Bengali Muslims (his own term for Rohingya Muslims).” What is this? Is it not contradictory to his earlier statements? Is not he an oxymoron? 

By the time Human Rights Watch (HRW) exposed the involvement of the government in the crimes, President Thein Sein has rather hastily set up an inquiry commission by himself to investigate the ongoing crises in Arakan. How can one expect impartial investigations when the culprits who started this ugly racism and committed all these crimes themselves have taken charge of the investigations? One should wonder who will be the ultimate sufferers as a result of this investigation when the people in the government itself are criminals. The commission visited violence hit regions and went back. But they could not meet the real victims, Rohingyas. When some Rohingyas invited the commission (on phone) to come to their places and see their actual situation, a member of the commission replied “we don’t have any authority to go to wherever we wish and we can only visit the places that the government wishes. In fact, cheating is not new to the Burmese government. They are famous for that even among Burmese community. But international community should not fall into their traps. 

Conclusion 

Though the situation in Arakan now is externally portrayed as it calmed down, the atrocities against Rohingyas and the holocaust in the Burmese version of Eichmann’s hell are still on. Yet, sadly, their plights can hardly draw any international attention as especially Western Powers who claim to be Human Rights champions are quiet. 

After all, why are they carrying out all atrocities against Rohingyas? It is particularly because of political gains of both Burmese regimes and Rakhine extremist leaders. As for the regime, they have successfully diverted public attentions from the poltical and economic crises they were having, depopularized Daw Aung San Suu Kyi among some segments of Burmese society and international communtiy, gained much required public supports, discredited international media and convinced general Burmese that only Military can protect the country. As for the Rakhine extremists, they are on their way to successfully root out Rohingyas who have become the major hindrance to their achieving an independent Arakan. 

Pro-fascists segment of Burmese society hate Rohingyas generally for two reasons: they look different from the mainstream Mongoloid people and practice a different religion. Rohingyas are of Indo-Arayan descendents known as one of the earliest settlers of Arakan and practice Islam. The Burmese Regime is heavily influenced by Nazi ideology of racial purification. And the regime brainwashed most members of Burmese society with their racist ideology. Hitler tried to wipe out Jews who are racially, religiously and ideologically different from Nazi German. Burmese regime is on their effort to wipe out Rohingyas because they (Rohingyas) are racially, religiously and ideologically different from them. And Adolf Eichmann was the in charge of the Exterminations Camps for Jews known as Eichmann’s Hell. Thein Sein and his ally, Dr. Aye Maung, the chairman of Rakhine National Development Party (RNDP) are the in-charges of Extermination Camps for Rohingyas, the Burmese version of Eichmann’s Hell. 

It is up to International Community and all the concerned quarters to let this continue until Rohingyas are wiped out or to stop the crimes against humanity. It is the high time for all of us to realize the crimes of these generation criminals and Neo-Fascists and to bring them into international criminal court of justice (ICCJ) in an effort to stop the crimes on the earth forever. 

M.S. Anwar is an activist studying Bachelor of Arts in Business Studies at Westminster International College, Malaysia 

The Rise of a Eichmann’s Hell in Burma (Part 1)

The Rise of a Eichmann’s Hell in Burma (Part 2)

Burmese Rohingya Association in Japan (BRAJ) held a press conference at Tokyo Foreign Correspondents Club in Tokyo, Japan on 26th September from 3 pm to 4 pm on Rohingya issue to urge international community to protect from genocidal atrocities of Myanmar President Thein Sein’s quasi civilian government and ultranationalists Rakhines. 

At the press conference Mr. Zaw Min Htut, President of BRAJ presented the current situation of Rohingyas in Arakan and stressed that Rohingya people need urgent international protection. At the same time BRAJ urge for international investigation leading by UN to look into the crisis and punish perpetrators as the current U Thein Sein’s bias investigation team is unacceptable for Rohingyas. 

Mr. Zaw Min Htut raised the issue of 1982 citizenship act which made Rohingyas virtual stateless although Rohingyas are the sons of Arakan soil with glorious past and history. 

BRAJ urge the international community especially U.S. and western countries including Japan to pressure U Thein Sein to withdraw his previous inhumane statement to UNHCR and recognize Rohingyas ethnic rights and grant them automatic citizenship. 

BRAJ hopes a lot from democratic leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi to speak out against discrimination on Rohingyas and to find a permanent viable solution for Rohingyas and Arakan people for their peaceful co-existence without any discrimination. 

RB News Desk 

People shout slogans in support of the Rohingya Muslims in Burma during a demonstration outside the United Nations’ offices in Sanaa, Yemen on Aug. 13, 2012. (PHOTO: Reuters)

The Burmese Rohingya Organisation UK (BROUK) has appealed to world leaders at the UN General Assembly to put pressure on Burma’s President Thein Sein following his proposal that third countries accept Rohingya refugees.

The Burmese president is currently in New York attending the UN General Assembly. Ahead of a meeting between Thein Sein and US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton on Wednesday, the US announced it was lifting further sanctions on Burma due to the progress of reform under its new government.

In a letter to the UN on Wednesday, the BROUK president said, “We appeal to world leaders to put pressure on President Thein Sein to provide safety and security and to restore Rohingya ethnic rights and citizenship rights. We also appeal to world leaders to ensure strong wording in the UN General Assembly Resolution on Burma, including reform of the 1982 Citizenship Law, and the establishment of a UN Commission of Inquiry into what has taken place in Arakan State.”

Burma’s 1982 Citizenship Law fails to recognize the 800,000-strong Rohingya community as one of the country’s ethnic groups. Many Burmese consider the Muslim group to be illegal immigrants from Bangladesh, though many have lived in the country for generations.

In June, violence erupted in western Burma between the Rohingyas and the majority Arakanese Buddhist community following the rape of a local Buddhist girl, allegedly by three Rohingya men, and the public lynching of 10 Muslim pilgrims.

A month of riots and violence followed, which left thousands homeless and at least 82 dead, according to government figures. Rohingya sources, however, put the number of dead in the high hundreds.

In its letter to the UN, the British NGO claims that despite a Burmese government inquiry into the crisis, “unacceptable restrictions still remain, and the government is also failing to provide sufficient security for aid workers assisting Rohingya who have been threatened.”

The group claims that during diplomatic visits to the region in the wake of the violence, Rohingya community leaders were detained by police beforehand to prevent them from speaking to the diplomats, and that members of their community are barred from participating in the government inquiry.

Rohingya sources say that Burmese security forces continue to harass and detain members of their community, and that border guards have insisted on payment in order for them to be allowed to build new camps in the Maungdaw area.

Many of the 3,000 Arakanese Buddhists who are currently living in makeshift shelters have also expressed a fear of returning to Maungdaw and other majority-Rohingya towns, saying they are afraid of further violence. Many say they have put their houses up for sale and will not return.

According to Amnesty International: “Rohingyas have been persecuted for decades in Burma. They have been killed, raped, falsely imprisoned and forced to leave their homes. There are over 100,000 people who are homeless and helpless.

“The Rohingya minority are being persecuted in their own country, and we are demanding that some action be taken to stop this ethnic cleansing. The United Nations has said that the Rohingya minority in Burma is considered one of the most persecuted in the world.”

Human Rights Watch released a statement in August alleging that Burma’s security forces are playing an underhand role in persecuting the Rohingyas in the wake of the violence. It quoted witnesses as saying that “government forces stood by while members from each community attacked the other, razing villages, and committing an unknown number of killings.”

In mid-August, following a mission to Arakan State, the 57-member Organization of Islamic Countries (OIC) condemned “the continued recourse to violence by the Myanmar authorities against the members of this minority and their refusal to recognize their right to citizenship.

“The [OIC] summit has decided to bring this matter before the General Assembly of the United Nations,” it said in Mecca.

However, the Rohingya issue is not on any itinerary at the UN General Assembly this week.

Sources Here:

(Opinion) – Burma Campaign UK (BCUK) supports human rights for the Rohingya people. For Burma Campaign UK to make such a statement shouldn’t be surprising or controversial. 

We are a human rights organization working on Burma. How could anyone disagree that the Rohingya people are entitled to full human rights and the normal rights and protections under international law?

But some people see that statement as such an outrage that Burma Campaign UK staff deserve to be raped and killed. We need to be “punished,” “taught a lesson” and “hung.” All these views and many more – many vicious and obscene – have been emailed to us or posted on YouTube and Facebook. 

The level of abuse, hatred and anger directed against Burma Campaign UK and other organizations who say that Rohingya should have human rights, and which work with Rohingya to defend their human rights, has been astonishing. 

There has even been a demonstration in Rangoon, outside the British Embassy, which, as well as attacking exiled media in almost exactly the same way the dictatorship used to, accused Burma Campaign UK of “propaganding” for the Rohingya. I doubt anyone in that protest could cite an example of us “propaganding,” whatever that means, but in the current hysteria some people seem willing to believe anything they hear as long as it is anti-Rohingya. 

That they were allowed to protest at all was a good sign, but have those people also used their new freedoms to protest for the release of hundreds of political prisoners still in jail, or to protest against the Burmese Army raping women in Kachin State? 

The hysteria has gone to such levels that some people from Burma are claiming, and, incredibly, others are believing, that Burma Campaign UK somehow stirred up the violence which broke out in Arakan State. They claim that we are responsible for the violence that has taken place

Burma Campaign UK has long faced criticism for supporting human rights for the Rohingya, and for a variety of sometimes bizarre reasons, as well as what may be genuine misunderstandings.

One lie being spread around on blogs, emails and sites like Facebook is that we are making money out of working for Rohingya. Burma Campaign UK has never received a grant for working on Rohingya issues. In any case, all of Burma Campaign UK’s income is spent on campaigning for human rights and democracy in Burma. We are a nonprofit organization. 

Another lie in a similar vein is that Middle East countries fund us. Sometimes it is implied we are funded as part of a Middle East plot to take over Burma and turn it into a Muslim country. It is even claimed that there is evidence for this. When Rohingya activists attended an Organisation of Islamic Conference meeting and set up the Arakan Rohingya Union, pictures were posted on Arakan blogs of the delegation, with captions and an article saying I was in the picture, and this was proof that I and Burma Campaign UK were taking Middle East money. 

The only problem was, I wasn’t in the picture. I didn’t even know the event was taking place. The person in the picture was Harn Yawnghwe from the Euro Burma Office. At the time we thought it funny that people making these attacks could not even tell the difference between a Shan Prince and myself, we never expected it to be taken so seriously, but this lie took hold. It was spread on email and more blogs, on Facebook, and people actually believed it. On my recent trip to Burma, even very senior democracy leaders in Rangoon talked about it. 

One common lie is that we support the Rohingya having a state of their own. We have never said that, and although some Rohingya organizations talked about this decades ago, we have never even heard any Rohingya organization saying they want their own state. There seems to be some great misunderstanding that if the Rohingya are recognized as an ethnic group, somehow that will entitle them to land or their own state. This simply isn’t true, and Burma Campaign UK has never said we support that. 

Another reason we are attacked over Rohingya issues is that we have a Muslim staff member. From the moment Wai Hnin Pwint Thon joined Burma Campaign UK, messages started to be left on our Facebook Page by people from Burma, attacking her because she is a Muslim. 

It was not until years later when she was pictured at a demonstration protesting against the dictatorship’s abuses of the Rohingya that it became Rohingya linked abuse posted on our Page. But now Wai Hnin Pwint Thon is subject to torrents of abuse, much more than our non-Muslim staff and volunteers who were on the same demonstration as she was, and have been on other protests with Rohingya as well. 

Lies posted and spread about Wai Hnin Pwint Thon include that she is secretly Rohingya (she isn’t), she has been accused of working with Rohingya Solidarity Organization (she doesn’t), of wanting to create a Caliphate in Burma (she doesn’t), of taking money from Rohingya (she hasn’t), and even that she has had several children with different Rohingya men (she hasn’t). She has faced not just lies but abuse, much of it sexual in nature.

Many people seem to think that any lie or story they hear about someone with any connection to supporting Rohingya human rights is justification for personal attacks, abuse and even threats. Given that this is the way their leaders behave, perhaps that is not surprising. 

Around a year ago, I tried to engage Dr. Aye Chan in a conversation on why he and his followers spent much more time criticising Rohingya than they did the dictatorship. Aye Chan was incapable of having the discussion without repeatedly making personal attacks. The email conversation was forwarded to various email groups, and my in-box was flooded with abusive emails. When I asked Aye Chan to ask his supporters not to use personal abuse and threats, and to condemn those who do, he repeatedly refused to do so. When leaders not only fail to condemn abusive and personal attacks, but even make personal attacks themselves, their followers will copy their behaviour.

More recently we have been accused of being pro-Rohingya. I am still not exactly sure what that means. Certainly we are pro-human rights for the Rohingya, how could we or anyone else who believes in democracy and human rights not be? 

But the implication is that we are pro-Rohingya, and therefore somehow anti-Rakhine. It is worrying how so many people now see the two as automatically going together. Burma Campaign UK supports the human rights of everyone in Burma, and that includes Rohingya and Rakhine. To talk about Rohingya having human rights does not make us anti-Rakhine. We have campaigned on many Rakhine related issues, including Shwe gas, Rakhine political prisoners, and were one of the few campaign groups actively campaigning for the 34 Rakhine and Karen prisoners in jail in India. 

Burma Campaign UK has been criticised for not doing enough on Rakhine issues, and this is also cited as evidence of some kind of pro-Rohingya bias. But we have never refused any request when we have been asked to work on any Rakhine related issue by any Rakhine community or human rights group. We would do more on Arakan issues, but some members of the Arakan community in the UK will not work with us because we support human rights for the Rohingya. When we tried to meet with Arakan community leaders, it took months to arrange, and only one person turned up. In the past we made repeated offers of all kinds of training and support to the Arakan community in UK, and to groups in exile, and none have been taken up. 

Burma Campaign UK was also fiercely criticized for circulating information from the Burmese Rohingya Organisation UK about the recent violence. Circulating information on behalf of human rights groups is a major part of our work. Every year we circulate media releases, briefings and reports from dozens of organisations from Burma, and from international NGOs. 

If any organization working on Arakan human rights had also provide a briefing with information not being reported, we would have circulated that as well. But they didn’t. 

I have tried to have some conversations with some of the people criticizing myself and Burma Campaign UK for bias, asking them for examples. So far no one has been able to provide a single one. Yet the perception remains. 

It seems impossible to dispel the belief by some that working for Rohingya human rights means bias against Rakhine. From our perspective, it seems that this is a deliberate tactic of extremists to polarize the debate and incite more hatred and intolerance. 

Any public comment or photograph relating to the Rohingya seems to act as a lightning rod for more abuse and threats, and this article will probably result in the same. 

But I hope some people may take the time to consider the truth. What possible reason or interest could Burma Campaign UK have in being biased? 

Our agenda is solely human rights and democracy. We have been working relentlessly for this for more than 20 years. Why have people been so ready to believe lies and bad things about people who have worked so hard to support their cause? And why do people not simply ask what the truth is before passing on lies and gossip? 

Even for those who disagree with Burma Campaign UK, is it right that we should receive threats and abuse just for having a different opinion than them? That is the approach and mind set of the dictatorship. It shouldn’t be the way things are done in a democracy. People do need to ask themselves why they are so ready to believe these lies. 

The terrible events in Arakan State in the past month and the reaction of many people to those events, casts a long shadow over Burma. Violence and intolerance took hold. Is this the kind of Burma people want to see in the future? 

Isn’t one of the main reasons for having a democracy that disagreements can be debated and settled politically, not through violence and threats? 

Burma’s democracy movement is an anti-dictatorship movement, but it must also be a movement for human rights, for tolerance and for equality. 

(Commentary) – One thing that kept the military regimes in place in Burma for more than 60 years is the ability of the Burmese military to divide and rule. They have used divide and rule tactics between Burmans and ethnics, between Burmans and Burmans and between ethnics and ethnics. They have also used divide and rule tactics between Rohingya and Rakhine.

Tun Khin of the Burmese Rohingya Organization UK. photo: screenshotMy older relatives tell me of a time when there wasn’t the same level of mistrust or even hatred between Rohingya and Rakhine. There was no voice of opposition heard from any quarters, including Rakhine, over the recognition of Rohingyas as an ethnic group during U Nu’s era. 

My relatives remember government radio broadcasting in the Rohingya language during U Nu’s time as prime minister. I remember as a child playing with Rakhine friends and visiting each other’s homes to eat.

The reasons for the current level of mistrust and violence between the communities are many, but by far the greatest reason, and at the root of why the situation has become so bad, are lies and propaganda that began to be spread about the Rohingya when Ne Win became dictator.

Ne Win rewrote history, invented Burmese propaganda and lies, and introduced discriminatory policies against the Rohingya. Some of these policies where enshrined in law, such as the 1982 Citizenship Law, while others were in practice, increasing harassment by security forces and discrimination.

Decades of lies and propaganda, underpinned by the 1982 Citizenship Law, which stripped us of citizenship and the rights that come with it, have institutionalized the hatred and discrimination. Of course there were always some tensions, as there often is when two communities of different ethnicities and religions live side by side. But Ne Wins lies and propaganda encouraged those differences, and encouraged hatred, rather than building community cohesion and understanding. 

It breaks my heart to see the situation in Rakhine State today. There is so much suffering. In the recent violence and then the attacks by government forces, mainly Rohingya have suffered, but I know that some Rakhine people have suffered as well.

Aid being promised by Muslim countries and the international community could be used not just to assist in the current humanitarian crisis, but also for long-term projects to fight poverty and promote development in Rakhine State. 

International donors should not just be talking to the government about aid and development. Instead they should talk to local community leaders, and let us work jointly together to promote development that not only helps both communities, but also in the process promotes communal understanding and brings us closer together. Let both sides experience first-hand the benefits of us working together, how it will benefit both communities. Because fighting poverty together, as well as politically struggling for democracy and human rights, united and working together, we are all stronger. 

Rohingyas with a long history in Arakan are an integral part of Burma’s society. All Rohingya people want is to live peacefully in Burma, with our human rights respected. 

Burma is our homeland. It is impossible to force all Rohingya people out of the country. The only solution is for us to work together to find a way to live peacefully together. 

That means Rakhine trying to understand the situation from a Rohingya perspective, and Rohingya also trying to understand the concerns of Rakhine. They are living together with their Rakhine compatriots in the same place, drinking the same water and breathing the same air. 

There is no point in being antagonistic to each other. It hurts all of us, our children and their children to come. Unless both Rohingya and Rakhine cultivate the political will to change this situation, we both suffer. 

Divided we all suffer. The only winner is President Thein Sein and the military and ex-military, which have oppressed us all for so long. Let us revive our traditional relationship for the sake of our children. Let us work together on democratic principles with mutual respect, love and affection. 

That is my appeal to all Rakhine.

Tun Khin is president of the Burmese Rohingya Organisation UK. His grandfather was a parliamentary secretary during the democratic period in Burma.

Sources Here:

The Burmese Rohingya Organisation UK (Brouk) has appealed to world leaders at the 67th UN General Assembly meeting in New York to put pressure on President Thein Sein following his proposal to remove all Rohingya people from Burma and place them in refugee camps or third countries.

Rohingya refugee women stand by their homes in Cox's Bazaar District, Bangladesh, on June 7, 2011. Conditions in the makeshift refugee camp site are difficult. In addition to high rates of malnutrition, residents deal with crowding and poor sanitation. Photo: U.S.State DepartmentIt called on world bodies to ensure the Burmese government provides human rights and security to Rohingyas living in Burma.

After President Thein Sein's proposal, Brouk said it has received reports that there have been mass arrests of Rohingya people who are now kept in detention camps without trial, adequate food or medical services. 

More than 100,000 people were internally displaced in Rakhine State, and for a significant period the vast majority was not receiving assistance because they were ethnic Rohingya, Brouk said in a statement issued on Wednesday.

“Unacceptable restrictions still remain, and the government is also failing to provide sufficient security for aid workers assisting Rohingya who have been threatened,” it said. “Local authorities are refusing to allow many Rohingya people back to some villages, shops and homes in a policy that appears designed to ‘cleanse’ these areas of Rohingya people. 

“There are some reports of mass graves in Maungdaw and Buthidaung Townships, Arakan State,” it said. “It is clear that what has taken place is very serious indeed. The United Nations, Organisation of Islamic Co-operation, and many individual governments, have all called for an independent investigation into what has and continues to take place.”

It said the Burmese government has allowed some diplomats to visit the area, but these visits faced severe restrictions, and there have been reports that Rohingya community leaders have been detained before hand to prevent them from meeting diplomats. 

“The government of Burma has established its own investigation, but there are no Rohingya members of the investigation, and some members have masterminded recent violence in Arakan and stated that they think all Rohingya should be expelled from Burma,” said the statement.

“Following restrictions placed upon the OIC and other investigators, and the failure of the government of Burma to establish a credible independent investigation, it has become clear that for an independent investigation to take place, it will have to be under the support of the United Nations, and with a strong mandate from the United Nations General Assembly,” said Brouk, which said it is “too early” to remove sanctions against Burma.

“There are serious human rights violations going on in ethnic areas which are worse than under the previous dictator Than Shwe,” it said. “The world leaders must not ignore ethnic cleansing of Rohingya Muslims and other ethnic groups such as Kachin and Chin Christians. It is too early to remove sanctions as Thein Sein's government is practicing ethnic cleansing on ethnic areas.”

Brouk President Tun Khin said, “We appeal to world leaders to put pressure on President Thein Sein to provide safety and security and to restore Rohingya ethnic rights and citizenship rights. 

“We also appeal to world leaders to ensure strong wording in the UN General Assembly Resolution on Burma, including reform of the 1982 Citizenship Law and the establishment of a UN Commission of Inquiry into what has taken place in Arakan State.”

Sources Here:

"National Identity and Citizenship in 21st Century Myanmar" held in Rangoon Chatirum Hotel 16th September 2012.Abu Taher (aka) U Tha Aye, Central Executive member, Head of Political Bureau and Research and development of National Democratic Party for Development (NDPD) raised 1982 citizenship law leads to racism.The law is deterrent to build a national identity for Burma.So it should be amended.

Tun Khin , President of Burmese Rohingya Organisation UK said during the interview DVB, "The Burmese government and international Community have responsibility to protect the Rohingyas.Burmese Government should have a willing to provide reconciliation between the two communities".

Today, Burmese Rohingya Organisation UK appeals to world leaders at the UN General Assembly to put pressure on President Thein Sein following his proposal to remove all Rohingya people from Burma and place them in third countries. 

After President Thein Sein's proposal, Burmese Rohingya Organisation UK (BROUK) has received reports till today that there have been mass arrests with Rohingya people kept in detention camps without trial, without food or medical services. More than 100,000 people were internally displaced, and for a significant period the vast majority was not receiving assistance because they are ethnic Rohingya. Unacceptable restrictions still remain, and the government is also failing to provide sufficient security for aid workers assisting Rohingya who have been threatened. Local authorities are refusing to allow many Rohingya people back to some villages, shops and homes in a policy that appears designed to ‘cleanse’ these areas of Rohingya people. There are some reports of mass graves in Maungdaw and Buthidaung Townships, Arakan State. 

It is clear that what has taken place is very serious indeed. The United Nations, Organisation of Islamic Co-operation, and many individual governments, have all called for an independent investigation into what has and continues to take place. While the government has allowed some diplomats to visit the area, these visits have faced severe restrictions by the government of Burma, and there have been reports that Rohingya community leaders have been detained before hand to prevent them from meeting diplomats. The government of Burma has established its own investigation, but there are no Rohingya members of the investigation, and some members have masterminded recent violence in Arakan and stated that they think all Rohingya should be expelled from Burma. 

Following restrictions placed upon the OIC and other investigators, and the failure of the government of Burma to establish a credible independent investigation, it has become clear that for an independent investigation to take place, it will have to be under the support of the United Nations, and with a strong mandate from the United Nations General Assembly. 

During President Thein Sein’s trip to New York for the UN General Assembly meeting, the United States Government and world leaders should be clear that more decisive action is needed to fulfill Burma’s international obligation to protect the Rohingya. It is very clear that President Thein Sein's reforms are not genuine and just to show to the international community to ease sanctions. There are serious human rights violations going on in ethnic areas which are worse than under the previous dictator Than Shwe. The world leaders must not ignore ethnic cleansing of Rohingya Muslims and other ethnic groups such as Kachin and Chin Christians. It is too early to remove sanctions as Thein Sein's government is practicing ethnic cleansing on ethnic areas. 

BROUK President Tun Khin said, “After the violence more than one thousand Rohingyas were arrested and many of them were killed and disappeared. During the last few days, the police have prepared new warrant lists to arrest Rohingyas from the villages of surrounding Maungdaw Town, Arakan State. This is a new strategy of President Thein Sein to eliminate Rohingyas from Arakan. We Rohingyas need urgent safety, security and humanitarian aid in Arakan State” 

President of BROUK also said “We appeal to world leaders to put pressure on President Thein Sein to provide safety and security and to restore Rohingya ethnic rights and citizenship rights. We also appeal to world leaders to ensure strong wording in the UN General Assembly Resolution on Burma, including reform of the 1982 Citizenship Law and the establishment of a UN Commission of Inquiry into what has taken place in Arakan State.” 

For more information, please contact Tun Khin +44 7888 714 866. 

Sinar Bima carrying 500 tonnes of relief items for victims of Myanmar conflict Wednesday, September 26, 2012 - by Azril Annuar

KELAB Putera 1Malaysia's humanitarian aid trip to Rakhine, Myanmar, was finally flagged off when the cargo vessel Sinar Bima left Port Klang's North Port yesterday.

Deputy Prime Minister Tan Sri Muhyiddin Yassin flagged off the vessel at 10.50am. It carried 500 tonnes of food, medical supplies, medication and other relief items in 40 containers.

Muhyiddin said that as an Asean member, Malaysia has a commitment to assist its neighbours involved in any conflict.

"This humanitarian trip will assist everyone regardless of whether they are Muslims or Buddhists. It's a honourable mission and it's not an easy task," he said.

"The club has taken up the challenge to provide assistance and support to those who need it there.

"Their initiative will send a global message that Malaysia is always keen to help its neighbours. However, I do believe this is just a temporary relief exercise and it will not be permanent.

"I trust the Myanmar government is doing its very best to find an amicable solution to the problems there."

He urged the Malaysian aid team to be alert at all times as the area is not stable.

Club president Datuk Abdul Azeez Abdul Rahim, who is leading the team, said they have the Myanmar government's support and will be protected by a military convoy.

Asked whether they are prepared for possible violence, akin to the ill-fated Somali mission which saw the death of Bernama TV cameraman Noramfaizul Mohd Nor in September last year, Abdul Azeez said they have had "training".

"We are have undergone training and we also have bullet proof vests. However, our embassy at Yangoon said the vests are not needed. Only the military carry firearms," he said.

Abdul Azeez and the team will depart from LCCT and land in Yangoon International Airport. From Yangoon, the team will travel by land for about 900km till it reaches Sittwi City in Rakhine state.

The advanced team is expected to leave on Friday and the main team will be leaving on Monday.

The vessel will be heading for Yangoon Harbour and from there, a tugboat will lead it to Sittwi Harbour.

About two months ago, a murderous wave between the Buddhist Rakhine majority and the Muslim Rohingya minority erupted in the Rakhine state of Myanmar.

The violence started after it was reported on May 28 that a 26-year-old Buddhist woman had been raped and killed by Muslim men. Three Muslim men were detained the following day.

The incident lit the fuse for communal violence in the area. On June 3, about 300 Buddhists attacked a bus in Taungup, killing 10 Muslim men, reportedly in front of policemen and soldiers who did not intervene.

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PORT KLANG (Sept 26, 2012): A ship carrying 500 tonnes of humanitarian aid for Rohingya refugees set sail for Myanmar yesterday.

Deputy Prime Minister Tan Sri Muhyiddin Yassin, in flagging off the Sinar Bima commercial vessel at Northport, said the humanitarian mission was a responsibility for Malaysia as a neighbour to Myanmar and Asean member.

"As a neighbouring country, we should share the responsibility to help the displaced (Rohingya) people and the ones who are trapped in this turmoil.

In June this year, 11 Muslims were killed by the Myanmar army and civilian mobs.

People were reportedly killed and millions of homes destroyed in fires as Rohingyas and Buddhist-ethnic Arakanese clashed in western Myanmar.

Muhyiddin urged the Myanmar government to find the best solution to solve these problems.

"The aid is meant for everyone in the province, irrespective of religions and ethnic groups.

"I believe the Myanmar government is as concerned as us to find the best possible solution to the problem," he said.

The humanitarian aid by Kelab Putera 1Malaysia had been originally scheduled to leave earlier this month but was denied clearance by the authorities in Myanmar.

Club president Datuk Abdul Azeez Rahim said it received the green light from the Myanmar government on Sept 17, following which they decided to send the aid on a commercial vessel instead of a military ship.

Myanmar Ambassador to Malaysia U Tin Latt, meanwhile, expressed his gratitude towards the humanitarian mission and gave an assurance that his government would facilitate the aid distribution.

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Shaikh Abdullah at a meeting with Myanmarese Foreign Minister Wunna Muang Lwinon on the sidelines of the UN General Assembly session in New York. —Wam

UAE Foreign Minister Shaikh Abdullah bin Zayed Al Nahyan has held meetings with Singaporean Foreign Minister K. Shanmugam, Indonesian Foreign Minister Marty Muliana Natalegawa Panamanian Minister of Foreign Affairs Roberto Henriquez and Myanmarese Foreign Minister Wunna Muang Lwin on the sidelines of the 67th United Nations General Assembly session in New York.

The meetings discussed relations of cooperation and ways of enhancing them in various fields in addition to exchanging views on a number of political and security issues of common interest, particularly relating to the Middle East, including the Syrian crisis.

The Myanmar FM briefed Shaikh Abdullah on the latest security situation in his country especially on the violence against Muslims in Rohingya stressing that his government is addressing the problem on various dimensions.

Indonesia’s Marty Muliana Natalegawa, during his meeting with Shaikh Abdullah, sought the UAE investments’ programmes in his country, stressing the importance of developing economic and trade relations between the two countries.

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Robert Hormats, the US Under-Secretary of State for Economic, Business, and Agricultural Affairs, speaks during an interview in New York in March. (PHOTO: Reuters)

WASHINGTON—As Burmese President Thein Sein left his country on what is being billed as a “historic” visit to the United States, a top Obama administration official on Monday said the US needs to partner with India to unlock the vast potential emerging out of the region.

“The development of trade and transit links between Southeast and East Asia has been hindered for decades by poor regional infrastructure connectivity, the isolation of the Burmese government, and political mistrust between India and its neighbors,” the Under-Secretary for Economic Growth, Energy and Environment, Robert Hormats, said in his address to the India Investment Forum in New York.

“However, Burma’s recent political and economic reforms along with continuing efforts by India and Bangladesh to improve bilateral relations have generated new opportunities to promote US and Indian business interests and regional economic development. Given the vast potential, we should look to partner in this emerging region,” Hormats said.

It is understood that India and the US have regularly been consulting each other on their respective Burma policies.

Meanwhile, Burma’s opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi continues with her US visit by spending the day in Louisville, Kentucky. In her remarks followed by a question and answer session in the University of Louisville, Suu Kyi urged Americans to keep an eye on Burma, to find out what’s going on, and to view things with what she called “cautious optimism.”

“You must be very careful with what you accept as genuine progress and genuine moves to a true democratization,” she said according, to a university statement.

“A genuine democracy depends on the people feeling that they are part of the process of government, and to get there, we still have a lot to do,” Suu Kyi said. Reiterating her call for the lifting of sanctions, Suu Kyi said it is time people start carrying on this process of democratization.

“Sanctions have been a great help to us … but I know that there are still human rights violations in Burma. There are human rights violations in countries all over the world … In the end, it’s we who live in the country who must make sure that these violations come to an end,” she said.

In New York, the Organization of Islamic Countries (OIC) said that its secretary-general, Prof. Ekmeleddin Ihsanoglu, would address the Contact Group of OIC on Rohingya Muslims of Burma being held on Sept. 26 on the sidelines of the UN General Assembly meeting.

“The President of the Mission, Ambassador Ufuk Gokcen, the Permanent Representative of the OIC in New York, will also present a briefing on the work of the mission as well as on its findings,” a media release said.

The mission signed a memorandum of cooperation with the Department of Border Affairs in Burma on Sept. 11 for the implementation of a humanitarian program that benefits all communities living in Arakan State.

Meanwhile, in an open letter to US Senators and Congressmen, outspoken academic Dr. Habib Siddiqui urged the US Congress not to lift its ban on trade and commerce with Burma until a fundamental change takes place positively impacting the lives of those Rohingya and other minorities, guaranteeing their citizenship as equals and rights and privileges restored and secured.

In Washington, rights activist activists held a demonstration in front of the Burmese embassy to protest against the alleged human rights violations of the Rohingya Muslim minority group.

“Rohingyas have been persecuted for decades in Burma. They have been killed, raped, falsely imprisoned and forced to leave their homes. There are over 100,000 people who are homeless and helpless,” Amnesty International alleged in a statement. “The Rohingya minority are being persecuted in their own country, and we are demanding that some action be taken to stop this ethnic cleansing. The United Nations has said that the Rohingya minority in Burma is considered one of the most persecuted in the world.”

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Maungdaw (24/09/2012) - In a mail coming from inside Arakan; a Rohingya is asking as “why they (the government) are arresting us. Not a single Buddhist is arrested but why us? Why?” He may unaware that the politics of today is stand only for the interest of the world countries. He may have a hope as the visits of UN, US will assist them to stop nightmares they are facing since last June. The poor Rohingya also did not know the world countries of super power as how they hungry to do business with Burmese brutal regime and their voices in favor of stop the violence are just like singing while taking a bath inside bathroom.   

Even his questions in the mail can be defined as he expected his entire fellow Rohingyas who reached outside the country are very able to give them protection. 

He mentioned some names who were arrested in recent by Burmese brutal law enforced agencies as: 

         1.Mohammed Youos son of Omar Kazi, (28) years 

         2.Abdur Rahman son of Hussein Ahmed (29) years 

They both are from Kan Bu village of Aley Than Kyaw village tract and arrested by Border Security force at 8:00 pm on 19/9/2012.

 

       3.Khaleq Ahmed son of Younos, (40) years from Myoma Kayindan was arrested by          Police inspector Aung Kyaw Kan and group on 21/9/2012 in front of Maungdaw Custom Office. 

Another argument to be raised here as is not a single Bhuddist among all who were engaged themselves on killing Rohingyas since June involved into that violence to take into custody? Is not enough evidence to take as the violence is backed by government to sweep out Muslim Rohingya from Arakan soil? Indeed it is ethnic cleansing and the government very cleverly planned it by taking times to formulate it as communal riot. 

The sender’s last question is “Could you acknowledge what they are doing on Rohingya?” He further said Please REPLY me. If someone has answer for him and dare to answer his question, please reply him. 

Compiled by Ko Ko Linn.

M.S. Anwar
RB News
September 25, 2012

Numbers of Rohingyas Beaten Up in ShweZa Yesterday 

ShweZa, Maung Daw- about 30 Rohingya shopkeepers were severely beaten up and tortured at Zaydi Pyin in the village of ShweZa around 1 AM, 24th September 2012, by NaSaKa (Border Security Guards) in the region. Later, NasaKa extorted money amounting Kyat 10000 from each Rohingya shopkeepers and released them. 

“While Rohingya shopkeepers were sleeping in their shops as a means of guarding their shops from thieves and robbers, NaSaKa from the nearby station and raided all shops in Zaydi Pyin village around 1 AM. Then, NaSaKa dragged the shopkeepers out of their shops, while some shopkeepers managed to escape. Subsequently, NaSaKa severely beat and tortured them to their satisfactions. Later, NasaKa released them by extorting money amounting ten thousands kyats from each Rohingya shopkeepers” said a local Rohingya on the condition of anonymity. 

Since the violence against Rohingyas started in June, many Rohingyas cannot sleep in their homes in the fear of being arrested and persecuted. They sleep wherever possible. Those who have shops sleep in their shops so as to avoid arbitrary arrests and also to guard their shops from being robbed and stolen. 

Two Rohingyas Killed in AlayThan Kyaw 

AlayThan Kyaw, Maung Daw- Two Rohingya men, Hamidullah Son of Gula Ahmed and Jashimuddin Son of Hussein Ahmed, were killed by Military together with Rakhines at Hojjar Bil @ Kanpu Village of AlayThan Kyaw in the evening of 19th September 2012 while they were working in their farms. Rakhines who killed these two Rohingyas are from Mrawaddy village of Southern Maung Daw. 

“They were working on their paddy firms in the evening of 19th September 2012. Meanwhile, around 10 military and a few Rakhines from nearby Mrawaddy village came to their firms and killed them. Then, they threw their dead bodies by the farms and went back” A. Faiz from Southern Maung Daw reported. 

Later, the villagers reported about the killings to the NaSaKa office and to the Sarapha (State Security Affairs) office in AlayThan Kyaw. It was ignored and no actions were taken. 

Religious Persecutions Continue 

Arakan, Burma - Since the beginning of the violence against Rohingyas, the authority declared curfew order which prevents Rohingyas from performing their daily prayers in the Mosques. Almost all the mosques have been locked down since then. According to Rohingyas, there have still been no Azaan, no five times prayers and Friday prayers. Most of their religious leaders were arrested, locked up, are tortured and charged with pre-planned false cases. The declared curfew order is infinitely in effect upon Rohingyas not known when it will end. Yet, Burmese regime is blatantly lying that Rohingyas are not religiously persecuted and hence it is not a religious violence. Above all, if it is not a religious violence, then what is it? 

As Aung San Suu Kyi jets across the US to collect further accolades, she continues to attract criticism over Burma’s persecuted minorities. The past few months have been increasingly coloured by her silence on the stateless Rohingya minority, viewed as “illegal Bengali immigrants” by many Burmese, while US Kachin groups boycotted her Congressional award ceremony in protest of the ongoing conflict in Northern Burma.

Speaking to reporters last week, she continued to feed the critics by claiming that her political party, the National League for Democracy (NLD), could not weigh into the Rohingya debate, because they are not the party in government – a statement perhaps as ludicrous as it seemed insincere.

But according to some of her international supporters it could do more harm than good to criticise Burma’s leading democracy champion at this time.

“In this fragile transition, too much public criticism of her is not necessarily helpful,” Benedict Rogers, East Asia Team Leader at Christian Solidarity Worldwide, told DVB in an interview. “In my view, it is more useful to express concerns privately and constructively.”

Rogers argues that it is in the best interest of Burma’s pro-democracy movement to support Suu Kyi and the NLD in the run-up to the 2015 elections, as they are best placed to challenge the military’s supremacy in parliament.

“Suu Kyi and the NLD have for over 20 years been the primary representatives of the movement for democracy and the primary opposition to the regime,” explains Rogers. “She personally and the NLD as a whole are absolutely crucial to the transition.”

This is certainly true. But what is less clear is how they would benefit the stateless Rohingya, who are widely reviled even within the NLD. Reports suggest that foreign leaders, including UK Foreign Minister William Hague and the Dalai Lama have both privately urged Suu Kyi to confront the Rohingya issue, but it has fallen on deaf ears.

“It is absolutely necessary to criticise her now”

Meanwhile other senior figures, including party spokesperson Nyan Win and founding member Win Tin have unequivocally declared that the Rohingya cannot be considered Burmese citizens.

Suu Kyi has faced similar criticisms over Burma’s myriad ethnic conflicts, notably for her failure to condemn the army’s ongoing assault on Kachin state. Unlike the Rohingya issue, there seems to be little obvious political capital in her silence. Some analysts have speculated that by working with the government, she has lost her ability to challenge them. Or perhaps it is simply not one of her immediate priorities. Either way, it seems unreasonable to wait three years to ask the Nobel peace laureate to speak out.

“The trust in her [Suu Kyi] has gone down,” Shan democracy activist Khun Htun Oo told reporters in Washington DC on Thursday. “If she goes on like this she will not represent the people. She does not say anything for the public.”

It is also important not to overcook the political significance of the 2015 elections. Although the NLD could be in a position to form a government, the 2008 constitution guarantees the military a firm hand in public policy. Unless the NLD and opposition forces secure every single parliamentary seat up for grabs, they will still be unable to amend the undemocratic 2008 legislation without the military’s support. Suu Kyi and the NLD will still have to cooperate with the Tatmadaw.

The democracy icon is herself precluded from being elected president in 2015 under the constitution, given her two sons’ foreign citizenship, a provision likely drafted with her disadvantage in mind. While she would certainly assume a senior position in government in the event of the NLD’s victory, blindly backing Suu Kyi nonetheless translates into wholesale political support of the Burman-led party.

This logic feeds into a binary understanding of Burmese politics, which has for years been dominated by a “good guys versus bad guys” paradigm that ignores ethnic and other domestic complexities. The military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) is itself split between reformists and hardliners, which the recent constitutional tribunal dispute has illuminated. Unlike the NLD, there is even a Rohingya member of parliament.

The past few weeks have also begun to reveal internal fractures within the NLD, as a number of grassroots members have hit back at its “authoritarian” political leadership, resulting in the suspension of several of them.

“The NLD is looking to become a ruling democratic party after the 2015 elections, it is necessary for us to speak out on these issue contradicting democratic standards,” said Dr Than Htike, who was recently suspended for publicly accusing the party’s Central Committee of power centralisation and factionalism.

The reality is that the NLD, like the USDP, are both relatively new political parties with limited experience handling a democratic process. Both should be subject to scrutiny and encouraged to reform. In a transitional democracy currently dominated by the personal dynamics of two ageing politicians, this should not be a tough sell.

“It is absolutely necessary to criticise her now, in the run-up to the 2015 election, and after,” Bertil Linter, veteran journalist and author of several books on Burma, told DVB. “Part of the problem in Burma today, and which could be her downfall, is that she is surrounded by sycophants who don’t dare to tell her when they think she is wrong. They don’t even dare to give her meaningful advice.”

Over the next three years, the focus should be on developing healthy political institutions and empowering the people of Burma to take ownership of the democratisation process. While domestic voices are particularly important, the international community also has a role. This can, and must, include challenging the leadership of all political parties, including Aung San Suu Kyi.

Source here

Aung San Suu Kyi, leader of Myanmar's National League for Democracy, is visiting the US now but her trip has come under domestic criticism as she failed to speak up for nearly 800,000 Rohingya Muslims living in the country. 

Since May of this year, Myanmar has witnessed an escalation of simmering tensions between two different groups of people in Rakhine state. The violence between the Rakhines (Arakans) and Rohingyas has led to the deaths of 88 people, as of August 22, and the displacement of thousands of others. Unofficial reports, however, put the death toll in the hundreds. 

The immediate cause of the violence was a consequence of the rape and murder of a Buddhist-Arakan woman on May 28 by some Rohingyas. This was followed by the retaliatory killing of 10 Rohingyas by ethnic Rakhines on June 3. It must be noted that the tensions between these two groups have existed for the past several decades.

Questions have been asked as to why little has been done to resolve the conflict and if there is a possibility of a permanent solution. Much blame has been targeted squarely at both the Myanmese government and the opposition.

As the international community is promoting various national interests in this fledgling democracy, sectarian violence such as this has not been given serious attention, especially by the Western powers.

While Human Rights Watch criticized the Myanmese government for failing to prevent the initial unrest, nations such as Indonesia, Egypt, Saudi Arabia, Pakistan and Malaysia criticized alleged discrimination toward the Rohingya Muslims because of their religious beliefs.

The sensitivity of the issue has silenced many from discussing it publicly. 

Even Suu Kyi, the internationally acclaimed human rights champion, has made only brief comments by emphasizing the need for establishing a proper citizenship law to address the problem.

The root of the problem begins with the nomenclature itself. Although they call themselves Rohingyas, the Myanmese government calls them illegal Bengali migrants from neighboring Bangladesh.

Since the governments of Myanmar and Bangladesh have both refused to accept them as citizens, the Rohingyas automatically became stateless people under international law. 

Myanmar President Thein Sein suggested that the United Nations Refugee Agency should consider resettling the Rohingyas to other countries. Although such a proposal may sound ideal, there are challenges to its implementation.

For example, will there be nations willing to welcome and embrace about 1 million Rohingyas? Moreover, the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) Chief, Antonio Guterres, has rejected the idea of resettlement. Even if the agency reconsiders the case, do the UNHCR offices in Myanmar and Bangladesh have adequate resources to process such a large number of refugees?

One possible solution for the governments of Myanmar and Bangladesh is to reach an amicable arrangement to integrate the Rohingya population into their respective societies. Currently, there are approximately 800,000 Rohingyas inside Myanmar and another 300,000 of them in Bangladesh.

Similar to the first, this proposition has its own challenges. Will the indigenous Rakhines accept Rohingyas as their fellow citizens and live peacefully alongside them? Will the Bangladesh government be willing to offer citizenship to the Rohingyas, which it presently denies?

Another possible solution is that Myanmar could amend its 1982 citizenship law to pave the way for the Rohingyas to apply for citizenship. In addition, Myanmar and Bangladesh need to secure their porous international borders to prevent illegal movements.

None of the above suggested policies are simple and easy to achieve. Despite the challenges and difficulties, the problem of the Rohingyas cannot be ignored for too long. Without addressing the crux of the issue, the May incident could possibly be one of a series of events that will trigger greater consequences.

Before a solution is achieved, international institutions such as the UN and the ASEAN must put pressure on the Myanmese government to resolve the problem. The conundrum needs to be addressed holistically rather than inciting hatred along religious or racial divides.

The author is a researcher on policies of South and Southeast Asia, especially Myanmar, and general secretary of the US-based Kuki International Forum. opinion@globaltimes.com.cn

Sources Here:

The Rohingya problem in Myanmar stems from the systematic discrimination against this ethnic and religious minority.

MUCH has been written lately, either empathetically or as a challenge, of Myanmar’s “Rohingya problem”. Since early June, the Rohingya have borne the brunt of communal violence, human rights violations, and an urgent humanitarian situation in Rakhine State, and face an uncertain future. But when considered more closely, is that all? What really is the problem?

The events of this year, as well as the violent events of 1978, 1992, 2001, and 2009, are attributable to systemic discrimination against the Rohingya in Myanmar. That is, to a political, social, and economic system – manifested in law, policy, and practices – designed to discriminate against this ethnic and religious minority.

This system makes such direct violence against the Rohingya far more possible and likely than it would otherwise be. Further, in the eyes of the Myanmar authorities at least – as evidenced by the lack of accountability for the civilians and officials alike – discrimination also makes the violence and violations somehow justifiable. That is the problem.

In 1978’s “Dragon King” operation, the Myanmar army committed widespread killings and rape of Rohingya civilians and carried out the destruction of mosques and other religious persecution. That resulted in the exodus of an estimated 200,000 Rohingya to neighbouring Bangladesh.

A similar campaign of forced labour, summary executions, torture and rape in 1992 led to a similar number of Rohingyas again fleeing across the border.

In February 2001, communal violence between the Muslim and Buddhist populations in Sittwe resulted in an unknown number of people killed and Muslim property destroyed.

Late 2009 featured the pushing back by Thai authorities onto the high seas of several boats – lacking adequate food, water, and fuel – of Rohingyas in the Andaman Sea.

It is true that all of these events have similar, separate equivalents in countries in which systemic discrimination does not take place.

Yet in Myanmar such discrimination provides the violence with a ready-made antecedent, expressly approved by the state. Indeed, to varying degrees, the five seminal events noted above were simply exacerbations of this underlying discrimination.

It would overstate the causality to assert that if Myanmar had never put its system of discrimination against the Rohingya into place, these events would not have occurred. Eliminating it now, however, is urgently required for a sustainable future peace in Rakhine State and, equally important, is a human rights imperative.

The system’s anchor is the 1982 Citizenship Law, which in both design and implementation effectively denies the right to a nationality to the Rohingya population. It supercedes all previous citizenship regimes in Myanmar of 1947, 1948, and 1974.

The 1982 Citizenship Law creates three classes of citizens – full, associate, and naturalised – none of which has been conferred on the Rohingya. Full citizenship is reserved for those whose ancestors settled in Myanmar before the year 1823 or are among Myanmar’s more than 130 recognised national ethnic groups, of which the Rohingya is not one.

Associate citizens are those who were both eligible and applied for citizenship under the 1948 Union Citizenship Act. Requiring an awareness of the law that few Rohingya had and a level of proof that even fewer were able to provide, this included few Rohingya.

Likewise with naturalised citizenship, eligible for those who resided in Myanmar for five continuous years on or before 1948. Moreover, with all three classes, a Central Body has the discretion to deny citizenship even where the criteria are met.

The 1982 Citizenship Law’s discriminatory effects are also extremely consequential. The main one is that the Rohingya, lacking citizenship in Myanmar, have been rendered stateless, both unable to avail themselves of the protection of the state and – as has been the case for decades – subject to policies and practices which constitute violations of their human rights and fundamental freedoms.

While not limited to Rohingyas, they are not imposed in the same manner and to the same degree on Buddhists or other Muslims in Rakhine State.

This is systemic discrimination. Laws, policies, and practices, though designed and carried out by people, are ultimately part of or attributable to a system that ensures discrimination even in the absence of discriminatory individuals.

And it is patently unlawful.

As a member of the United Nations, Myanmar is legally obliged to promote “universal respect for, and observance of, human rights and fundamental freedoms for all without distinction as to race, sex, language, or religion”, as written in Articles 55 and 56 of the UN Charter.

The Universal Declaration of Human Rights – though admittedly not a binding document – provides in Article 2 that everyone is entitled to all the rights in the Declaration “without distinction of any kind, such as race, colour, sex, language, religion, political or other opinion, national or social origin, property, birth or other status.”

It is clear that Myanmar, as a state party to this Convention, is in violation of its international legal obligations pertaining to the right of Rohingya children to a nationality.

Solutions? Myanmar should substantially amend the 1982 Citizenship Law or repeal and redraft it, such that the Rohingya are indisputably made citizens.

Rohingyas born in Myanmar who would otherwise be stateless should be granted citizenship, as should those who are not born there but are able to establish a genuine and effective link to the country.

Myanmar should also eliminate its policies and practices that discriminate against the Rohingya on the grounds of ethnicity and/or religion.

Myanmar’s “Rohingya problem” is almost entirely of its own making. More than any other single step, dismantling its system of discrimination would bring it closer to a solution.

Benjamin Zawacki is the South-East Asia Regional Representative of the International Development Law Organisation and a member of the Council on Foreign Relations. The views expressed here are his own, adapted from remarks given earlier last week at “Plight of the Rohingya: Solutions?”, a conference organised by the Perdana Global Peace Foundation in Kuala Lumpur.

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