အမ်ိဳးသားဒီမုိကေရစီအဖြဲ႔ခ်ဳပ္ ဥကၠဌ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ဟာ ကမၻာ့စီးပြားေရးဖုိရမ္ကုိ တက္ေရာက္ဖုိ႔ ဒီကေန႔ညမွာ ရန္ကုန္ကေန ထုိင္းေလေၾကာင္းလုိင္း တီဂ်ီနဲ႔ ထြက္ခြာ မွာ ျဖစ္ၿပီး ဘန္ေကာက္ၿမိဳ႔ကုိ ထုိင္းစံေတာ္ခ်ိန္ ည (၁၀)နာရီ ၀န္းက်င္ေလာက္မွာ ေရာက္ရွိမွာ ျဖစ္ပါ တယ္။
ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ဟာ ဘန္ေကာက္မွာ ေမ(၃၀) ၇က္ကေန ဇြန္၁ရက္ ေန႔ထိ က်င္းပမယ့္ ကမၻာ့စီး ပြားေရး ဖိုရမ္ကို တက္မွာျဖစ္ျပီး အစည္းအေ၀း ေနာက္ဆံုး ေန႔ျဖစ္ တဲ့ ဇြန္ ၁ ရက္ေန႔ အေမးအေျဖက႑ မိနစ္ ၃၀ ၾကာ စကားေျပာဆုိဖုိ႔လည္း ရွိေနပါ တယ္။
မနက္ျဖန္ ေမ (၃၀)ရက္ေန႔ မနက္ပုိင္းမွာ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ဟာ ဘန္ေကာက္ၿမိဳ႔ျပင္ မဟာခ်ိဳင္ေဒသက ျမန္မာေရြ႔ေျပာင္း အလုပ္သမားေတြနဲ႔ ေတြ႔ဆံုမွာ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။
ဒါ့အျပင္ ဇြန္ (၂)ရက္ေန႔မွာေတာ့ ထုိင္းျမန္မာနယ္စပ္က အႀကီးဆံုး ဒုကၡသည္ စခန္းျဖစ္တဲ့ မယ္လနဲ႔ ေဒါက္တာ စင္သီယာေမာင္ရဲ႔ မယ္ေတာေဆးခန္းကုိ သြားေရာက္မွာျဖစ္ၿပီး တုိင္းရင္းသား ေခါင္းေဆာင္ေတြနဲ႔ ေတြ႔ဆံုဖုိ႔ ရွိေနပါတယ္။
ျမန္မာ့ ဒီမိုကေရစီ ေခါင္းေဆာင္ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ ဒီမနက္ ထိုင္းစံေတာ္ခ်ိန္ ၉း၄၅ မီနစ္ တြင္ ျမန္မာအလုပ္သမား အမ်ားအျပား ရိွေနတ့ဲ ဘန္ေကာက္ျမိဳ႕ အနီးကမဟာခ်ဳိင္ ပုဇြန္ေစ်းကို ေရာက္ရွိ လာခ့ဲပါတယ္။ေစ်းမွ လုပ္ကိုင္ေနတ့ဲ ျမန္မာ အလုပ္သမားမ်ားရဲ႕ ႀကိဳဆို မႈမ်ားကေတာ့ တကယ္ကို ၀မ္းသာစရာျမင္ကြင္းေလးပါဘဲ။
လုံျခံဳေရးအေစာင့္မ်ားကလဲ စနစ္တက် ေနရာယူေပးထားပါတယ္။ ႏိုင္ငံတကာ သတင္းေထာက္မ်ားႏွင့္အတူ ထိုင္းႏိုင္ငံ သတင္းေထာက္မ်ားကလဲ သတင္းယူကာ ထိုင္း PBS TV လိုင္းကေန ထုတ္လႊင့္ေပးေနပါတယ္။
ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ ေရာက္လာတ့ဲအခ်ိန္မွာေတာ့ထိုင္းႏိုင္ငံေရာက္ျမန္မာမ်ားက ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ က်န္းမာပါေစလို ဟစ္ေအာ္ေၾကြးေၾကာ္၍ ဓာတ္ပံုမ်ား ကိုင္ေဆာင္ျပီ ၾကိဳဆိုေနၾကတာ ကိုလဲ ေတြျမင္ ၇ပါတယ္။
အဲဒီေနာက္မွာေတာ့ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ ပုဇြန္းေစ်းက အေဆာက္အဦး တစ္ခုကေန မိန္႔ခြန္းေျပာဆိုပါတယ္။ ႀကိဳဆိုသူ ေတြမ်ားျပားတ့ဲအတြက္ လံုျခံဳေရးကလဲ အထူးယူထား တာကို လည္း ျမင္ေနရ ပါတယ္
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(ဓာတ္ပုံ - Prachatai - facebook)
Burma is a multi-cultural society with multi-ethnicities. During its independence a feeling of awareness for an ethnic togetherness and comprehensive identity to form joint feelings for tranquillity and safety developed. On the basis of the agreed upon principle of ‘unity in diversity’, articulated by the father of the nation General Aung San, the ‘Union of Burma’ came to existence on January 4, 1948.
Burma is a country where various streamlets of culture and civilization join together. In a pluralistic society like Burma there must be a joint life on the diversity of cultures. But due to racism and racial discrimination, the culture of Burman majority is assumed as the national culture and on its margins, there are small cultures of the numerous ethnic groups and are assumed as non-national or inferior cultures. Regrettably, today Rohingyas are considered practising foreign way of life having no origin in Burma, despite the fact that the heyday of independent Arakan began with the Muslim civilization, which reached its zenith during the most glorious period of Mrauk-U, “the creation of a remarkably hybrid Buddhist-Islamic court, fusing tradition from Persia and India as well as the Buddhist Worlds to the east.”[1] On top of that “Arakan was virtually ruled by Muslims from 1430 to 1531.”[2]
‘Rohingya problem’ started in Burma from British colonial period onwards. There were violent anti-Indian (including anti-Muslim) riots in 1930-31 and again in 1938 in which several hundreds Indians and Muslims were killed in Burma. Muslim properties: shops, houses and mosques were looted, destroyed and burned under the campaign of ‘Burma for Burmese only’. Similar anti-Muslim sentiment blew up in Arakan too. In April 1942, armed Rakhine in connivance with Burmese nationalists carried out a pogrom in Akyab district and massacred about 100,000 unarmed Muslims. Bulk of the Muslims was internally displaced, and nearly 50,000 of them took refuge in the British held territories of Chittagong and Rangpur. The resultant damages were enormous causing serious demographic changes in North Arakan. The Muslim population in the alluvial Kaladan and Lemro deltas were depopulated to be populated by Buddhists. The hard-nosed hate mongers in Arakan have continued the hostility signing the mantra of Rohingya extermination. Martin Smith observes:
“In Arakan itself, there is little evidence of such communal flare-ups but as a result of these experiences, many Burmese nationalists and politicians have never really bothered to distinguish between Indians or Muslims in general and the indigenous Muslims of Arakan. The word commonly used to describe Muslims in Arakan is the pejorative word “Kala” or foreigner, which is exactly the same word commonly used to describe Muslims or Indians anywhere else they live in Burma (anti-Muslim prejudice is not just confined to Arakan today).”[3]
The successive Burmese governments have had pursued policies of exclusion and persecution against Rohingyas while some hardhearted Rakhine academic and politicians are engaged in racist and xenophobic plans to marginalize and exterminate them. With preoccupation of ‘Muslim phobia’ the former dictator Ne Win promulgated an oppressive Burma Citizenship law in 1982 in order to deprive the Rohingyas of their time-honoured citizenship and ethnic rights in Burma.
Despite some recent reforms towards democratization, civilianized military government of U Thein Sein has so far no change of attitude towards Rohingya and has created hostile climate in North Arakan. The government continues to treat them as aliens using this oppressive nationality law in a random manner. While the authorities and xenophobes reject or exclude Rohingyas, nevertheless their distinct South Asian physical feature, language and frontier civilization are a true manifestation of the ancient people of Indian Bengali Chandra dynasty in Arakan. Conversely, the Rakhines and no-one else are treated as natives of Arakan for being Buddhists in shared characteristics with the majority Burman, speaking an archaic form of Burmese. This favourable reception of ‘Rakhine only policy’ is a threat of Buddhistization through assimilation.
In the situation of Rohingya, the 1982 citizenship law promotes Burmanization or Rakhinization aims at exterminating the Rohingya population from Arakan. Let us examine this unjust nationality law.
Nationality:
Citizenship is same as nationality but the Burmese law uses the expression of citizenship and not nationality. Nationality is often described as the connecting link between the individual and international law. Nationality indicates the status of belonging to a particular state. Nationality or citizenship is the social and legal link between individuals and their democratic political community. By virtue of this, an individual may be entitled to certain benefits and obligations under municipal and international law. There is no accepted definition of nationality. As a general rule each state is free to define who its nationals are though this description can be circumscribed by specific treaties (eg Treaties concerning the elimination of statelessness). Thus article 1 of the 1930 Hague Convention on the Conflict of Nationality Laws stated that:
“….it is for each state to determine under its own law who are the nationals. This law shall be recognized by other states in so far as it is consistent with international conventions, international custom and principles of law generally recognized with regard to nationality. “
Thus the nationality law of a state is required to conform to international law, international human rights law, international conventions, customs and practices. The most important of these principles concerning acquisition of nationality are first, descent from parents who are nationals (jus sanguinis) and secondly, the territorial location of birth (jus soli). Nationality may also be acquired by marriage, adoption, legalization, naturalization (the proceeding whereby a foreigner is granted citizenship) or as a result of transfer of territory from one state to another. It should be noted that since international law recognizes the primacy of the state in this regard, the practice of acquiring nationality varies considerably.
The 1982 Citizenship Law:
Burma Citizenship Law of 1982 was the most restrictive citizenship law in the world promulgated by late dictator Ne Win’s BSPP (Burma Socialist Programme Party) regime on October 15, 1982. Unlike 1948 Citizenship Act, the 1982 law is essentially the principle of jus sanguinis and has repealed the Union Citizenship (Election) Act, 1948, and the Union Citizenship Act, 1948. Based on how one’s forebears obtained citizenship, Ne Win stratified citizenship into three status groups: full, associate and naturalized.
Full citizens are those belonging to one of the so-called 135 ‘national races’, who lived in Burma prior to 1823 -- just prior to the conquest of parts of lower Burma (Arakan and Tenassarim) by the British, or were born to parents who were citizens at the time of birth. Associate citizenship was only granted to those whose application for citizenship under the 1948 Act was pending on the date the Act came into force. Thus the associate citizens are those who acquired citizenship through the 1948 Union Citizenship Law. Naturalized citizenship could only be granted to those who could furnish “conclusive evidence” of entry and residence before Burma’s independence on 4 January 1948, who could speak one of the national languages well and whose children were born in Burma. Thus naturalized citizens refer to persons who lived in Burma before independence and applied for citizenship after 1982. Foreigners cannot become naturalized citizens unless they can prove a close familial connection to the country.
It is worthy of mention that the previous parliamentary government listed 144 ethnic groups in Burma. But Ne Win put only 135 groups on a short list, and then was approved by his BSPP regime’s constitution of 1974. The three Muslim groups of Rohingya (Muslim Arakanese), Panthay (Chinese Muslims), Bashu (Malay Muslims) and six other ethnic groups were deleted. It was an injustice founded on religious rancour and racial prejudice towards Muslims and smaller non-Burman groups, particularly against the Rohingya, who are not a manageable minority. Even the so called 135 ethnic groups are highly divisive splitting some of the national races into so many groupings. However, this creation of the military is unjustified.
Generally the 1982 citizenship law deprives most people of Indian and Chinese descent of citizenship. “However, the timing of its promulgation shortly after the refugee repatriation (from Bangladesh) of 1979, strongly suggests that it was specifically designed to exclude the Rohingya”[4] who had previously been recognized as citizens as well as a national race of Burma. According to Ne Win, “racially, only pure-blooded nationals will be called citizens.”[5] Shockingly, the Rakhine academic late Dr. Aye Kyaw was instrumental to the making of this discriminatory racist law under infamous Ne Win. He proudly claimed to have devised a mechanism to denationalize the Rohingya people.
The Rohingya are in a situation of permanent limbo. Burmese government recognizes them as neither citizens nor foreigners. But it has deliberately declared them non-nationals describing them as ‘illegal immigrants’ from Bangladesh’ while accepting them all at once as ‘Burmese residents’, which is not a legal status. Thus “the law made the Rohingya ethnic group a stateless one in the country, where they have been living for generation.”[6]
“In 1998, in a letter to UNHCR, Burma’s then Prime Minister General Khin Nyunt wrote: These people are not originally from Myanmar but have illegally migrated to Myanmar because of population pressures in their own country”[7] In February 1996, U.N. Special Rapporteur on Burma Professor Yozu Yokota quoted Lt. Gen. Mya Thinn, the then Home Minister (of SPDC) as saying “Muslim population of Rakhine (Arakan) State was not recognized as citizens of Myanmar under the existing naturalization regulations and they were not even registered as so-called foreign residents …Their status situation did not permit them to travel in the country…They are also not allowed to serve in the state positions and are barred from attending higher educational institution.” The government authorities and xenophobes time and again stated that “there is no race by the name of Rohingya”.
Now the term ‘Rohingya’ was stamped out from the list of Burma’s national races; and Rohingya language features to be non-national. On the other hand, a few Rohingya could speak the languages that the military regime recognized, and very few Rohingyas could fulfil these requirements. Whether one is citizen or not is to be decided by the single authoritarian body, Council of State not the court. “Moreover, the wide powers assigned to a government-controlled ‘Central Body’ to decide on matters pertaining to citizenship mean that, in practice, the Rohingyas’ entitlement to citizenship will not be recognized.”[8]
Rohingyas were not issued identity cards since 1970s. In 1989, colour-coded Citizens Scrutiny Cards (CRCs) were introduced: pink cards for the full citizens, blue for associate citizens and green for naturalized citizens. Rohingya were not issued with any identity cards which are very essentials in all their activities. “In 1995, in response to UNHCR’s intensive advocacy efforts to document the Rohingyas, the Burmese authorities started issuing them with Temporary Registration Card (TRC), a white card, pursuant to the 1949 Residents of Burma Registration Act. The TRC does not mention the bearer’s place of birth and cannot be used to claim citizenship. The family list, which every family residing in Burma possesses, only records family members and their date of birth. It does not indicate the place of birth and therefore provides no official evidence of birth in Burma - and so perpetuate their statelessness.”[9] By jus sanguinis rule and any accepted citizenship concepts, the Rohingya have to be issued no documents other than full citizenship cards. As a matter of fact, such issuance of white cards, many believe, has an adverse affect on their status.
1982 Citizenship Law violates the terms of international law
1982 citizenship law violates several fundamental principles of international customary law standards, offends the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and leaves Rohingyas exposed to no legal protection of their rights. The law has perpetuated the Rohingya citizenship crisis making them object of persecution and of discrimination which render them a very difficult life as stateless people in their native country, where they have absolute rights to be on an equal footing with all other citizens. Such persecution and discrimination constitute them a total disregard of the most elementary humanitarian principles and was contrary to the purposes of the United Nations. Burma, as an UN member state has obligation to follow the UN resolutions. One of such resolution unanimously adopted at 48th plenary meeting of the General Assembly reads: “The General Assembly declares that it is in the higher interests of humanity to put an immediate end to religious and so-called racial persecution and discrimination, and calls on the Governments and responsible authorities to conform both to the letter and spirit of the Charter of the United Nations, and to take the most prompt and energetic steps to the end.”[10]
In addition, the 1982 Citizenship Law offends, inter alia, the following laws of humanity:
Article 15 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) which states that “everyone has the right to a nationality” and that “no one shall be arbitrarily deprived of his nationality nor denied the right to change his nationality”. But the “citizenship law declared the Rohingyas as ‘non-nationals’ or ‘foreign residents’”[11] rendering them ‘stateless’ in their own homeland, where they have been living for generations with a long history.
It is conflicting government’s obligation to fulfil the rights of the child as stipulated by Article 7(1) of the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child, 1989 which states that the Child shall be registered immediately after birth and shall have the right to a name, and to acquire a nationality. The Burmese government ratified this convention in 1991 and is obliged to grant citizenship to Rohingyas.
Article 24(3) of the UN International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights 1966 also states, “Every child has the right to acquire a nationality.” But most Rohingya children were denied registration and recently more than 40,000 Rohingya children have been blacklisted reasoning that their parents had not married with official permission. “Under Myanmar's 1982 citizenship law, Rohingya children - both registered and unregistered - are stateless and hence, face limited access to food and healthcare, leaving them susceptible to preventable diseases and malnutrition. Many are prevented from attending school and used for forced labour, contributing to a Rohingya illiteracy rate of 80 percent. More than 60 percent of children aged between five and 17 have never enrolled in school”..[12]
Article 9 of the UN Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEADAW), 1979 states: (a) States Parties shall grant women equal rights with men to acquire, change or retain their nationality… (b) States Parties shall grant women equal rights with men with respect to the nationality of their children. Burmese government ratified this convention on 22 July 1997. But Rohingya women and their children have been deprived of their Burmese nationality forcing them to live in servitude as stateless within Burma and refugees beyond its border -- wondering from place to place -- with ultimate aim of destroying this minority community.
Article 5(d) (iii) of the UN Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination 1965 which states that States Parties undertake to prohibit and to eliminate racial discrimination in all its forms and to guarantee the right of everyone, without distinction as to race, colour, or national or ethnic origin, to equality before the law…[and to] the enjoyment of …the right to nationality. But the Rohingyas are discriminated against and exterminated from their ancestral homeland on ground of ethnicity and religion. They have been subjected to ‘systematic racism’.
The law promotes discrimination against Rohingya and arbitrary deprivation of their Burmese citizenship. The deprivation of one’s nationality is not only a serious violation of human rights but also an international crime. The law does not oblige the state to protect stateless persons (i.e. victims of a serious human rights violation), thus largely ignoring state’s ‘obligation to respect the right to nationality’.
The law continues to create outflows of refugees, which overburden other countries posing threats to peace and tranquillity within the region. An estimated 1.5 million Rohingya disporas are in Bangladesh, India, Pakistan, UAE, KSA, Thailand, Malaysia, Indonesia, USA, UK, Republic of Ireland Europe, Australia, New Zealand and Japan etc. The Rohingya refugee issue with their boat people crisis has become a regional problem with international dimension.
In his report to the United Nations Prof. Yokota states: “The 1982 Citizenship Law should be revised or amended to abolish its over burdensome requirements for citizens in a manner which has discriminatory effects on racial or ethnic minorities particularly the Rakhine (Arakan) Muslims. It should be brought in line with the principles embodied in the Convention on the Reduction of Statelessness of 30 august 1961.”
Citizenship concepts in Burma and the Rohingyas
The Nu-Attlee Agreement (Treaty between the Government of the United Kingdom and the Provincial Government of Burma, 1947) was very important as to the determination of the nationality status of the peoples and races in Burma. Article 3 of the Agreement states:
“Any person who at the date of the coming into force of the present Treaty is, by virtue of the Constitution of the Union of Burma, a citizen thereof and who is, or by virtue of a subsequent election is deemed to be, also a British subject, may make a declaration of alienage in the manner prescribed by the law of the Union, and thereupon shall cease to be a citizen of the Union.
The Section 10 of the 1947 Constitution of the Union of Burma states “there shall be but only one citizenship though out the Union; that is to say, there shall be no citizenship of the unit as distinct from the citizenship of the Union.”
Citizens, as defined by the 1947 Constitution, are persons who belong to an "indigenous race", have a grandparent from an "indigenous race", are children of citizens, or lived in British Burma prior to 1942. Under this law, citizens are required to obtain a National Registration Card (NRC), while non-citizens are given a Foreign Registration Certificate (FRC). Citizens whose parents hold FRCs are not allowed to run for public office.
Who are indigenous races was defined in Article 3 (1) of the Burma Citizenship Law 1948, which states: “ For the purposes of section 11 of the Constitution the expression any of the indigenous races of Burma shall mean the Arakanese, Burmese, Chin, Kachin, Karen, Kayah, Mon or Shan race and such racial group as has settled in any of the territories included within the Union as their permanent home from a period anterior to 1823 A. D. (1185 B.E.). These two categories of people and those descended from them are automatic citizens. They did not require applying to court for naturalization. Rohingya are for all intent and purposes Arakanese and they are also a racial group who had settled in Arakan/Union of Burma as their permanent home from a period anterior to 1823 A. D. (1185 B.E.).
The Rohingya are in a situation of permanent limbo. Burmese government recognizes them as neither citizens nor foreigners. But it has deliberately declared them non-nationals describing them as ‘illegal immigrants’ from Bangladesh’ while accepting them all at once as ‘Burmese residents’, which is not a legal status. Thus “the law made the Rohingya ethnic group a stateless one in the country, where they have been living for generation.”[6]
“In 1998, in a letter to UNHCR, Burma’s then Prime Minister General Khin Nyunt wrote: These people are not originally from Myanmar but have illegally migrated to Myanmar because of population pressures in their own country”[7] In February 1996, U.N. Special Rapporteur on Burma Professor Yozu Yokota quoted Lt. Gen. Mya Thinn, the then Home Minister (of SPDC) as saying “Muslim population of Rakhine (Arakan) State was not recognized as citizens of Myanmar under the existing naturalization regulations and they were not even registered as so-called foreign residents …Their status situation did not permit them to travel in the country…They are also not allowed to serve in the state positions and are barred from attending higher educational institution.” The government authorities and xenophobes time and again stated that “there is no race by the name of Rohingya”.
Now the term ‘Rohingya’ was stamped out from the list of Burma’s national races; and Rohingya language features to be non-national. On the other hand, a few Rohingya could speak the languages that the military regime recognized, and very few Rohingyas could fulfil these requirements. Whether one is citizen or not is to be decided by the single authoritarian body, Council of State not the court. “Moreover, the wide powers assigned to a government-controlled ‘Central Body’ to decide on matters pertaining to citizenship mean that, in practice, the Rohingyas’ entitlement to citizenship will not be recognized.”[8]
Rohingyas were not issued identity cards since 1970s. In 1989, colour-coded Citizens Scrutiny Cards (CRCs) were introduced: pink cards for the full citizens, blue for associate citizens and green for naturalized citizens. Rohingya were not issued with any identity cards which are very essentials in all their activities. “In 1995, in response to UNHCR’s intensive advocacy efforts to document the Rohingyas, the Burmese authorities started issuing them with Temporary Registration Card (TRC), a white card, pursuant to the 1949 Residents of Burma Registration Act. The TRC does not mention the bearer’s place of birth and cannot be used to claim citizenship. The family list, which every family residing in Burma possesses, only records family members and their date of birth. It does not indicate the place of birth and therefore provides no official evidence of birth in Burma - and so perpetuate their statelessness.”[9] By jus sanguinis rule and any accepted citizenship concepts, the Rohingya have to be issued no documents other than full citizenship cards. As a matter of fact, such issuance of white cards, many believe, has an adverse affect on their status.
1982 Citizenship Law violates the terms of international law
1982 citizenship law violates several fundamental principles of international customary law standards, offends the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and leaves Rohingyas exposed to no legal protection of their rights. The law has perpetuated the Rohingya citizenship crisis making them object of persecution and of discrimination which render them a very difficult life as stateless people in their native country, where they have absolute rights to be on an equal footing with all other citizens. Such persecution and discrimination constitute them a total disregard of the most elementary humanitarian principles and was contrary to the purposes of the United Nations. Burma, as an UN member state has obligation to follow the UN resolutions. One of such resolution unanimously adopted at 48th plenary meeting of the General Assembly reads: “The General Assembly declares that it is in the higher interests of humanity to put an immediate end to religious and so-called racial persecution and discrimination, and calls on the Governments and responsible authorities to conform both to the letter and spirit of the Charter of the United Nations, and to take the most prompt and energetic steps to the end.”[10]
In addition, the 1982 Citizenship Law offends, inter alia, the following laws of humanity:
Article 15 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) which states that “everyone has the right to a nationality” and that “no one shall be arbitrarily deprived of his nationality nor denied the right to change his nationality”. But the “citizenship law declared the Rohingyas as ‘non-nationals’ or ‘foreign residents’”[11] rendering them ‘stateless’ in their own homeland, where they have been living for generations with a long history.
It is conflicting government’s obligation to fulfil the rights of the child as stipulated by Article 7(1) of the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child, 1989 which states that the Child shall be registered immediately after birth and shall have the right to a name, and to acquire a nationality. The Burmese government ratified this convention in 1991 and is obliged to grant citizenship to Rohingyas.
Article 24(3) of the UN International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights 1966 also states, “Every child has the right to acquire a nationality.” But most Rohingya children were denied registration and recently more than 40,000 Rohingya children have been blacklisted reasoning that their parents had not married with official permission. “Under Myanmar's 1982 citizenship law, Rohingya children - both registered and unregistered - are stateless and hence, face limited access to food and healthcare, leaving them susceptible to preventable diseases and malnutrition. Many are prevented from attending school and used for forced labour, contributing to a Rohingya illiteracy rate of 80 percent. More than 60 percent of children aged between five and 17 have never enrolled in school”..[12]
Article 9 of the UN Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEADAW), 1979 states: (a) States Parties shall grant women equal rights with men to acquire, change or retain their nationality… (b) States Parties shall grant women equal rights with men with respect to the nationality of their children. Burmese government ratified this convention on 22 July 1997. But Rohingya women and their children have been deprived of their Burmese nationality forcing them to live in servitude as stateless within Burma and refugees beyond its border -- wondering from place to place -- with ultimate aim of destroying this minority community.
Article 5(d) (iii) of the UN Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination 1965 which states that States Parties undertake to prohibit and to eliminate racial discrimination in all its forms and to guarantee the right of everyone, without distinction as to race, colour, or national or ethnic origin, to equality before the law…[and to] the enjoyment of …the right to nationality. But the Rohingyas are discriminated against and exterminated from their ancestral homeland on ground of ethnicity and religion. They have been subjected to ‘systematic racism’.
The law promotes discrimination against Rohingya and arbitrary deprivation of their Burmese citizenship. The deprivation of one’s nationality is not only a serious violation of human rights but also an international crime. The law does not oblige the state to protect stateless persons (i.e. victims of a serious human rights violation), thus largely ignoring state’s ‘obligation to respect the right to nationality’.
The law continues to create outflows of refugees, which overburden other countries posing threats to peace and tranquillity within the region. An estimated 1.5 million Rohingya disporas are in Bangladesh, India, Pakistan, UAE, KSA, Thailand, Malaysia, Indonesia, USA, UK, Republic of Ireland Europe, Australia, New Zealand and Japan etc. The Rohingya refugee issue with their boat people crisis has become a regional problem with international dimension.
In his report to the United Nations Prof. Yokota states: “The 1982 Citizenship Law should be revised or amended to abolish its over burdensome requirements for citizens in a manner which has discriminatory effects on racial or ethnic minorities particularly the Rakhine (Arakan) Muslims. It should be brought in line with the principles embodied in the Convention on the Reduction of Statelessness of 30 august 1961.”
Citizenship concepts in Burma and the Rohingyas
The Nu-Attlee Agreement (Treaty between the Government of the United Kingdom and the Provincial Government of Burma, 1947) was very important as to the determination of the nationality status of the peoples and races in Burma. Article 3 of the Agreement states:
“Any person who at the date of the coming into force of the present Treaty is, by virtue of the Constitution of the Union of Burma, a citizen thereof and who is, or by virtue of a subsequent election is deemed to be, also a British subject, may make a declaration of alienage in the manner prescribed by the law of the Union, and thereupon shall cease to be a citizen of the Union.
The Section 10 of the 1947 Constitution of the Union of Burma states “there shall be but only one citizenship though out the Union; that is to say, there shall be no citizenship of the unit as distinct from the citizenship of the Union.”
Citizens, as defined by the 1947 Constitution, are persons who belong to an "indigenous race", have a grandparent from an "indigenous race", are children of citizens, or lived in British Burma prior to 1942. Under this law, citizens are required to obtain a National Registration Card (NRC), while non-citizens are given a Foreign Registration Certificate (FRC). Citizens whose parents hold FRCs are not allowed to run for public office.
Who are indigenous races was defined in Article 3 (1) of the Burma Citizenship Law 1948, which states: “ For the purposes of section 11 of the Constitution the expression any of the indigenous races of Burma shall mean the Arakanese, Burmese, Chin, Kachin, Karen, Kayah, Mon or Shan race and such racial group as has settled in any of the territories included within the Union as their permanent home from a period anterior to 1823 A. D. (1185 B.E.). These two categories of people and those descended from them are automatic citizens. They did not require applying to court for naturalization. Rohingya are for all intent and purposes Arakanese and they are also a racial group who had settled in Arakan/Union of Burma as their permanent home from a period anterior to 1823 A. D. (1185 B.E.).
Therefore, the parliamentary government (1948-1962) had officially declared Rohingya as one of the indigenous ethnic groups of Burma. The declaration reads: “The people living in Maungdaw and Buthidaung regions are our national brethren. They are called Rohingya. They are on the same par in status of nationality with Kachin, Kayah, Karen, Mon, Rakhine and Shan. They are one of the ethnic races of Burma.”[13]
But Article 3 of the 1982 Burma Citizenship Law defines indigenous ethnic groups (Taing-Yin-Tha) stating “Nationals such as the Kachin, Karen, Chin, Burma, Mon, Rakhine or Shan and ethnic groups as have settled in any of the territories included within the States as their permanent home from a period anterior to 1185 B.E., 1823 A.D” are Burma citizens. Here the word ‘Rakhine’ replaced the word ‘Arakanese’ and is designedly attributed to the Buddhist Arakanese at the exclusion of the Muslim Rohingya Arakanese.
Unlike 1947 Constitution and 1948 Citizenship Law, 1982 Citizenship Law established three-tired system of citizenship (full, associate and naturalized), which is actually more a question of categorisation and discrimination, and is an instrument of oppression against Rohingyas and so-called non-indigenous racial groups. The category of associate citizenship should be abolished as it tends to create high class citizens and low class citizens within a nation. In conformity with the generally accepted citizenship concept, associate citizenship should be abolished. All citizens whether full citizens or naturalized citizens should be constitutionally treated as equal in dignity and rights. No special privileges should be granted to any individuals or groups on grounds of ethnicity and religion.
Article 44( c) states an applicant for naturalized citizenship shall have “to be able to speak well one of the national languages.” This clauses pose very much oppressive tool towards anyone to denationalize the marginalized groups like Rohingya and to generate a lot of IDPs and refugees and it should be permanently deleted. Burma is an ethnically diverse country. There are people particularly those living in remote areas or isolated places of the country have no knowledge of Burmese nor are unable to speak well one of the so-called indigenous languages. In the case of Hasan Ali and Meher Ali[14] their Lordships of the Supreme Court observed: “Today in various parts of Burma there are people who, because of their origin and isolated way of life, are totally unlike the Burmese in appearance or speak of events which has occurred outside the limits of their habitation, They are nevertheless statutory citizens under the Union Citizenship Act (1948)….Thus mere race or appearance of a person or whether he has a knowledge of language of the Union is not the test as to whether he is a citizen of the Union.“
Article 71 of the 1982 law states “Organisations conferred with authority under this law shall give no reasons in matters carried out under this law”. It is not at all compatible with democracy and human rights. It should be scrapped for good. Every action should be answerable to law and constitution.
Rohingya were never legally treated as aliens
Rohingyas were not subjected to any laws related to Registration of Foreigners before or after Burma’s independence such as the Foreigner Act (Indian Act III, 1846), the Registration of Foreigners Act (Burma Act VII, 1940) and the Registration of Foreigners Rules, 1948. During colonial administration Rohingya representatives were elected from North Arakan as Burmese nationals from national quotas. In 1946, as an indigenous people, General Aung San assured full rights and privileges to Muslim Rohingya Arakanese saying “I give (offer) you a blank cheque. We will live together and die together. Demand what you want. I will do my best to fulfil them. If native people are divided, it will be difficult to achieve independence for Burma.[15]
Rohingya exercised the right of franchise (the right of citizenship and the right to vote) in all elections held in Burma from British colonial rule up to the present such as, 91 Department Administration election (1936), Aung San’s Constituent Assembly election (1947), all elections during parliamentary rule (1952, 1956, 1960), Ne Win’s BSPP (Burma Socialist Programme Party) constitutional referendum and election (1974) and SLORC military multiparty election (1990), military SPDC’s constitutional referendum (2008) and its multi-party election (2010).
In post independence, during parliamentary rule, the Burmese government issued two kinds of Identity Cards: -- National Registration Cards (NRCs) to all Burmese residents and Foreigner’s Registration Certificates (FRCs) to all registered foreigners. As a matter of fact, as there was no citizenship certificate/card then, the NRC was the only ID generally used as a proof of one’s citizenship in Burma. NRC was first issued in 1952 starting from Maungdaw Township, where 96% population, at that time, was Rohingya. These NRCs are the same IDs issued to Rakhine and all other ethnic groups and citizens in the country. Under state programme, the immigration and national registration teams went round the villages, checked the family lists and took photographs of the inmates for the purpose of issuing NRCs. It was a bona fide document that allowed one to carry on all his national activities, without let or hindrance: -- to possess moveable and immovable or landed properties, pursue education, including higher studies and professional courses in the country’s seats of learning, right to work and public services, including armed forces, and to obtain Burmese passport for travelling abroad, including pilgrimage to Holy Makkah. Like all other NRC holders the Rohingya enjoyed all basic rights and privileges although serious discrimination existed since 1962 military takeover.
What citizenship status do the Rohingya have in Burma?
The Rohingya are sons of the soil of Arakan/Burma cannot be overruled. Yet the government with xenophobes are denying Rohingya’s existence in Burma. They used to say that “there were no people existed in Burma by the name of Rohingya; the word Rohingya was not in the history, the word Rohingya was never hard of… etc.etc”. It is a blatant lie and is a shame because the critics know that they are lying perfidiously. With hatred against this people, they may instead say that “there was Rohingya, recognized by the Burmese parliamentary government as an ethnic group on par with other ethnic nationalities of the country; but now we reject them to be a part of us simply because we don’t like them for their physical feature, language, culture and religion.” They are blind to see and are ostriches to face reality and recognise the truth. Following are some of the realities:
1. The word ‘Rohingya’ was not coined but a historical name for the Muslim Arakanese. There is still Muslim village in Akayab (Sittwe) city by the name of Rohingya para. The word was conspicuous in various annals and is in the pages of history. “It can be asserted, however, that one claim of the Buddhist school in Rakhaing historiography, that Rohingya was an invention of the colonial period, is contradicted by the evidence.”[16]
2. Rohingyas were an integral part of the Mrauk U Empire before Burman occupation of it in 1784. They were kingmakers who virtually ruled Arakan with sublime civilization.
3. During British colonial period part of their traditional homeland was recognized as ‘Muslim Area of North Arakan’.
4. In 1946, Genreal Aung San assured them rights and freedom on par with other people of the country as natives of Arakan as well as one of the indigenous nationalities of Burma.
5. Under Article 3 of the Aung San-Attlee Treaty (1947) and the First Schedule to the Burma Independence Act 1947, the Rohingya are citizens of the Union of Burma. They are also one of the indigenous races of the country under Section 11 (1) (II) and (III) of the 1947 Constitution.
But Article 3 of the 1982 Burma Citizenship Law defines indigenous ethnic groups (Taing-Yin-Tha) stating “Nationals such as the Kachin, Karen, Chin, Burma, Mon, Rakhine or Shan and ethnic groups as have settled in any of the territories included within the States as their permanent home from a period anterior to 1185 B.E., 1823 A.D” are Burma citizens. Here the word ‘Rakhine’ replaced the word ‘Arakanese’ and is designedly attributed to the Buddhist Arakanese at the exclusion of the Muslim Rohingya Arakanese.
Unlike 1947 Constitution and 1948 Citizenship Law, 1982 Citizenship Law established three-tired system of citizenship (full, associate and naturalized), which is actually more a question of categorisation and discrimination, and is an instrument of oppression against Rohingyas and so-called non-indigenous racial groups. The category of associate citizenship should be abolished as it tends to create high class citizens and low class citizens within a nation. In conformity with the generally accepted citizenship concept, associate citizenship should be abolished. All citizens whether full citizens or naturalized citizens should be constitutionally treated as equal in dignity and rights. No special privileges should be granted to any individuals or groups on grounds of ethnicity and religion.
Article 44( c) states an applicant for naturalized citizenship shall have “to be able to speak well one of the national languages.” This clauses pose very much oppressive tool towards anyone to denationalize the marginalized groups like Rohingya and to generate a lot of IDPs and refugees and it should be permanently deleted. Burma is an ethnically diverse country. There are people particularly those living in remote areas or isolated places of the country have no knowledge of Burmese nor are unable to speak well one of the so-called indigenous languages. In the case of Hasan Ali and Meher Ali[14] their Lordships of the Supreme Court observed: “Today in various parts of Burma there are people who, because of their origin and isolated way of life, are totally unlike the Burmese in appearance or speak of events which has occurred outside the limits of their habitation, They are nevertheless statutory citizens under the Union Citizenship Act (1948)….Thus mere race or appearance of a person or whether he has a knowledge of language of the Union is not the test as to whether he is a citizen of the Union.“
Article 71 of the 1982 law states “Organisations conferred with authority under this law shall give no reasons in matters carried out under this law”. It is not at all compatible with democracy and human rights. It should be scrapped for good. Every action should be answerable to law and constitution.
Rohingya were never legally treated as aliens
Rohingyas were not subjected to any laws related to Registration of Foreigners before or after Burma’s independence such as the Foreigner Act (Indian Act III, 1846), the Registration of Foreigners Act (Burma Act VII, 1940) and the Registration of Foreigners Rules, 1948. During colonial administration Rohingya representatives were elected from North Arakan as Burmese nationals from national quotas. In 1946, as an indigenous people, General Aung San assured full rights and privileges to Muslim Rohingya Arakanese saying “I give (offer) you a blank cheque. We will live together and die together. Demand what you want. I will do my best to fulfil them. If native people are divided, it will be difficult to achieve independence for Burma.[15]
Rohingya exercised the right of franchise (the right of citizenship and the right to vote) in all elections held in Burma from British colonial rule up to the present such as, 91 Department Administration election (1936), Aung San’s Constituent Assembly election (1947), all elections during parliamentary rule (1952, 1956, 1960), Ne Win’s BSPP (Burma Socialist Programme Party) constitutional referendum and election (1974) and SLORC military multiparty election (1990), military SPDC’s constitutional referendum (2008) and its multi-party election (2010).
In post independence, during parliamentary rule, the Burmese government issued two kinds of Identity Cards: -- National Registration Cards (NRCs) to all Burmese residents and Foreigner’s Registration Certificates (FRCs) to all registered foreigners. As a matter of fact, as there was no citizenship certificate/card then, the NRC was the only ID generally used as a proof of one’s citizenship in Burma. NRC was first issued in 1952 starting from Maungdaw Township, where 96% population, at that time, was Rohingya. These NRCs are the same IDs issued to Rakhine and all other ethnic groups and citizens in the country. Under state programme, the immigration and national registration teams went round the villages, checked the family lists and took photographs of the inmates for the purpose of issuing NRCs. It was a bona fide document that allowed one to carry on all his national activities, without let or hindrance: -- to possess moveable and immovable or landed properties, pursue education, including higher studies and professional courses in the country’s seats of learning, right to work and public services, including armed forces, and to obtain Burmese passport for travelling abroad, including pilgrimage to Holy Makkah. Like all other NRC holders the Rohingya enjoyed all basic rights and privileges although serious discrimination existed since 1962 military takeover.
What citizenship status do the Rohingya have in Burma?
The Rohingya are sons of the soil of Arakan/Burma cannot be overruled. Yet the government with xenophobes are denying Rohingya’s existence in Burma. They used to say that “there were no people existed in Burma by the name of Rohingya; the word Rohingya was not in the history, the word Rohingya was never hard of… etc.etc”. It is a blatant lie and is a shame because the critics know that they are lying perfidiously. With hatred against this people, they may instead say that “there was Rohingya, recognized by the Burmese parliamentary government as an ethnic group on par with other ethnic nationalities of the country; but now we reject them to be a part of us simply because we don’t like them for their physical feature, language, culture and religion.” They are blind to see and are ostriches to face reality and recognise the truth. Following are some of the realities:
1. The word ‘Rohingya’ was not coined but a historical name for the Muslim Arakanese. There is still Muslim village in Akayab (Sittwe) city by the name of Rohingya para. The word was conspicuous in various annals and is in the pages of history. “It can be asserted, however, that one claim of the Buddhist school in Rakhaing historiography, that Rohingya was an invention of the colonial period, is contradicted by the evidence.”[16]
2. Rohingyas were an integral part of the Mrauk U Empire before Burman occupation of it in 1784. They were kingmakers who virtually ruled Arakan with sublime civilization.
3. During British colonial period part of their traditional homeland was recognized as ‘Muslim Area of North Arakan’.
4. In 1946, Genreal Aung San assured them rights and freedom on par with other people of the country as natives of Arakan as well as one of the indigenous nationalities of Burma.
5. Under Article 3 of the Aung San-Attlee Treaty (1947) and the First Schedule to the Burma Independence Act 1947, the Rohingya are citizens of the Union of Burma. They are also one of the indigenous races of the country under Section 11 (1) (II) and (III) of the 1947 Constitution.
6. The parliamentary government (1948-1962) had recognized ‘Rohingya’ as one of the indigenous ethnic nationalities of Burma.
7. Giving special significance on the indigenous status of Rohingya, the former first Pesident of Burma Sao Shwe Theik stated, “Muslims of Arakan certainly belong to one of the indigenous races of Burma. If they do not belong to the indigenous races, we also cannot be taken as indigenous races.”[17]
8. Rohingya were never legally treated as foreigners by the British colonial administration and all governments that ruled Burma from independence in 1948, in various shape and manifestation. They duly exercised the right of franchise in all elections held in Burma and voted their representatives to legislative bodies or parliaments and various levels of administrative councils.
9. There were Rohingya MPs. Minister, parliamentary secretaries, professionals, doctors, engineers, lawyers, academics, civil and military officers, and others who run for public office. It is noteworthy that citizens whose parents hold FRCs are not allowed to run for public office.
The above are some of the many facts which bear witness that Rohingyas are an integral part of Burma’s society, and are bona fide citizens like any other recognized ethnic groups or national races of the country. Rohingya issue is not a question of ‘illegal immigration’ that the government with the vested interests is pretending and trying to hoodwink the international opinion to justify Rohingya persecution. It is a case of intolerance deeply entrenched in ‘systematic racism’ and preoccupation of the ‘Muslim phobia’. The only solution for their due accommodation in the family of the Union of Burma solely rests on the will of the ruling government.
Last not least, arbitrary deprivation of Rohingya’s citizenship is an international crime. Nonetheless, the Rohingya problem is first and foremost to be resolved within Burma that requires effective international pressure. Again in the face of the exhaustion of all domestic remedies the international community is the only hope for the restoration of their citizenship with collective rights. It will be sagacity on the part of the ruling government to response to the outcry of Rohingya and international reaction without delay.
[1] Thant Myint-U , “ The River of Lost Footsteps”, Mackays of Chatham, plc, 2008, p.73.
[2] Ba Shi, “Coming of Islam to Burma 1700 AD”, a research paper presented at Azad Bhavan, New Delhi in 1961, p.4.
[3] Martin Smith, “The Muslim “Rohingyas” of Burma, Draft for Consultation at Conference of Burma Centrum Nederland, !! December 1995, p. 5.
[4] Chris Lewa, “North Arakan: An open prison for the Rohingya in Burma”, April, 15, 2009.
[5] Speech by General Ne Win on 8 October 1982, provided in the Working People’s Daily, 9 October 1982.
[6] Abdur Razzaq Mahfuzul Haque, “A Tale of Refugees: Rohingyas in Bangladesh”, published by Centre for Human Rights, 1995, p.52.
[7] Chris Lewa, “North Arakan: An open prison for the Rohingya in Burma”, April, 15, 2009.
[8] Ibid.
[9] Chris Lewa, “North Arakan: An open prison for the Rohingya in Burma”, April, 15, 2009.
[10] General Assembly resolution 103(1) of 19 November 1946.
[11] The Times of India, “ Delhi plays reluctant host to Myanmar’s nowhere people”, Nandita Sengupta, May 26, 2012.
[12] IRIN news, “In Brief: 40,000 Rohingya Children in Myanmar Unregistered”, Bangkok, 19 January 2012
[13] Radio speech by Prime Minister U Nu, 25 September 1954 at 8:00 PM
Public speech by Prime Minister U Nu and Defence Minister U Ba Swe at Maungdaw and Buthidaung respectively on 3& 4 November 1959.
[14] Criminal Miscellaneous applications No. 155 and 156 of 1959 of the Supreme Court
[15] Prof. Dr. Aung Zaw, “Tineyin Muslims Sapyusasu Poggu-kyawmya-2” (Indigenous gazetted Muslim elite-2), (in Burmese), 20009, p.188.
[16] Dr. Michael W. Charney, Buddhism in Arakan: Theory and Historiography of the religious Basis of the Ethnonym” Forgotten Kingdom of Arakan Workshop, 23-24 November 2005, Bangkok, p.15.
[17] “The Rohingyas: Bengali Muslims or Arakan Muslim”, Euro Burma Office (EBO) Briefing Paper No.2, 2009. In Dr. San Oo Aung http://sannaung .wordpress.com 22 January 2008.
Last not least, arbitrary deprivation of Rohingya’s citizenship is an international crime. Nonetheless, the Rohingya problem is first and foremost to be resolved within Burma that requires effective international pressure. Again in the face of the exhaustion of all domestic remedies the international community is the only hope for the restoration of their citizenship with collective rights. It will be sagacity on the part of the ruling government to response to the outcry of Rohingya and international reaction without delay.
[1] Thant Myint-U , “ The River of Lost Footsteps”, Mackays of Chatham, plc, 2008, p.73.
[2] Ba Shi, “Coming of Islam to Burma 1700 AD”, a research paper presented at Azad Bhavan, New Delhi in 1961, p.4.
[3] Martin Smith, “The Muslim “Rohingyas” of Burma, Draft for Consultation at Conference of Burma Centrum Nederland, !! December 1995, p. 5.
[4] Chris Lewa, “North Arakan: An open prison for the Rohingya in Burma”, April, 15, 2009.
[5] Speech by General Ne Win on 8 October 1982, provided in the Working People’s Daily, 9 October 1982.
[6] Abdur Razzaq Mahfuzul Haque, “A Tale of Refugees: Rohingyas in Bangladesh”, published by Centre for Human Rights, 1995, p.52.
[7] Chris Lewa, “North Arakan: An open prison for the Rohingya in Burma”, April, 15, 2009.
[8] Ibid.
[9] Chris Lewa, “North Arakan: An open prison for the Rohingya in Burma”, April, 15, 2009.
[10] General Assembly resolution 103(1) of 19 November 1946.
[11] The Times of India, “ Delhi plays reluctant host to Myanmar’s nowhere people”, Nandita Sengupta, May 26, 2012.
[12] IRIN news, “In Brief: 40,000 Rohingya Children in Myanmar Unregistered”, Bangkok, 19 January 2012
[13] Radio speech by Prime Minister U Nu, 25 September 1954 at 8:00 PM
Public speech by Prime Minister U Nu and Defence Minister U Ba Swe at Maungdaw and Buthidaung respectively on 3& 4 November 1959.
[14] Criminal Miscellaneous applications No. 155 and 156 of 1959 of the Supreme Court
[15] Prof. Dr. Aung Zaw, “Tineyin Muslims Sapyusasu Poggu-kyawmya-2” (Indigenous gazetted Muslim elite-2), (in Burmese), 20009, p.188.
[16] Dr. Michael W. Charney, Buddhism in Arakan: Theory and Historiography of the religious Basis of the Ethnonym” Forgotten Kingdom of Arakan Workshop, 23-24 November 2005, Bangkok, p.15.
[17] “The Rohingyas: Bengali Muslims or Arakan Muslim”, Euro Burma Office (EBO) Briefing Paper No.2, 2009. In Dr. San Oo Aung http://sannaung .wordpress.com 22 January 2008.
မနက္ ၈ နာရီ ၃၀ မိနစ္တြင္ တည္းခုိရာ ရွန္ဂရီလာ ေဟာ္တယ္ က မဟာခ်ိဳင္သုိ႔ ထြက္ခြာမွာျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ အဲဒီေနာက္ ကြန္႔ဂ္ ( ပုဇြန္ေစ်း) ကို မနက္ ၉ နာရီမွာ ေရာက္ပါမယ္။ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ကေတာ့ သူ႔ ကားေပၚကပဲ ေစ်းနဲ႔ ျမန္မာ ေရႊ႕ေျပာင္း အလုပ္သမားေတြရဲ႕ ေနထုိင္လုပ္ကိုင္စားေသာက္ရေနရတဲ့ဘ၀ အေျခအေနေတြကို လွည့္လည္ၾကည့္ရႈ႕မွာျဖစ္ပါတယ္။
ထုိင္းႏိုင္ငံေရာက္လာၿပီျဖစ္တဲ့ ရုပ္သံေပၚက ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္
မနက္ ၉ နာရီ ၃၀ မိနစ္မွာ မဟာခ်ိဳင္မွာ ရွိတဲ့ ေရႊ႕ေျပာင္းအလုပ္သမားမ်ား အဖြဲ႔အစည္းႀကီး တခုျဖစ္တဲ့ MWRN ရံုးကို ေရာက္ပါမယ္။ အဆုိပါ အေဆာက္အဦး အေပၚထပ္ ေလသာေဆာင္ကေန ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္က ထုိင္းႏုိင္ငံေရာက္ ျမန္မာ ေရႊ႕ေျပာင္းအလုပ္သမားမ်ားနဲ႔ သူတုိ႔ရဲ႕ မိသားစုကို မိန္႔ခြန္းေျပာၾကားမွာ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။
မနက္ ၁၁ နာရီမွာေတာ့ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ဟာ အဆုိပါ အလုပ္သမားအေရး ကူညီလႈပ္ရွားေနတဲ့ MWRN အေဆာက္အဦးကေန ျပန္လည္ထြက္ခြာလာမွာလည္းျဖစ္ပါတယ္။
မနက္ ၉ နာရီ ၃၀ မိနစ္မွာ မဟာခ်ိဳင္မွာ ရွိတဲ့ ေရႊ႕ေျပာင္းအလုပ္သမားမ်ား အဖြဲ႔အစည္းႀကီး တခုျဖစ္တဲ့ MWRN ရံုးကို ေရာက္ပါမယ္။ အဆုိပါ အေဆာက္အဦး အေပၚထပ္ ေလသာေဆာင္ကေန ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္က ထုိင္းႏုိင္ငံေရာက္ ျမန္မာ ေရႊ႕ေျပာင္းအလုပ္သမားမ်ားနဲ႔ သူတုိ႔ရဲ႕ မိသားစုကို မိန္႔ခြန္းေျပာၾကားမွာ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။
မနက္ ၁၁ နာရီမွာေတာ့ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ဟာ အဆုိပါ အလုပ္သမားအေရး ကူညီလႈပ္ရွားေနတဲ့ MWRN အေဆာက္အဦးကေန ျပန္လည္ထြက္ခြာလာမွာလည္းျဖစ္ပါတယ္။
ေလဆိပ္က တည္းခုိမည့္ ရွန္ဂရီလာေဟာ္တယ္သို႔ အသြား
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| Photo : Nay Linn |
ျမန္မာ့ဒီမုိကေရစီေခါင္းေဆာင္ရဲ႕ ၂၄ ႏွစ္တာအတြင္း ပထမဆံုး ျပည္ပခရီးစဥ္အတြက္ ထုိင္းႏုိင္ငံ၊ ဘန္ေကာက္၊ သု၀ဏၰ ဘုမၼိ အျပည္ျပည္ဆုိင္ရာ ေလဆိပ္ႀကီးသို႔ ထိုင္းႏိုင္ငံစံေတာ္ခ်ိန္ ၁၀ နာရီ ၁၀ မိနစ္မွာ ေခ်ာေမာစြာ နဲ႔ ေရာက္ရွိ လာပါၿပီ။
ေလဆိပ္မွာေတာ့ ထုိင္းႏုိ္င္ငံမွာ ရွိေနတဲ့ ျမန္မာအဖြဲ႔အစည္းအသီးသီးက ပုဂၢိဳလ္မ်ား၊ သတင္း မီဒီယာသမားမ်ား၊ ဘန္ေကာက္ေရာက္ ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံသားမ်ား၊ ထုိုင္းႏိုင္ငံက ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ကုိ ခ်စ္ခင္ေလးစားသူမ်ား အလြန္ စည္ကားစြာနဲ႔ ႀကိဳဆုိေနခ်ိန္မွာပဲ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ဟာ လံုၿခံဳေရး အၿခံအရံမ်ား ထူထပ္စြာနဲ႔ ၀င္ေရာက္လာခဲ့ပါတယ္။
“အေမစု က်န္းမာပါေစ” ဆုိတဲ့ ျမန္မာေတြရဲ႕ ဆုေတာင္းသံေတြဟာ သု၀ဏၰ ဘုမၼိ အျပည္ျပည္ဆုိင္ရာ ေလဆိပ္ မွာ ပဲ့တင္ ထပ္ေနပါတယ္။
Source : Irrawaddy Blog
ဓာတ္ပံု- ဒီမုိေ၀ယံျမန္မာ့ဒီမုိကေရစီေခါင္းေဆာင္ရဲ႕ ၂၄ ႏွစ္တာအတြင္း ပထမဆံုး ျပည္ပခရီးစဥ္အတြက္ ရန္ကုန္ ေလဆိပ္ကေန ထြက္ခြာရန္ အခ်ိန္ ေတြ႔ျမင္ရမည့္ ျမင္ကြင္း တခ်ိဳ႕ပါ။
ရန္ကုန္ေလဆိပ္ကေန ျမန္မာစံေတာ္ခ်ိန္ ၇ နာရီ ၄၅ မိနစ္က ထုိင္းေလေၾကာင္းလုိင္း တခုျဖစ္တဲ့ TG-306 နဲ႔ ထြက္ခြာသြား ျပီ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ထိုင္းႏိုင္ငံ ဘန္ေကာက္ရွိ သု၀ဏၰဘုမၼိ ေလဆိပ္သုိ႔ ည ၉ နာရီမွာ ေရာက္ရွိ မွာ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။
ေလဆိပ္နားေနေဆာင္တြင္ ထုိင္းႏိုင္ငံသို႔ မထြက္မီ ၊ ဓာတ္ပံုမ်ား- Yangon Media Group
ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ ႏွင့္အဖဲြ႕သည္ အျခား ကမာၻ႔စီးပြားေရး ဖုိရမ္တက္ေရာက္မယ့္ ဧည့္သည္ေတာ္မ်ား တည္းခုိရာ ဘန္ေကာက္ရွိ Shangrila Hotel မွာ တည္းခုိမွာ ျဖစ္တယ္လုိ႔ သိရပါတယ္။
ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ဟာ မနက္ျဖန္ မနက္ ၉ နာရီက ၁၀ နာရီအထိ ထုိင္းႏိုင္ငံေတာင္ပိုင္းက ျမန္မာေရႊ႕ေျပာင္း အလုပ္သမားေတြကို ေဒသမွာ ရွိတဲ့ အလုပ္သမား သမဂၢရံုးအေပၚထပ္ကေန မိန္႔ခြန္း ေဟာေျပာမွာျဖစ္ပါတယ္။
Shwe Myitmakha Media Group , 29May 2012 —- မေန႕တုန္းက က်မတုိ႕ ျမစ္မခရဲ႕ ကခ်င္ျပည္နယ္သတင္းေထာက္ဆီက ကခ်င္ျပည္နယ္မွာ တိုက္ပြဲေတြ ဆက္ျဖစ္ေနတဲ႕ အေၾကာင္း၊ ဖားကန္႕ထိ ျဖစ္လာေနေၾကာင္း၊ ကခ်င္ျပည္သူ ဒုကၡသည္ေတြကလည္း တေန႕ထက္တေန႕ပိုမ်ားလာေၾကာင္း၊ ဒုကၡသည္ စခန္းေတြမွာလည္း လိုအပ္ခ်က္ေတြနဲ႕ ျပည္႕ေနေၾကာင္း သတင္းေတြ အစုလိုက္အျပံဳလိုက္ တက္လာခဲ႕ပါတယ္။
တာ၀န္ခံအယ္ဒီတာ က်မရဲ႕ေမာင္ေလး ေအးခ်မ္းဟိန္ကေတာ႕ မ်က္ႏွာပ်က္ပ်က္နဲ႕ပဲ အဲဒီသတင္းေတြကို တည္းျဖတ္ၿပီး သတင္းတင္တယ္။
က်မကေတာ႕ သတင္းေတြကို ဖတ္ၿပီး စိတ္ထိခိုက္ျခင္းနဲ႕အတူ မေက်နပ္ျခင္း၊ ေဒါသျဖစ္ျခင္း စတဲ႕ ခံစားခ်က္ေတြနဲ႕ ရင္ထဲမွာ တနင္႕တပိုးၾကီး ခံစားေနရပါတယ္။ မေက်နပ္ျခင္းေတြနဲ႕ တေနကုန္ ရင္ျပည္႕ေနတယ္။
ရပ္တန္႕သင္႕ၿပီ ျဖစ္တဲ႕ ကခ်င္ျပည္နယ္ တိုက္ပြဲေတြ ဘာေၾကာင္႕မရပ္တန္႕ရပါသလဲ။ ဘာေၾကာင္႕ခုခ်ိန္ထိ မရပ္တန္႕ရပါသလဲဆိုတဲ႕ ေမးခြန္းကို လြန္ခဲ႕တဲ႕ ၃ လေလာက္ကတည္းက က်မေတြးခဲ႕မိတယ္။
က်မ စိတ္ထဲ စဥ္းစားတိုင္း ရင္ထဲမွာ ခံစားရပါတယ္။ အထူးသျဖင္႕ ကခ်င္ဒုကၡသည္ စခန္းက ကေလးေတြရဲ႕ ဓါတ္ပံုေတြဟာ၊ အမ်ိဳးသမီးၾကီးငယ္ေတြနဲ႕ အေျခအေနမဲ႕ကုန္တဲ႕ ဘ၀ေတြ….ဒီလိုသာဆိုရင္ ကခ်င္တမ်ိဳးသားလံုး ေပ်ာက္ရခ်ည္ရဲ႕လုိ႕လဲ ေတြးမိပါတယ္။
ဒုကၡသည္ စခန္းေရာက္ေနတဲ႕ ကခ်င္ျပည္သူေတြရဲ႕ ထူေထာင္ေရးကာလဟာ ဘယ္ေလာက္ၾကာမလဲ၊ ေသခ်ာတာကေတာ႕ ၄ ႏွစ္ ၅ ႏွစ္နဲ႕ သူတုိ႕ ဘ၀ေတြ နလံမထူေတာ႕တာပါပဲ။ ကခ်င္အမ်ိဳးသားေတြ ကခ်င္လူငယ္ေတြ ပညာသင္ဖို႕ ေနာက္က်ၿပီ၊ ခုလို တို္က္ပြဲေတြျဖစ္ေနတဲ႕ ကခ်င္ျပည္နယ္က တုိင္းရင္းသားေတြရဲ႕ ေသာကေတြနဲ႕ ဖြံ႕ျဖိဳးတိုးတက္ဖို႕ ဆိုတာကလည္း …။
ဒီလို ဘ၀ေတြ ျမင္ေနရေတာ႕ တိုက္ပြဲေတြဘာေၾကာင္႕ျဖစ္ၾကသလဲဆိုတဲ႕ ေမးခြန္းက ေပၚလာပါတယ္။ ၿပီးေတာ႕ ျငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရး လက္မွတ္ထိုးပြဲေတြရွိေပမဲ႕ ဘာေၾကာင္႕ မရပ္တန္႕ၾကေသးသလဲ။
ႏိုင္ငံျခားေရာက္ေနတဲ႕ က်မသူငယ္ခ်င္း ကခ်င္တုိင္းရင္းသူ တဦးက ေျပာတယ္။ စီးပြားျဖစ္ တိုက္ပြဲဆိုတာ ၾကားဖူးသလားတဲ႕။
ဟင္႕အင္း က်မ မၾကားဘူးပါဘူးဆိုေတာ႕ သူမက ဆက္ေျပာပါတယ္။ တိုက္ပြဲျဖစ္ရင္ စီးပြားျဖစ္တယ္တဲ႕…။ တိုက္ပြဲေတြက business လုပ္တာပဲ။ တုိက္မယ္ဆိုရင္ ေဒၚလာဘယ္ေလာက္ဆိုၿပီး ပိုက္ဆံရတယ္တဲ႕…။
အဲဒီစကားၾကားရေတာ႕ က်မ ေရွာ႕ျဖစ္သြားတယ္၊ အသက္ေတြနဲ႕ ရင္းၿပီးေတာ႕ေတာင္ စီးပြားလုပ္ၾကသတဲ႕လား။
တိုက္ပြဲျဖစ္ရင္ တိုက္ေနတဲ႕ သူေတြရဲ႕ အသက္ေတြ ေပးၾကရတယ္၊ ၿပီးေတာ႕ ေဒသခံေတြရဲ႕ အသက္နဲ႕ ဘ၀ေတြ ေပးၾကရတယ္။ အဲဒါကို စီးပြားလုပ္ၾကသတဲ႕လား။
အဲဒါေၾကာင္႕ တိုက္ပြဲေတြ မရပ္ႏိုင္ေသးတာလား၊ ျမန္မာျပည္ ျငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရး မရေလ စီးပြားလုပ္လို႕ ေကာင္းေလသတဲ႕လား။
ျမန္မာျပည္ ဒီမိုကေရစီ ေရးဟာ ႏွစ္ ၂၀ ေက်ာ္ၾကာခဲ႕တယ္။ ဘာေၾကာင္႕ၾကာခဲ႕တာလဲ လို႕ ေျပာရင္ ႏိုင္ငံေရးကို စီးပြားျဖစ္လုပ္ေနၾကလို႕လို႕ ေျပာေနၾကတဲ႕ သူေတြ ရွိတယ္။
က်မတို႕ ဘန္ေကာက္ေရာက္တဲ႕အခါ၊ အေမရိကား ေရာက္တဲ႕အခါ ဒီလို စီးပြားျဖစ္ကိစၥေတြကို ၾကားရ သိရေတာ႕ ရင္နာမိတယ္။
ျမန္မာျပည္က ဆင္းရဲႏြမ္းပါးလွတဲ႕ျပည္သူေတြကို ေျပးျမင္ၿပီး ခံစားရတယ္။ ငါတုိ႕ဘ၀ေတြနဲ႕ ရင္းၿပီး စီးပြားလုပ္ရက္ေလျခင္းဆိုၿပီး နာက်င္ခံစားရပါတယ္။
ျမန္မာျပည္ေရး၊ ဒီမိုကေရစီေရး၊ တိုင္းရင္းသားေရး စတဲ႕ ေခါင္းစဥ္ေတြတပ္ၿပီး ေဒၚလာေသာင္းနဲ႕ခ်ီၿပီးလုပ္ေနၾကတဲ႕ ပေရာ႕ဂ်က္ေတြအေၾကာင္း မၾကားခ်င္ေတာ႕ဘူး။ မခံစားႏိုင္လြန္းလို႕ပါရွင္။
အခု ကခ်င္ျပည္နယ္တိုက္ပြဲေတြ ရပ္တန္႕ဖို႕ ဆိုတာ အစိုးရကိုတင္ က်မတို႕ ေတာင္းဆိုေနလုိ႕မရေတာ႕ဘူး။ စီးပြားေရးလုပ္ေနတဲ႕ သူေတြနဲ႕ ေတာင္းဆိုဖို႕လိုအပ္ေနပါတယ္။
ၿပီးေတာ႕ ျပည္တြင္းက ဒီမိုကေရစီေခါင္းေဆာင္ေတြ ကခ်င္ျပည္နယ္ ျငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးအတြက္ ေတာင္းဆုိၾကတာကို က်မ အားမရမိပါဘူး။ဘာေၾကာင္႕ ျငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးအတြက္ ထိထိေရာက္ေရာက္ မေတာင္းဆိုၾကတာလဲ။ ကခ်င္ျပည္နယ္ တိုက္ပြဲေတြ လံုး၀ ရပ္တန္႕သြားေအာင္ ေတာ္၀င္ႏွင္းဆီမွာ ပြဲေတြ အခမ္းအနားေတြလုပ္ၿပီး ေတာင္းဆိုေနတာက ပိုက္ဆံျဖဳန္းတီးရံုက လြဲၿပီး အက်ိဳးမရွိလွဘူးလို႕ျမင္မိတယ္။
ပြဲလုပ္ဖုိ႕ ကုန္က်တဲ႕ စရိတ္ေတြ ပြဲလုပ္ဖို႕ ေပးလုိက္ရတဲ႕ ပိုက္ဆံေတြကို ကခ်င္ျပည္နယ္က ဒုကၡသည္စခန္းကို လွဴလိုက္တာကပိုၿပီး အက်ိဳးရွိမယ္လို႕လည္း ထင္မွတ္ပါတယ္။ အဲဒီလိုကုန္က်စရိတ္ေတြကုန္ေနမဲ႕အစား ဒုကၡသည္ေတြ ေသာက္ေရမလံုေလာက္ဘူး ေရသန္႕ဗူးေတြ၀ယ္လွဴဒါကမွ သူတုိ႕အသက္ေတြ ဆက္ေပးရာ ေရာက္ပါေသးတယ္။
ဒီၾကားထဲမွာ တရုတ္ျပည္ကလည္း ျမန္မာျပည္ ျငိမ္းခ်မ္းေလ သူတို႕အတြက္ အေျခအေန မေကာင္းေလဆိုတာကို နားလည္ထားေတာ႕ တိုက္ပြဲေတြကို အားေပးေနပါတယ္။
အခုျဖစ္ေနတဲ႕ တိုက္ပြဲေတြမွာ တရုတ္အစိုးရက လက္နက္ၾကီးေသးသာမက၊ စစ္ပညာနဲ႕ နည္းဗ်ဴဟာအဆံုး ပံ႕ပိုးေပးေနတယ္ ဆုိတဲ႕ သတင္းေတြလည္း က်မတုိ႕ ၾကားေနရတယ္။ တရုတ္ျပည္က ကခ်င္ျပည္နယ္ကို မ်က္စိက်ေနတဲ႕အတြက္ တရုတ္ျပည္ျဖစ္ေအာင္ လုပ္ေနတာကိုလည္း က်မတုိ႕ သတိျပဳရပါမယ္။
က်မတုိ႕ ေတြ တိုင္းရင္းသားေတြ အခ်င္းခ်င္း(တိုင္းရင္းသားထဲမွာ ဗမာေတြလည္းပါပါတယ္) ရန္မျဖစ္ၾကဖို႕ လိုပါတယ္။ ျမန္မာျပည္ေရးအတြက္ က်မတို႕အားလံုးညီညႊတ္ၾကဖုိ႕ လိုပါတယ္။ က်မတုိ႕ ေဘးမွာ ၀ိုင္းေနတဲ႕ ရန္သူေတြက ႏိုင္ငံၾကီးေတြပါ။
ျမန္မာျပည္ ဒီမိုကေရစီ ေရးဟာ တရုတ္ျပည္နဲ႕ ထိုင္းႏိုင္ငံတုိ႕ကို ထိခိုက္ေစတယ္ဆိုတာကို က်မတို႕ နားလည္ၾကဖုိ႕ လိုပါတယ္။အေနာက္နိုင္ငံက အႏၱရာယ္ေတြ မလာမီ အိမ္နီးခ်င္းႏိုင္ငံေတြရဲ႕အႏၱရာယ္ကိုလည္းသတိျပဳရမဲ႕ အေရးပါ။
ကခ်င္ျပည္နယ္ အျမန္ဆံု ျငိမ္းခ်မ္းဖုိ႕က အေရးၾကီးေနပါတယ္။ က်မတုိ႕ ျပည္သူေတြ ကခ်င္ျပည္နယ္ေရးအတြက္ ျငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးအတြက္ ေတာင္းဆိုၾကရေအာင္ပါရွင္။
က်မ ဒီလို ေရးျခင္းကို မၾကိဳက္တဲ႕သူေတြ ရွိႏိုင္ပါတယ္။ ျငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးအတြက္ က်မတို႕အားလံုး ညီညႊတ္ၾကဖို႕ လိုတယ္ဆိုတာကိုေတာ႕ မေမ႕ၾကေစခ်င္ပါဘူး။
က်မ အလိုလားဆံုးကေတာ႕ ကခ်င္တိုက္ပြဲေတြ ရပ္တန္႕ၿပီး အျမန္ဆံုး တတိုင္းျပည္လံုး ျငိမ္းခ်မ္းဖို႕ပါပဲ။
မိတ္ေဆြမ်ားကို ခ်စ္ခင္ေလးစားလ်က္ပါ။
Burma democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi heads to Thailand on Tuesday for her first trip abroad in more than two decades, ending an era of isolation and cementing her arrival on the global stage.
Aung San Suu Kyi's plan to leave Burma for the first time since 1988 comes as dramatic changes sweep the country, after decades of outright military rule ended last year Photo: AFP
The former political prisoner, who won a seat in parliament in historic April by-elections, is expected to meet the Thai prime minister, attend the World Economic Forum on East Asia and meet Burma communities during several days in the country.
Suu Kyi, who spent 15 of the past 22 years under house arrest, will emerge into a world transformed, with the skyscrapers and frenetic activity of Bangkok presenting a stark contrast to her sleepy home city of Yangon, regularly beset by power outages.
She is due to arrive in Bangkok around 1440 GMT. Her plan to leave Burma for the first time since 1988 comes as dramatic changes sweep the country, after decades of outright military rule ended last year.
Suu Kyi, fearful that she would never be allowed to return, had refused to travel abroad in the past, even when the former junta denied her dying husband a visa to visit her from Britain.
Trevor Wilson, a visiting fellow at the Australian National University, said her plans for foreign travel – including a proposed European tour in June – would be a key sign of the changes under a new reformist regime.
"It will demonstrate that the government allows her not only to travel, but also to return to Burma afterwards and continue her political activities," he told AFP.
Suu Kyi will meet Thai premier Yingluck Shinawatra during her trip, but the timing has not yet to be confirmed, the prime minister's secretary general Thawat Boonfeung told AFP.
Suu Kyi is also set to visit Burma migrant workers in Samut Sakhon province, south of Bangkok, on Wednesday according to local activists.
Thailand's workforce is heavily reliant on low-cost foreign workers, both legal and trafficked, with Burma nationals accounting for around 80 per cent of the two million registered foreign workers in the country.
Suu Kyi is also expected to travel to the north of the country to meet some of the roughly 100,000 refugees displaced by conflict in Burma's eastern border areas.
The Nobel laureate is scheduled to speak in an open discussion with World Economic Forum founder Klaus Schwab and appear at a session on the role of Asian women on Friday.
Suu Kyi's European travel plans include an address to an International Labour Organization conference in Geneva on June 14.
After that she will make a speech in Oslo on June 16 to finally accept the Nobel Peace Prize she was awarded in 1991 for her peaceful struggle for democracy, according to the Nobel Committee.
She also intends to travel to Britain, where she lived for years with her family, and will address parliament in London on June 21.
Burma President Thein Sein, who is credited with a string of reforms that have prompted the international community to ease sanctions, has postponed his official visit to Thailand, which would have clashed with Suu Kyi's trip.
He will now travel to the country on June 4 and 5, according to the Thai foreign ministry.
Source: AFP
Aung San Suu Kyi's plan to leave Burma for the first time since 1988 comes as dramatic changes sweep the country, after decades of outright military rule ended last year Photo: AFP
The former political prisoner, who won a seat in parliament in historic April by-elections, is expected to meet the Thai prime minister, attend the World Economic Forum on East Asia and meet Burma communities during several days in the country.
Suu Kyi, who spent 15 of the past 22 years under house arrest, will emerge into a world transformed, with the skyscrapers and frenetic activity of Bangkok presenting a stark contrast to her sleepy home city of Yangon, regularly beset by power outages.
She is due to arrive in Bangkok around 1440 GMT. Her plan to leave Burma for the first time since 1988 comes as dramatic changes sweep the country, after decades of outright military rule ended last year.
Suu Kyi, fearful that she would never be allowed to return, had refused to travel abroad in the past, even when the former junta denied her dying husband a visa to visit her from Britain.
Trevor Wilson, a visiting fellow at the Australian National University, said her plans for foreign travel – including a proposed European tour in June – would be a key sign of the changes under a new reformist regime.
"It will demonstrate that the government allows her not only to travel, but also to return to Burma afterwards and continue her political activities," he told AFP.
Suu Kyi will meet Thai premier Yingluck Shinawatra during her trip, but the timing has not yet to be confirmed, the prime minister's secretary general Thawat Boonfeung told AFP.
Suu Kyi is also set to visit Burma migrant workers in Samut Sakhon province, south of Bangkok, on Wednesday according to local activists.
Thailand's workforce is heavily reliant on low-cost foreign workers, both legal and trafficked, with Burma nationals accounting for around 80 per cent of the two million registered foreign workers in the country.
Suu Kyi is also expected to travel to the north of the country to meet some of the roughly 100,000 refugees displaced by conflict in Burma's eastern border areas.
The Nobel laureate is scheduled to speak in an open discussion with World Economic Forum founder Klaus Schwab and appear at a session on the role of Asian women on Friday.
Suu Kyi's European travel plans include an address to an International Labour Organization conference in Geneva on June 14.
After that she will make a speech in Oslo on June 16 to finally accept the Nobel Peace Prize she was awarded in 1991 for her peaceful struggle for democracy, according to the Nobel Committee.
She also intends to travel to Britain, where she lived for years with her family, and will address parliament in London on June 21.
Burma President Thein Sein, who is credited with a string of reforms that have prompted the international community to ease sanctions, has postponed his official visit to Thailand, which would have clashed with Suu Kyi's trip.
He will now travel to the country on June 4 and 5, according to the Thai foreign ministry.
Source: AFP
ဓါတ္ပုံ(NLD)
အိႏၵိယ၀န္ၾကီးခ်ဳပ္ Manmohan Singh နဲ႔ အမ်ိဳးသားဒီမုိကေရစီအဖြဲ႔ခ်ဳပ္ဥကၠဌ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္တို႔ ေမလ(၂၉) ရက္ေန႔က ေတြ႔ဆံုခဲ့ျပီးတဲ့ေနာက္ ၀န္ၾကီးခ်ဳပ္ Manmohan Singh က ကြန္ဂရက္ပါတီဥကၠဌ Sonia Gandhi လူၾကံဳပါးလိုက္တဲ့စာကို ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ကို ေပးအပ္ခဲ့ေၾကာင္း Press Trust of India သတင္း မွာ ေရးထားပါတယ္။
အဲဒီစာထဲမွာ Sonia Gandhi က ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ကို အိႏၵိယကိုလာေရာက္ လည္ပတ္ျပီး Jawaharlal Nehru အမွတ္တယအခမ္းအနားမွာ မိန္႔ခြန္းေျပာဖို႔ ဖိတ္ေခၚထားပါတယ္။ ေဒၚေအာင္ ဆန္းစုၾကည္ကလည္း ဖိတ္ေခၚခ်က္ကိုလက္ခံျပီးအျမန္ဆံုးသြားေရာက္လည္ပတ္နုိင္မယ္လို႔ ေမွ်ာ္လင့္ေၾကာင္း ျပန္ေျပာခဲ့ပါတယ္။
ရန္ကုန္-စီဒိုနားေဟာ္တယ္မွာ ၄၅-မိနစ္ၾကာေတြ႔ဆံုစဥ္အတြင္း ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္က အိႏၵိယနဲ႔ျမန္မာဟာ ပထ၀ီေျမအေနအထားအရ ကာလၾကာရွည္ ခ်စ္ၾကည္ရင္းနွီးတာမဟုတ္ဘဲ တစ္ဦးရဲ့စံတန္ဖိုး ကို တစ္ဦးကမွ်ေ၀ခံစားျပိး လြတ္လပ္ေရးအတြက္ အတူတုိက္ပြဲ၀င္ခဲ့တာေၾကာင့္ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း ၀န္ၾကီးခ်ဳပ္ Manmohan Singh ကို ေျပာျကားခဲ့ပါတယ္။
ဒီဗီြဘီ
Opposition leader makes first trip outside Myanmar in 24 years to give speech at Bangkok economic forum.
Aung San Suu Kyi spent 15 years in detention during Myanmar's fight for democracy [Reuters]
Aung San Suu Kyi, the Nobel Peace Prize-winning opposition figure, will venture outside Myanmar for the first time in 24 years.
Her trip on Tuesday is seen as a newfound display of confidence in the liberalisation taking shape in her country after five decades of military rule.
Suu Kyi, who spent 15 years in detention during Myanmar's fight against dictatorship, will give a speech this
week at the World Economic Forum on East Asia in Bangkok.
Until now, Suu Kyi has refused to leave Myanmar during brief periods of freedom from her years of detention, fearing the generals she was challenging would not allow her back into the country.
Her decision to leave the country comes after a year of dramatic change unthinkable in March 2011, when junta leader Than Shwe made way for a government stacked with his proteges following elections seen as rigged to favour an army-backed party and held while Suu Kyi remained under house arrest.
But in the 18 months since the election which the army-backed party won, the changes have been sweeping.
Suu Kyi has since been released and is now a parliamentarian having been convinced by reformist President Thein Sein, a former junta heavyweight, to contest a by-election and take part in a political system devised and dominated by retired and serving soldiers.
Hundreds of political prisoners have been freed, protests legalised, media censorship eased and dialogue with ethnic
minority rebels is moving forward, as is economic liberalisation.
The reforms have convinced Suu Kyi to support the suspension of Western sanctions, which had crippled the economy of Myanmar, after staunchly advocating embargoes to squeeze the generals.
Bangkok forum
Thein Sein was also due to give a speech at the same forum in Bangkok, but has since cancelled his visit, according to
Myanmar government sources, who requested anonymity.
Suu Kyi, the daughter of the leader of Myanmar's campaign for independence from British rule, spent years away from home, including many in Britain after marrying a British academic, Michael Aris.
She returned to her homeland in 1988 to take care of her dying mother and got caught up in a student-led democracy
uprising that swept the country that year and which the military eventually crushed.
Suu Kyi was first detained in 1989. From the on, she refused to leave, even after her husband was diagnosed with cancer. Aris died in 1999.
She is also due next month to visit Switzerland, Norway and Britain.
She will give an address in Geneva to an international labour conference on June 14 and will spend a week in Britain
from June 18, during which she will give a speech to both houses of parliament.
Aung San Suu Kyi spent 15 years in detention during Myanmar's fight for democracy [Reuters]
Aung San Suu Kyi, the Nobel Peace Prize-winning opposition figure, will venture outside Myanmar for the first time in 24 years.
Her trip on Tuesday is seen as a newfound display of confidence in the liberalisation taking shape in her country after five decades of military rule.
Suu Kyi, who spent 15 years in detention during Myanmar's fight against dictatorship, will give a speech this
week at the World Economic Forum on East Asia in Bangkok.
Until now, Suu Kyi has refused to leave Myanmar during brief periods of freedom from her years of detention, fearing the generals she was challenging would not allow her back into the country.
Her decision to leave the country comes after a year of dramatic change unthinkable in March 2011, when junta leader Than Shwe made way for a government stacked with his proteges following elections seen as rigged to favour an army-backed party and held while Suu Kyi remained under house arrest.
But in the 18 months since the election which the army-backed party won, the changes have been sweeping.
Suu Kyi has since been released and is now a parliamentarian having been convinced by reformist President Thein Sein, a former junta heavyweight, to contest a by-election and take part in a political system devised and dominated by retired and serving soldiers.
Hundreds of political prisoners have been freed, protests legalised, media censorship eased and dialogue with ethnic
minority rebels is moving forward, as is economic liberalisation.
The reforms have convinced Suu Kyi to support the suspension of Western sanctions, which had crippled the economy of Myanmar, after staunchly advocating embargoes to squeeze the generals.
Bangkok forum
Thein Sein was also due to give a speech at the same forum in Bangkok, but has since cancelled his visit, according to
Myanmar government sources, who requested anonymity.
Suu Kyi, the daughter of the leader of Myanmar's campaign for independence from British rule, spent years away from home, including many in Britain after marrying a British academic, Michael Aris.
She returned to her homeland in 1988 to take care of her dying mother and got caught up in a student-led democracy
uprising that swept the country that year and which the military eventually crushed.
Suu Kyi was first detained in 1989. From the on, she refused to leave, even after her husband was diagnosed with cancer. Aris died in 1999.
She is also due next month to visit Switzerland, Norway and Britain.
She will give an address in Geneva to an international labour conference on June 14 and will spend a week in Britain
from June 18, during which she will give a speech to both houses of parliament.
Thitinan Pongsudhirak
East Asia Forum
May 29, 2012
East Asia Forum
May 29, 2012
Aung San Suu Kyi, freshly elected as the leader of the opposition in Myanmar, made a strong start to life in parliament, demonstrating she will not be a pushover.
But at the same time she showed her practical side, not risking derailing her country’s spectacular democratic opening.
Following the National League for Democracy’s (NLD) sweep of 43 out of 44 eligible upper and lower house seats in Myanmar’s 1 April 2012 by-elections, Aung San Suu Kyi initially refused to take the oath of office to ‘abide by’ the military-sponsored constitution, saying she would ‘respect’ it instead. After a few days of kerfuffle, Aung San Suu Kyi backed down and took the oath to abide by the constitution. In standing the NLD’s ground firmly and briefly, she made it clear that she would not be easily pushed aside in parliament, and that the constitution will need to be amended. The incidents surrounding Aung San Suu Kyi’s swearing into office also show that she is not unreasonably recalcitrant or above compromise when larger goals are at stake. Her public image has since benefitted from this storm in a teacup.
An electoral win for the NLD was a long time coming: after more than two decades of repression, Myanmar’s politics finally appears to have entered a democratic era. The result of Myanmar’s recent by-elections have far-reaching implications for domestic politics, the regional neighbourhood and the broader international community. But the country is far from being out of the woods of military authoritarianism. It is unlikely Myanmar’s democratic process will be reversed, but detours from the democratic road ahead cannot be ruled out.
Myanmar used to be called Burma. Many still call it Burma as a show of defiance against the military regime that has ruled the country since 1988. The NLD’s sweep and triumph in the April by-elections may have yielded less than 8 per cent of total parliamentary seats, but it will put pressure on key stakeholders to continue to use ‘Myanmar’ in recognition of the legitimacy of recent reforms. No doubt many will continue to protest, but the country’s forward momentum depends on its official name.
The NLD’s thumping victory under the iconic and vindicated Aung San Suu Kyi is full of portent for the Union Solidarity and Development Party (or USDP, the military’s electoral vehicle) because it suggests the NLD is likely to win by a massive landslide when general elections are held again in 2015. Even if the military retains its constitutionally mandated 25 per cent of seats in parliament, the USDP is unlikely to withstand the opposition’s election onslaught. As the main opposition party, the NLD is likely to gain control of the national assembly in three years.
But it is crucial for the NLD to prioritise the broader reform process over shorter-term electoral gains and temptations for retribution. Democratic transitions from military authoritarianism in other countries have taken many years, with ups and downs and with different modalities of civil–military power sharing. In Thailand, for instance, it took more than five decades to progress from outright military dictatorship to democratic rule, and the process is still playing out.
A return to outright dictatorship is unlikely. Myanmar’s reforms, which began with a pro-military constitution and a bogus election, have somehow taken on a life of their own. Suitors from abroad for business and commerce, and for aid and development, provide additional incentives to maintain momentum. Myanmar will also host the 2013 Southeast Asian Games and chair ASEAN in 2014. A return to military repression will result not only in a loss of face, but could potentially lose Myanmar the opportunity to host these prestigious international events. The generals’ pride was wounded when they had to forego the ASEAN chairmanship in 2005, so they are not keen to face another regional humiliation.
The immediate implication for the ASEAN neighbourhood centres on democratisation. ASEAN is home to the most diverse regime types among any regional organisation in the world. If democracy in Myanmar continues to go from strength to strength, the pressure to democratise in other ASEAN state will surely grow. Myanmar’s progress will advertise the benefits of reform to authoritarian regimes. The long and winding road of democratisation is necessarily preferable to the closed road of authoritarianism.
The chief challenge for Myanmar comes from history and from time: in the next few years this agrarian country must undergo rapid economic development and learn to grapple with the forces of globalisation. A successful transition will require a dynamic and cooperative power-sharing arrangement between the military and civil society. Both groups should work together toward democratic and inclusive electoral outcomes in 2015.
Thitinan Pongsudhirak is Director at the Institute of Security and International Studies, Faculty of Political Science, Chulalongkorn University, Thailand.
အိႏိၵယ၀န္ႀကီးခ်ဳပ္ မန္းမိုဟန္ဆင္းဟာ မေန ႔တုန္း က ျမန္မာ သမၼတဦးသိန္းစိန္နဲ႔ ေတြ႔ဆံုရာမွာ ႏွစ္ႏိုင္ ငံ နယ္စပ္လံုၿခံဳေရး နဲ႔ တည္ၿငိမ္ေရး ကိစၥေတြကို အေလးေပးေဆြးေႏြးသြားပါတယ္။ ဒါ့အျပင္ အိႏိၵယ အေန နဲ႔ ျမန္မာႏို္င္ငံတြင္း IT နည္းပညာပိုင္းဆိုင္ရာ ဖံြ႔ၿဖိဳးတိုးတက္မႈအတြက္ ေငြေၾကးေရာ နည္းပညာ အရပါ ကူညီ သြားဖို႔ အိႏၵိယ ၀န္ႀကီးခ်ဳပ္က ကတိျပဳခဲ့ပါတယ္။ ဒီအေၾကာင္း ကုိသားညြန္႔ဦးက တင္ျပေပးထားပါ တယ္။
အိႏိၵယနဲ႔ ျမန္မာနယ္ခ်င္းစပ္ေဒသေတြက လက္နက္ကိုင္လႈပ္ရွားမႈေတြကို တိုက္ဖ်က္ဖို႔ကိစၥမွာ အိႏိၵိယ အေနနဲ႔ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံနဲ႔ နီးနီးကပ္ကပ္ လက္တဲြေဆာင္ရြက္သြားဖို႔လိုမယ္လို႔ အိႏိၵယႏိုင္ငံျခားေရး၀န္ႀကီး Somannahalli Mallaiah Krishna က သတင္းေထာက္ေတြကို ေျပာသြား ပါတယ္။ ျမန္မာ-အိႏၵိယႏွစ္ႏိုင္ငံ လံုးဟာ နယ္စပ္မွာ သူပုန္ထမႈအေျခအေနေတြကို ရင္ဆိုင္ေနရတာေၾကာင့္ နယ္စပ္လံုၿခံဳေရးအတြက္ ပူးတဲြ မဟာဗ်ဴဟာတရပ္ ထားဖို႔လိုမယ္လို႔ သံုးရက္ၾကာ ျမန္မာခရီးစဥ္အတြင္း အိႏိၵယ၀န္ႀကီးခ်ဳပ္နဲ႔အတူ ပါလာတဲ့ အိႏၵိယႏိုင္ငံျခားေရး၀န္ႀကီး Krishna က ေျပာသြားပါတယ္။
“ ႏွစ္ႏိုင္ငံ ဆက္ဆံေရးပိုင္းမွာ ေသခ်ာတာတခုက လံုၿခံဳေရးနဲဆက္ႏြယ္ေနတဲ့ ဆက္စပ္ ေဆာင္ရြက္ ခ်က္ေတြလည္း ပါ၀င္ပါတယ္။ ႏွစ္ႏိုင္ငံ စလံုးဟာ အၾကမ္းဖက္မႈလို၊ သူပုန္ထမႈလို ျပႆနာရပ္ေတြလည္း ရင္ဆိုင္ေနၾကရတာပါ။ ဒါေၾကာင့္ ႏွစ္ဘက္စလံုးက အၾကမ္းဖက္မႈေတြနဲ႔ သူပုန္ထမႈေတြကို ဘယ္လို ကိုင္တြယ္ မလဲဆိုတဲ့ ပူးတဲြမဟာဗ်ဴဟာတရပ္ကို ႏွစ္ႏိုင္ငံ ပူးေပါင္းေဆာင္ရြက္သြားဖို႔လိုပါတယ္။ ဒီကိစၥေတြကို နားလည္သေဘာေပါက္ထားရပါမယ္။ ဒါေၾကာင့္ ဒီ ပူးေပါင္းေဆာင္ရြက္မႈေတြ ပို နက္နက္ရိႈင္းရိႈင္း လုပ္ေဆာင္ႏိုင္ဖို႔လိုအပ္သလိုပဲ ဒုတိယ ပိုင္းအားျဖင့္ေတာ့ စီးပြားေရးအရ ဆက္ဆံမႈေတြမွာ ပူးေပါင္းေဆာင္ရြက္သြားရပါမယ္။ အေရးႀကီးမႈက အတူတူပါပဲ။”
အိႏၵိယအစိုးရကို လက္နက္ကိုင္ပုန္ကန္ေနတဲ့ နာဂသူပုန္အဖဲြ႔အစည္းအခ်ိဳ႕ဟာ ျမန္မာပိုင္နက္ထဲမွာ ခိုေအာင္းၿပီး လႈပ္ရွားေနတယ္လို႔ အိႏိၵိယဘက္က ယူဆထားတာပါ။ တခ်ိန္တည္းမွာ ျမန္မာအစိုးရကို ပုန္ကန္တဲ့ တိုင္းရင္းသားသူပုန္အခ်ိဳ႕ဟာ အိႏိၵိယ ျမန္မာနယ္စပ္ တေလွ်ာက္မွာ လႈပ္ရွားေနတာပါ။ ဒီအေပၚမွာ ႏွစ္ဖက္ ပူးေပါင္းၿပီး သူပုန္ထမႈေတြကို ကိုင္တြယ္သြားဖို႔ အိႏိၵယဘက္က လိုလားပံုရပါတယ္။ ဒါေပမယ့္လည္း ျမန္မာဖက္ကေတာ့ ျမန္မာတိုင္းရင္းသားလက္နက္ကိုင္ေတြနဲ႔ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရး သေဘာတူညီခ်က္ ယူၿပီး၊ နယ္စပ္ အေျခအေန ေတြကို ထိန္းခ်ဳပ္ႏုိင္ေအာင္ ႀကိဳးပမ္းေနတယ္လို႔ ျမန္မာ သမၼတက ေျပာဆိုခဲ့တဲ့အေၾကာင္း အိႏိၵိယႏိုင္ငံျခားေရးအတြင္း၀န္ Ranjan Mathai က သတင္းေထာက္ေတြကို ေနျပည္ေတာ္မွာေျပာပါတယ္။
“နယ္စပ္ေဒသေတြမွာ အေျခအေနေတြကို ထိန္းခ်ဳပ္ႏိုင္ေအာင္ ႀကိဳးပမ္းေနတယ္လို႔ ျမန္မာသမၼတက ေျပာ ပါတယ္။ နယ္စပ္က ျမန္မာ တိုင္းရင္းသား အုပ္စုေတြနဲ႔ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးသေဘာတူညီမႈ ရေအာင္ ေဆာင္ ရြက္ေနတာေတြ ကို ေျပာပါတယ္။ ဒါ့အျပင္ အိႏၵိယအစိုးရကို ဆန္႔က်င္တဲ့ အင္အားစုေတြ အိႏၵိယသူပုန္ေတြကိုလည္း ျမန္မာပိုင္နက္ထဲမွာ မရိွေစရဘူးလို႔ ထပ္ေလာင္း ကတိျပဳေပးပါတယ္။ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရး သေဘာတူညီခ်က္ေတြရေအာင္ ႀကိဳးပမ္းေနသလိုပဲ၊ လိုအပ္ရင္ လိုအပ္သလို လံုၿခံဳေရး အရ ေဆာင္ရြက္မႈေတြကိုလည္း လုပ္ေဆာင္သြားမယ္ လို႔ ျမန္မာသမၼတက ေျပာပါတယ္။ နယ္စပ္ေဒသ ဖံြၿဖိဳးေရးနဲ႔လံုၿခံဳေရးအတြက္လိုအပ္ခ်က္ေတြ က်ေနာ္တို႔ဘက္က ရပ္တည္ခ်က္ေတြကိုလည္း သူတို႔ ေကာင္းေကာင္းသေဘာေပါက္ပါတယ္။ အဲဒီအတြက္လည္း ႏွစ္ဘက္ ပူးေပါင္းေဆာင္ရြက္ သြားရမယ္ ဆိုတာလည္း နားလည္လက္ခံပါ တယ္။ ဒါပေမယ့္ ထိထိေရာက္ေရာက္နဲ႔ ေထာက္လွမ္းေရး သတင္းအခ်က္အလက္ဖလွယ္မႈေတြ လိုအပ္ေနတယ္လို႔ေတာ့ ခံစားမိပါတယ္။”
အိႏၵိယႏိုင္ငံအေနနဲ႔ စီးပြားေရးအရ အေရွ႕ေမွ်ာ္မူ၀ါဒ ခ်မွတ္က်င့္သံုးေနခ်ိန္မွာ ျမန္မာနယ္စပ္ဘက္က တည္ၿငိမ္ေရးဟာ သူ႔အတြက္ ႏိုင္ငံေရး အရေရာ စီးပြားေရးအရပါ အေရးတႀကီးျဖစ္ေန တယ္ လို႔ ေလ့လာသူေတြကေတာ့ သံုးသပ္ပါတယ္။ ၂၅ ႏွစ္တာကာလအတြင္း အိႏိၵိယ ၀န္ႀကီးခ်ဳပ္တဦးရဲ႕ အခု ျမန္မာခရီးစဥ္အတြင္းမွာနယ္စပ္တည္ၿငိမ္ေရးကိစၥအျပင္လမ္းပမ္းဆက္သြယ္ေရးနဲ႔ ေရနက္ဆိပ္ကမ္းကိစၥ ရထားလမ္းေဖာက္ လုပ္ေရး ေလေၾကာင္းလိုင္း ခရီးစဥ္ ကိစၥေတြကိုလည္း ေဆြးေႏြးခဲ့တယ္လို႔ အိႏၵိယႏိုင္ငံျခားေရး အတြင္း၀န္က ေျပာပါတယ္။ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံ IT နည္းပညာဖံြ႔ၿဖိဳးေရးအတြက္ပါ အကူအညီေပးသြားဖို႔ ရိွတယ္လို႔ ႏိုင္ငံျခားေရးအတြင္း၀န္ Ranjan Mathai က သတင္းေထာက္ေတြကို ေျပာပါတယ္။
“ျမန္မာနဲ႔ သေဘာတူလက္မွတ္ထိုးခဲ့တဲ့အထဲမွာ ျမန္မာသတင္း နည္းပညာဌာနတခု ဖြင့္လွစ္ဖို႔ဆိုတာလည္း ပါ၀င္ပါတယ္။ ဒီအတြက္ အိႏိၵယ ဘက္က ေငြေၾကးအရေရာ နည္းပညာပိုင္းအရပါ ကူညီသြားဖို႔ရိွပါတယ္။ လာမယ့္ ၅ ႏွစ္အတြင္းမွာ အိုင္တီနည္းပညာပိုင္း ဖံြ႔ၿဖိဳးတိုးတက္ လာေအာင္ ေငြေၾကးနဲ႔ နည္းပညာပိုင္းမွာ ကူညီသြားမယ္လို႔လည္း အိႏၵိယ၀န္ႀကီးခ်ဳပ္က ေၾကညာခဲ့ပါတယ္။ ဒါ့အျပင္ အိႏၵိယႏိုင္ငံက သုေတသနေက်ာင္းေတြ၊တကၠသို္လ္ေတြမွာ ျမန္မာသုေတသီေတြကိုပညာေတာ္သင္ ေလ့လာေရးအျဖစ္ ႏွစ္ စဥ္ ေခၚယူသြားမယ္ဆိုတာလည္း အိိႏၵိယ၀န္ႀကီးခ်ဳပ္က ေျပာခဲ့ပါတယ္။”
ျမန္မာသမၼတနဲ႔ အိႏိၵယ၀န္ႀကီးခ်ဳပ္ ေခါင္းေဆာင္ႏွစ္ဦးဟာ လက္ရိွ ျမန္မာႏို္င္ငံ အေျပာင္းအလဲေပၚမွာ လည္း ေဆြးေႏြးခဲ့ၾကၿပီး လက္ရိွ ႏိုင္ငံေရးလုပ္ငန္းစဥ္ေတြနဲ႔ ဖံြၿဖိဳးေရးလုပ္ငန္းေတြကို အားေပးကူညိသြားဖို႔ အိႏိၵိယဖက္က ျပင္ဆင္ထားတယ္လို႔ အိႏိၵယႏိုင္ငံျခားေရး၀န္ႀကီး Krishna က ေျပာပါတယ္။
“ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံဟာ အိႏၵိယႏိုင္ငံလိုပဲ ဖံြၿဖိဳးဆဲႏိုင္ငံ တႏိုင္ငံျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ျပည္တြင္းျပႆနာေတြ ရိွခဲ့ေပမယ့္ အခုေတာ့ ဒါေတြကို ေျဖရွင္းႏိုင္ပံု ရေနပါၿပီ။ ဒါေၾကာင့္ ဖံြ႔ၿဖိဳးေရးအတြက္ လူထုလိုအပ္ခ်က္ေတြရိွတာကို အခ်ိန္ေပးလုပ္ရမယ့္ အခ်ိန္အခါ ေရာက္ေနပါၿပီ။ အိႏၵိယႏိုင္ငံ အေနနဲ႔ေတာ့ ဒီဖံြ႔ၿဖိဳးေရးအစီအစဥ္ေတြ ဘာမဆို ကူညီသြားဖို႔ ဆႏၵရိွပါတယ္။”
အခု အိႏိၵယ၀န္ႀကီးခ်ဳပ္ရဲ႕ မေန႔က ေနျပည္ေတာ္ခရီးစဥ္မွာေတာ့ ျမန္မာ-အိႏိၵိယ ႏွစ္ႏိုင္ငံသေဘာတူညီခ်က္ စာခြ်န္လႊာ ၁၂ ခုကို လက္မွတ္ ေရးထိုးခဲ့ပါတယ္။ ျမန္မာႏို္င္ငံအေနနဲ႔ အိႏၵိယႏိုင္ငံကေန ေဒၚလာသန္း ၅၀၀ အထိ ေခ်းငွားႏိုင္ခြင့္ သေဘာတူညီလိုက္ၿပီျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ႏွစ္ႏိုင္ငံ နယ္စပ္ကုန္သြယ္ေရးဌာနေတြ ဖြင့္လွစ္ေရးကိစၥလည္း ပါ၀င္ပါတယ္။ ဒါေၾကာင့္ ဒီခရီးစဥ္အတြင္း ႏွစ္ႏိုင္ငံ နယ္စပ္တည္ၿငိမ္ေရး၊ ကုန္သြယ္ေရး နဲ႔ စီးပြားေရးပူးေပါင္းေဆာင္ရြက္မႈကိစၥအေတာ္မ်ားမ်ား သေဘာတူညီမႈေတြရလိုက္ပါတယ္။
အိႏၵိယ၀န္ႀကီးခ်ဳပ္မန္းမိုဟန္ဆင္းဟာဒီကေန႔မွာေတာ့ရန္ကုန္ၿမိဳ႕မွာ ျမန္မာ့ဒီမိုကေရစီ ေခါင္းေဆာင္ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္နဲ႔ ေတြ႔ဆံုဖို႔ ရိွေနပါတယ္။
အိႏိၵယနဲ႔ ျမန္မာနယ္ခ်င္းစပ္ေဒသေတြက လက္နက္ကိုင္လႈပ္ရွားမႈေတြကို တိုက္ဖ်က္ဖို႔ကိစၥမွာ အိႏိၵိယ အေနနဲ႔ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံနဲ႔ နီးနီးကပ္ကပ္ လက္တဲြေဆာင္ရြက္သြားဖို႔လိုမယ္လို႔ အိႏိၵယႏိုင္ငံျခားေရး၀န္ႀကီး Somannahalli Mallaiah Krishna က သတင္းေထာက္ေတြကို ေျပာသြား ပါတယ္။ ျမန္မာ-အိႏၵိယႏွစ္ႏိုင္ငံ လံုးဟာ နယ္စပ္မွာ သူပုန္ထမႈအေျခအေနေတြကို ရင္ဆိုင္ေနရတာေၾကာင့္ နယ္စပ္လံုၿခံဳေရးအတြက္ ပူးတဲြ မဟာဗ်ဴဟာတရပ္ ထားဖို႔လိုမယ္လို႔ သံုးရက္ၾကာ ျမန္မာခရီးစဥ္အတြင္း အိႏိၵယ၀န္ႀကီးခ်ဳပ္နဲ႔အတူ ပါလာတဲ့ အိႏၵိယႏိုင္ငံျခားေရး၀န္ႀကီး Krishna က ေျပာသြားပါတယ္။
“ ႏွစ္ႏိုင္ငံ ဆက္ဆံေရးပိုင္းမွာ ေသခ်ာတာတခုက လံုၿခံဳေရးနဲဆက္ႏြယ္ေနတဲ့ ဆက္စပ္ ေဆာင္ရြက္ ခ်က္ေတြလည္း ပါ၀င္ပါတယ္။ ႏွစ္ႏိုင္ငံ စလံုးဟာ အၾကမ္းဖက္မႈလို၊ သူပုန္ထမႈလို ျပႆနာရပ္ေတြလည္း ရင္ဆိုင္ေနၾကရတာပါ။ ဒါေၾကာင့္ ႏွစ္ဘက္စလံုးက အၾကမ္းဖက္မႈေတြနဲ႔ သူပုန္ထမႈေတြကို ဘယ္လို ကိုင္တြယ္ မလဲဆိုတဲ့ ပူးတဲြမဟာဗ်ဴဟာတရပ္ကို ႏွစ္ႏိုင္ငံ ပူးေပါင္းေဆာင္ရြက္သြားဖို႔လိုပါတယ္။ ဒီကိစၥေတြကို နားလည္သေဘာေပါက္ထားရပါမယ္။ ဒါေၾကာင့္ ဒီ ပူးေပါင္းေဆာင္ရြက္မႈေတြ ပို နက္နက္ရိႈင္းရိႈင္း လုပ္ေဆာင္ႏိုင္ဖို႔လိုအပ္သလိုပဲ ဒုတိယ ပိုင္းအားျဖင့္ေတာ့ စီးပြားေရးအရ ဆက္ဆံမႈေတြမွာ ပူးေပါင္းေဆာင္ရြက္သြားရပါမယ္။ အေရးႀကီးမႈက အတူတူပါပဲ။”
အိႏၵိယအစိုးရကို လက္နက္ကိုင္ပုန္ကန္ေနတဲ့ နာဂသူပုန္အဖဲြ႔အစည္းအခ်ိဳ႕ဟာ ျမန္မာပိုင္နက္ထဲမွာ ခိုေအာင္းၿပီး လႈပ္ရွားေနတယ္လို႔ အိႏိၵိယဘက္က ယူဆထားတာပါ။ တခ်ိန္တည္းမွာ ျမန္မာအစိုးရကို ပုန္ကန္တဲ့ တိုင္းရင္းသားသူပုန္အခ်ိဳ႕ဟာ အိႏိၵိယ ျမန္မာနယ္စပ္ တေလွ်ာက္မွာ လႈပ္ရွားေနတာပါ။ ဒီအေပၚမွာ ႏွစ္ဖက္ ပူးေပါင္းၿပီး သူပုန္ထမႈေတြကို ကိုင္တြယ္သြားဖို႔ အိႏိၵယဘက္က လိုလားပံုရပါတယ္။ ဒါေပမယ့္လည္း ျမန္မာဖက္ကေတာ့ ျမန္မာတိုင္းရင္းသားလက္နက္ကိုင္ေတြနဲ႔ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရး သေဘာတူညီခ်က္ ယူၿပီး၊ နယ္စပ္ အေျခအေန ေတြကို ထိန္းခ်ဳပ္ႏုိင္ေအာင္ ႀကိဳးပမ္းေနတယ္လို႔ ျမန္မာ သမၼတက ေျပာဆိုခဲ့တဲ့အေၾကာင္း အိႏိၵိယႏိုင္ငံျခားေရးအတြင္း၀န္ Ranjan Mathai က သတင္းေထာက္ေတြကို ေနျပည္ေတာ္မွာေျပာပါတယ္။
“နယ္စပ္ေဒသေတြမွာ အေျခအေနေတြကို ထိန္းခ်ဳပ္ႏိုင္ေအာင္ ႀကိဳးပမ္းေနတယ္လို႔ ျမန္မာသမၼတက ေျပာ ပါတယ္။ နယ္စပ္က ျမန္မာ တိုင္းရင္းသား အုပ္စုေတြနဲ႔ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးသေဘာတူညီမႈ ရေအာင္ ေဆာင္ ရြက္ေနတာေတြ ကို ေျပာပါတယ္။ ဒါ့အျပင္ အိႏၵိယအစိုးရကို ဆန္႔က်င္တဲ့ အင္အားစုေတြ အိႏၵိယသူပုန္ေတြကိုလည္း ျမန္မာပိုင္နက္ထဲမွာ မရိွေစရဘူးလို႔ ထပ္ေလာင္း ကတိျပဳေပးပါတယ္။ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရး သေဘာတူညီခ်က္ေတြရေအာင္ ႀကိဳးပမ္းေနသလိုပဲ၊ လိုအပ္ရင္ လိုအပ္သလို လံုၿခံဳေရး အရ ေဆာင္ရြက္မႈေတြကိုလည္း လုပ္ေဆာင္သြားမယ္ လို႔ ျမန္မာသမၼတက ေျပာပါတယ္။ နယ္စပ္ေဒသ ဖံြၿဖိဳးေရးနဲ႔လံုၿခံဳေရးအတြက္လိုအပ္ခ်က္ေတြ က်ေနာ္တို႔ဘက္က ရပ္တည္ခ်က္ေတြကိုလည္း သူတို႔ ေကာင္းေကာင္းသေဘာေပါက္ပါတယ္။ အဲဒီအတြက္လည္း ႏွစ္ဘက္ ပူးေပါင္းေဆာင္ရြက္ သြားရမယ္ ဆိုတာလည္း နားလည္လက္ခံပါ တယ္။ ဒါပေမယ့္ ထိထိေရာက္ေရာက္နဲ႔ ေထာက္လွမ္းေရး သတင္းအခ်က္အလက္ဖလွယ္မႈေတြ လိုအပ္ေနတယ္လို႔ေတာ့ ခံစားမိပါတယ္။”
အိႏၵိယႏိုင္ငံအေနနဲ႔ စီးပြားေရးအရ အေရွ႕ေမွ်ာ္မူ၀ါဒ ခ်မွတ္က်င့္သံုးေနခ်ိန္မွာ ျမန္မာနယ္စပ္ဘက္က တည္ၿငိမ္ေရးဟာ သူ႔အတြက္ ႏိုင္ငံေရး အရေရာ စီးပြားေရးအရပါ အေရးတႀကီးျဖစ္ေန တယ္ လို႔ ေလ့လာသူေတြကေတာ့ သံုးသပ္ပါတယ္။ ၂၅ ႏွစ္တာကာလအတြင္း အိႏိၵိယ ၀န္ႀကီးခ်ဳပ္တဦးရဲ႕ အခု ျမန္မာခရီးစဥ္အတြင္းမွာနယ္စပ္တည္ၿငိမ္ေရးကိစၥအျပင္လမ္းပမ္းဆက္သြယ္ေရးနဲ႔ ေရနက္ဆိပ္ကမ္းကိစၥ ရထားလမ္းေဖာက္ လုပ္ေရး ေလေၾကာင္းလိုင္း ခရီးစဥ္ ကိစၥေတြကိုလည္း ေဆြးေႏြးခဲ့တယ္လို႔ အိႏၵိယႏိုင္ငံျခားေရး အတြင္း၀န္က ေျပာပါတယ္။ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံ IT နည္းပညာဖံြ႔ၿဖိဳးေရးအတြက္ပါ အကူအညီေပးသြားဖို႔ ရိွတယ္လို႔ ႏိုင္ငံျခားေရးအတြင္း၀န္ Ranjan Mathai က သတင္းေထာက္ေတြကို ေျပာပါတယ္။
“ျမန္မာနဲ႔ သေဘာတူလက္မွတ္ထိုးခဲ့တဲ့အထဲမွာ ျမန္မာသတင္း နည္းပညာဌာနတခု ဖြင့္လွစ္ဖို႔ဆိုတာလည္း ပါ၀င္ပါတယ္။ ဒီအတြက္ အိႏိၵယ ဘက္က ေငြေၾကးအရေရာ နည္းပညာပိုင္းအရပါ ကူညီသြားဖို႔ရိွပါတယ္။ လာမယ့္ ၅ ႏွစ္အတြင္းမွာ အိုင္တီနည္းပညာပိုင္း ဖံြ႔ၿဖိဳးတိုးတက္ လာေအာင္ ေငြေၾကးနဲ႔ နည္းပညာပိုင္းမွာ ကူညီသြားမယ္လို႔လည္း အိႏၵိယ၀န္ႀကီးခ်ဳပ္က ေၾကညာခဲ့ပါတယ္။ ဒါ့အျပင္ အိႏၵိယႏိုင္ငံက သုေတသနေက်ာင္းေတြ၊တကၠသို္လ္ေတြမွာ ျမန္မာသုေတသီေတြကိုပညာေတာ္သင္ ေလ့လာေရးအျဖစ္ ႏွစ္ စဥ္ ေခၚယူသြားမယ္ဆိုတာလည္း အိိႏၵိယ၀န္ႀကီးခ်ဳပ္က ေျပာခဲ့ပါတယ္။”
ျမန္မာသမၼတနဲ႔ အိႏိၵယ၀န္ႀကီးခ်ဳပ္ ေခါင္းေဆာင္ႏွစ္ဦးဟာ လက္ရိွ ျမန္မာႏို္င္ငံ အေျပာင္းအလဲေပၚမွာ လည္း ေဆြးေႏြးခဲ့ၾကၿပီး လက္ရိွ ႏိုင္ငံေရးလုပ္ငန္းစဥ္ေတြနဲ႔ ဖံြၿဖိဳးေရးလုပ္ငန္းေတြကို အားေပးကူညိသြားဖို႔ အိႏိၵိယဖက္က ျပင္ဆင္ထားတယ္လို႔ အိႏိၵယႏိုင္ငံျခားေရး၀န္ႀကီး Krishna က ေျပာပါတယ္။
“ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံဟာ အိႏၵိယႏိုင္ငံလိုပဲ ဖံြၿဖိဳးဆဲႏိုင္ငံ တႏိုင္ငံျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ျပည္တြင္းျပႆနာေတြ ရိွခဲ့ေပမယ့္ အခုေတာ့ ဒါေတြကို ေျဖရွင္းႏိုင္ပံု ရေနပါၿပီ။ ဒါေၾကာင့္ ဖံြ႔ၿဖိဳးေရးအတြက္ လူထုလိုအပ္ခ်က္ေတြရိွတာကို အခ်ိန္ေပးလုပ္ရမယ့္ အခ်ိန္အခါ ေရာက္ေနပါၿပီ။ အိႏၵိယႏိုင္ငံ အေနနဲ႔ေတာ့ ဒီဖံြ႔ၿဖိဳးေရးအစီအစဥ္ေတြ ဘာမဆို ကူညီသြားဖို႔ ဆႏၵရိွပါတယ္။”
အခု အိႏိၵယ၀န္ႀကီးခ်ဳပ္ရဲ႕ မေန႔က ေနျပည္ေတာ္ခရီးစဥ္မွာေတာ့ ျမန္မာ-အိႏိၵိယ ႏွစ္ႏိုင္ငံသေဘာတူညီခ်က္ စာခြ်န္လႊာ ၁၂ ခုကို လက္မွတ္ ေရးထိုးခဲ့ပါတယ္။ ျမန္မာႏို္င္ငံအေနနဲ႔ အိႏၵိယႏိုင္ငံကေန ေဒၚလာသန္း ၅၀၀ အထိ ေခ်းငွားႏိုင္ခြင့္ သေဘာတူညီလိုက္ၿပီျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ႏွစ္ႏိုင္ငံ နယ္စပ္ကုန္သြယ္ေရးဌာနေတြ ဖြင့္လွစ္ေရးကိစၥလည္း ပါ၀င္ပါတယ္။ ဒါေၾကာင့္ ဒီခရီးစဥ္အတြင္း ႏွစ္ႏိုင္ငံ နယ္စပ္တည္ၿငိမ္ေရး၊ ကုန္သြယ္ေရး နဲ႔ စီးပြားေရးပူးေပါင္းေဆာင္ရြက္မႈကိစၥအေတာ္မ်ားမ်ား သေဘာတူညီမႈေတြရလိုက္ပါတယ္။
အိႏၵိယ၀န္ႀကီးခ်ဳပ္မန္းမိုဟန္ဆင္းဟာဒီကေန႔မွာေတာ့ရန္ကုန္ၿမိဳ႕မွာ ျမန္မာ့ဒီမိုကေရစီ ေခါင္းေဆာင္ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္နဲ႔ ေတြ႔ဆံုဖို႔ ရိွေနပါတယ္။
VOA ၿမန္မာပိုင္း
Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh meets Tuesday with Burmese opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi as he wraps up his three-day visit to strengthen trade and investment links between the two Asian neighbors.
Prime Minister Singh met with Burmese President Thein Sein on Monday. The two leaders signed about a dozen trade and investment agreements, including deals on air services and the Indian promise of a $500 million line of credit.
Mr. Singh is the first Indian prime minister to visit Burma since 1987.
He will visit Aung San Suu Kyi in the commercial capital, Rangoon, before the Nobel laureate departs for Thailand on her first international trip in 24 years.
The meeting is seen as an indication that India is open to reaffirming ties with the opposition activist. New Delhi has long been criticized for its ties with Burma's oppressive former military leadership, which stepped down last year.
Bilateral trade between Burma and India is currently valued at $1.5 billion annually. Analysts say it is expected to exceed $3 billion by 2015.
New Delhi is pressing its quest for energy supplies needed to fuel its booming economy, and Burma's new, nominally civilian government seeks to shed its image as a closed authoritarian state ruled for a half century by military generals.
Prime Minister Singh met with Burmese President Thein Sein on Monday. The two leaders signed about a dozen trade and investment agreements, including deals on air services and the Indian promise of a $500 million line of credit.
Mr. Singh is the first Indian prime minister to visit Burma since 1987.
He will visit Aung San Suu Kyi in the commercial capital, Rangoon, before the Nobel laureate departs for Thailand on her first international trip in 24 years.
The meeting is seen as an indication that India is open to reaffirming ties with the opposition activist. New Delhi has long been criticized for its ties with Burma's oppressive former military leadership, which stepped down last year.
Bilateral trade between Burma and India is currently valued at $1.5 billion annually. Analysts say it is expected to exceed $3 billion by 2015.
New Delhi is pressing its quest for energy supplies needed to fuel its booming economy, and Burma's new, nominally civilian government seeks to shed its image as a closed authoritarian state ruled for a half century by military generals.
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Yangon Media Group
ေရႊနံ႔သာ ေက်းရြာမွာ အၿငင္းပြားေနတဲ့ လယ္ေၿမ မ်ား အားေဇကမၻာ ခင္ေရႊကို ရန္ကုန္တုိင္း အစိုးရအဖြဲ႕ ဆံုးၿဖတ္ခ်က္နဲ႔ သီးစားလုပ္ကိုင္ခြင့္ ၿပဳ လိုက္
တုိင္းေဒသၾကီး အစုိးရရဲ႕ ဆံုးၿဖတ္ခ်က္နဲ႔ ေရႊနံ႔သာ ေက်းရြာမွာ အၿငင္းပြာေနတဲ့ လယ္ေၿမေတြကို ေဇကမၻာ ခင္ေရႊကို ရန္ကုန္တုိင္းအစိုးရအဖြဲ႕ ဆံုးၿဖတ္ခ်က္နဲ႔ သီးစားလုပ္ကိုင္ခြင့္ ၿပဳလိုက္ေၾကာင္း ခင္ေရႊက စက္မႈဇုန္ လုပ္မည္ ေၿပာထားၿပီး ၿမင့္ေဇာ္က သီးစားလုပ္ခြင့္ ေလွ်ာက္အမ်ိဳးမ်ိဳးလွည့္ပတ္လိမ္ညာသည့္ အေပၚ ႏိုင္ငံေရးအင္အား စုမ်ား စုေပါင္း၍ ႏိုင္ငံေရး အင္အားစုေတြ စုေပါင္းၿပီး ခင္ေရႊနဲ႔ သက္ဆိုင္ရာအစိုးရေတြကို တရားစြဲ လက္မွတ္ေရးထုိး လႈပ္ရွားဖုိ ႔ ေဆာင္ ရြက္သြား ပါမည္။ ေဇကမၻာ ခင္ေရႊကို ေရႊနံ႔သာ အၿငင္းပြားေနတဲ႔ လယ္ေၿမေတြကို သီးစား လုပ္ကိုင္ခြင့္ ၿပဳလုိက္ၿခင္းဟာ ဥပေဒနဲ႔လည္း မညီညြတ္ပါဘူး ... ဆူပူေအာင္ သက္သက္ ဖန္တီးေနသလုိ ၿဖစ္ပါတယ္
လိမ္နည္းအမ်ိဳးမ်ိဳးနဲ႔လိမ္ခဲ့ေကာက္ခဲ့တဲ့ ေဇကမၻာကုမၸဏီနဲ႔ ေရႊနံ႔သာလယ္သမားအေရးကို ေရွးရႈ ေၿပာဆိုလိုပါ တယ္။ အစမွာ ေက်းရြာအုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ေရးနဲ႔ ေဇကမၻာကုမၸဏီပူးေပါင္းၿပီး လယ္သမားေတြကို ေခါင္းစဥ္မရွိတဲ့ စာရြက္ေပၚ မွာလက္မွတ္ ထိုးခိုင္းတယ္။ လယ္သမားေတြ က အၾကိမ္ၾကိမ္ၿငင္းဆိုခဲ့တယ္။ အ...ဲဒီေနာက္ ဦးခင္ေရႊက ႏိုင္ငံေတာ္ သိမ္းတာ ငါသိမ္းတာ မဟုတ္ဘူး။ မင္းတုိ႔ကို ႏိုင္ငံေတာ္က သိမ္းရင္ တၿပားမွ ရမွာမဟုတ္ဘူး။ မင္းတို႔ကို ကိုယ့္လူမ်ိဳး ခ်င္း စာနာေသာအားၿဖင့္ ကရုဏာေၾကးေပးမွာလုိ႔ ေၿပာၿပီး စည္းရံုးသိမ္းသြင္း တယ္။ အဲဒီေနာက္ ၅၀၀၀၀ ကေန လယ္သမားေတြ လက္မခံ လက္ခံေအာင္ ၃၀၀၀၀၀ အထိ တိုးေပးၿပီး လယ္သမားေတြက လယ္မလုပ္ခ်င္ေတာ့လုိ႔ လယ္အပ္တဲ့ သေဘာမ်ိဳးၿဖစ္ေအာင္ အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ေရးနဲ႔ ခင္ေရႊ ပူးေပါင္းၾကံစည္ခဲ့ၿခင္းက အစိုးရကို ခုတံုးလုပ္တဲ့ ပထမဆံုး ဥပေဒမဲ့ လုပ္ရပ္ၿဖစ္ေၾကာင္း သိသာေစပါတယ္။
အဲဒီေနာက္ လယ္သမားေတြကို လယ္ၿပန္စုိက္ခြင့္ၿပဳတယ္။ သီးစားေၿပစာအတြက္ေတာ့ ဘယ္သူ႔လက္ အပ္လိုက္ တယ္ ဆိုတာ လယ္သမားေတြက နားစြန္နားဖ်ား ေဇကမၻာကို ေပးလုိက္တယ္ ဆိုတာေလာက္ပဲ သိပါတယ္။ လယ္သမားေတြ စပါးသိမ္းေနခ်ိန္မွာပဲ ၂၀၁၁ ခုႏွစ္ထဲမွာ လယ္ကန္သင္းေတြ ဖ်က္တယ္။ ေႏြစပါး စိုက္လို႔မရ ေအာင္ ေရေၿမာင္းေတြ ပိတ္ ပစ္တယ္။ လယ္ေတြကို အေၿပာင္ရွင္းတယ္။ ေၿမေတြကိုလည္း ေရာင္းခ်ထားၿပီး ၿဖစ္ေၾကာင္း လယ္ေၿမေတြေပၚမွာ ဘယ္က ဘယ္သူမွန္းမသိတဲ့ ေကာင္ေတြ နာမည္ေတြ လာတပ္ထား ပါတယ္။
ဒီၾကား ထဲမွာ လယ္သမားေတြဟာ လယ္လုပ္ခြင့္ရဖုိ႔ အမ်ိဳးမ်ိဳးၾကိဳးစားလာတာေၾကာင့္ အၿငင္းပြားမႈေတြ ၿဖစ္လာၿပီး ေဇကမၻာရဲ႕ ဖ်က္စီးေရး လုပ္ငန္းေတြကို သက္ဆိုင္ရာက တားၿမစ္ တယ္။ ႏိုင္ငံေတာ္က စက္မႈဇုန္ လုပ္ကိုင္ခြင့္ ခြင့္ၿပဳထား သေယာင္ ငါးမဖမ္းရ ၊ ဖားမရိုက္ရ ဆိုတဲ့ စာေတြကပ္၊ ေဇကမၻာ မန္ေနဂ်ာ ၿမင့္ေဇာ္ေန တဲ့ ရံုးကို လယ္ထဲမွာ လာေဆာက္၊ လယ္သမားေတြကို ၿခိမ္းေၿခာက္မႈေတြနဲ႔ အတူ တုတ္တၿပတ္ ဓားတၿပတ္ လံုၿခံဳေရး ၀န္ထမ္း အင္အားကလည္း ေၾကာက္ခမန္းလိလိပါပဲ။
လယ္သမားေတြက လယ္ၿပန္လုပ္ဖုိ႔ ႏြားေခ်းေၿမၾသဇာေတြခ်ေနတဲ့အခ်ိန္ ခင္ေရႊရဲ႕ ကုမၸဏီက လယ္ကန္သင္း ေတြ ကိုဖ်က္လုိ႔ ေကာင္းဆဲ။ ဒီ ၂၀၁၂ ခုႏွစ္ထဲမွာပါပဲ။ လယ္သမားေတြကလည္း တရံုးရံုးၿဖစ္လာၿပီ။ ၿမင့္ေဇာ္ကလည္း သက္ဆိုင္ရာက တားၿမစ္ေနတဲ့ၾကားက တုတ္တၿပတ္ ဓားတၿပတ္ မိုက္ေၾကးခြဲတဲ့ ပံုစံမ်ိဳးအထိ ၿဖစ္လာတာေတြဟာ မင္းမဲ့တုိင္းၿပည္ ဥပေဒမဲ့ တုိင္းၿပည္လုိပါပဲ။
တားၿမစ္စာေတြပို႔ၿပီး ေဇကမၻာကုမၸဏီကို လယ္ကန္သင္းေတြမၿဖတ္ဖုိ႔၊ လယ္သမားေတြကိုလည္း လယ္မလုပ္ေသး ဖုိ႔ အၿငင္းပြားေနဆဲ ၿဖစ္ေၾကာင္း ၿမိဳ႕နယ္အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ေရးမွဴးနဲ႔ ေက်းရြာ အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ေရးမွဴး ကစာေတြ ပုိ႔တယ္။
တုိင္းေဒသၾကီး အစုိးရရဲ႕ ဆံုးၿဖတ္ခ်က္နဲ႔ ေရႊနံ႔သာ ေက်းရြာမွာ အၿငင္းပြာေနတဲ့ လယ္ေၿမေတြကို ေဇကမၻာ ခင္ေရႊကို ရန္ကုန္တုိင္းအစိုးရအဖြဲ႕ ဆံုးၿဖတ္ခ်က္နဲ႔ သီးစားလုပ္ကိုင္ခြင့္ ၿပဳလိုက္ေၾကာင္း ခင္ေရႊက စက္မႈဇုန္ လုပ္မည္ ေၿပာထားၿပီး ၿမင့္ေဇာ္က သီးစားလုပ္ခြင့္ ေလွ်ာက္အမ်ိဳးမ်ိဳးလွည့္ပတ္လိမ္ညာသည့္ အေပၚ ႏိုင္ငံေရးအင္အား စုမ်ား စုေပါင္း၍ ႏိုင္ငံေရး အင္အားစုေတြ စုေပါင္းၿပီး ခင္ေရႊနဲ႔ သက္ဆိုင္ရာအစိုးရေတြကို တရားစြဲ လက္မွတ္ေရးထုိး လႈပ္ရွားဖုိ ႔ ေဆာင္ ရြက္သြား ပါမည္။ ေဇကမၻာ ခင္ေရႊကို ေရႊနံ႔သာ အၿငင္းပြားေနတဲ႔ လယ္ေၿမေတြကို သီးစား လုပ္ကိုင္ခြင့္ ၿပဳလုိက္ၿခင္းဟာ ဥပေဒနဲ႔လည္း မညီညြတ္ပါဘူး ... ဆူပူေအာင္ သက္သက္ ဖန္တီးေနသလုိ ၿဖစ္ပါတယ္
လိမ္နည္းအမ်ိဳးမ်ိဳးနဲ႔လိမ္ခဲ့ေကာက္ခဲ့တဲ့ ေဇကမၻာကုမၸဏီနဲ႔ ေရႊနံ႔သာလယ္သမားအေရးကို ေရွးရႈ ေၿပာဆိုလိုပါ တယ္။ အစမွာ ေက်းရြာအုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ေရးနဲ႔ ေဇကမၻာကုမၸဏီပူးေပါင္းၿပီး လယ္သမားေတြကို ေခါင္းစဥ္မရွိတဲ့ စာရြက္ေပၚ မွာလက္မွတ္ ထိုးခိုင္းတယ္။ လယ္သမားေတြ က အၾကိမ္ၾကိမ္ၿငင္းဆိုခဲ့တယ္။ အ...ဲဒီေနာက္ ဦးခင္ေရႊက ႏိုင္ငံေတာ္ သိမ္းတာ ငါသိမ္းတာ မဟုတ္ဘူး။ မင္းတုိ႔ကို ႏိုင္ငံေတာ္က သိမ္းရင္ တၿပားမွ ရမွာမဟုတ္ဘူး။ မင္းတို႔ကို ကိုယ့္လူမ်ိဳး ခ်င္း စာနာေသာအားၿဖင့္ ကရုဏာေၾကးေပးမွာလုိ႔ ေၿပာၿပီး စည္းရံုးသိမ္းသြင္း တယ္။ အဲဒီေနာက္ ၅၀၀၀၀ ကေန လယ္သမားေတြ လက္မခံ လက္ခံေအာင္ ၃၀၀၀၀၀ အထိ တိုးေပးၿပီး လယ္သမားေတြက လယ္မလုပ္ခ်င္ေတာ့လုိ႔ လယ္အပ္တဲ့ သေဘာမ်ိဳးၿဖစ္ေအာင္ အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ေရးနဲ႔ ခင္ေရႊ ပူးေပါင္းၾကံစည္ခဲ့ၿခင္းက အစိုးရကို ခုတံုးလုပ္တဲ့ ပထမဆံုး ဥပေဒမဲ့ လုပ္ရပ္ၿဖစ္ေၾကာင္း သိသာေစပါတယ္။
အဲဒီေနာက္ လယ္သမားေတြကို လယ္ၿပန္စုိက္ခြင့္ၿပဳတယ္။ သီးစားေၿပစာအတြက္ေတာ့ ဘယ္သူ႔လက္ အပ္လိုက္ တယ္ ဆိုတာ လယ္သမားေတြက နားစြန္နားဖ်ား ေဇကမၻာကို ေပးလုိက္တယ္ ဆိုတာေလာက္ပဲ သိပါတယ္။ လယ္သမားေတြ စပါးသိမ္းေနခ်ိန္မွာပဲ ၂၀၁၁ ခုႏွစ္ထဲမွာ လယ္ကန္သင္းေတြ ဖ်က္တယ္။ ေႏြစပါး စိုက္လို႔မရ ေအာင္ ေရေၿမာင္းေတြ ပိတ္ ပစ္တယ္။ လယ္ေတြကို အေၿပာင္ရွင္းတယ္။ ေၿမေတြကိုလည္း ေရာင္းခ်ထားၿပီး ၿဖစ္ေၾကာင္း လယ္ေၿမေတြေပၚမွာ ဘယ္က ဘယ္သူမွန္းမသိတဲ့ ေကာင္ေတြ နာမည္ေတြ လာတပ္ထား ပါတယ္။
ဒီၾကား ထဲမွာ လယ္သမားေတြဟာ လယ္လုပ္ခြင့္ရဖုိ႔ အမ်ိဳးမ်ိဳးၾကိဳးစားလာတာေၾကာင့္ အၿငင္းပြားမႈေတြ ၿဖစ္လာၿပီး ေဇကမၻာရဲ႕ ဖ်က္စီးေရး လုပ္ငန္းေတြကို သက္ဆိုင္ရာက တားၿမစ္ တယ္။ ႏိုင္ငံေတာ္က စက္မႈဇုန္ လုပ္ကိုင္ခြင့္ ခြင့္ၿပဳထား သေယာင္ ငါးမဖမ္းရ ၊ ဖားမရိုက္ရ ဆိုတဲ့ စာေတြကပ္၊ ေဇကမၻာ မန္ေနဂ်ာ ၿမင့္ေဇာ္ေန တဲ့ ရံုးကို လယ္ထဲမွာ လာေဆာက္၊ လယ္သမားေတြကို ၿခိမ္းေၿခာက္မႈေတြနဲ႔ အတူ တုတ္တၿပတ္ ဓားတၿပတ္ လံုၿခံဳေရး ၀န္ထမ္း အင္အားကလည္း ေၾကာက္ခမန္းလိလိပါပဲ။
လယ္သမားေတြက လယ္ၿပန္လုပ္ဖုိ႔ ႏြားေခ်းေၿမၾသဇာေတြခ်ေနတဲ့အခ်ိန္ ခင္ေရႊရဲ႕ ကုမၸဏီက လယ္ကန္သင္း ေတြ ကိုဖ်က္လုိ႔ ေကာင္းဆဲ။ ဒီ ၂၀၁၂ ခုႏွစ္ထဲမွာပါပဲ။ လယ္သမားေတြကလည္း တရံုးရံုးၿဖစ္လာၿပီ။ ၿမင့္ေဇာ္ကလည္း သက္ဆိုင္ရာက တားၿမစ္ေနတဲ့ၾကားက တုတ္တၿပတ္ ဓားတၿပတ္ မိုက္ေၾကးခြဲတဲ့ ပံုစံမ်ိဳးအထိ ၿဖစ္လာတာေတြဟာ မင္းမဲ့တုိင္းၿပည္ ဥပေဒမဲ့ တုိင္းၿပည္လုိပါပဲ။
တားၿမစ္စာေတြပို႔ၿပီး ေဇကမၻာကုမၸဏီကို လယ္ကန္သင္းေတြမၿဖတ္ဖုိ႔၊ လယ္သမားေတြကိုလည္း လယ္မလုပ္ေသး ဖုိ႔ အၿငင္းပြားေနဆဲ ၿဖစ္ေၾကာင္း ၿမိဳ႕နယ္အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ေရးမွဴးနဲ႔ ေက်းရြာ အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ေရးမွဴး ကစာေတြ ပုိ႔တယ္။
အဲဒီအထဲမွာ လယ္သမားေတြက သူတုိ႔တစ္ခုခုလုပ္တိုင္း သက္ဆိုင္ရာကို အသိေပးအေၾကာင္းၾကား ပါသည္လုိ႔ ေရးတာကိုေတာင္ ေနာက္ေနာင္ အသိေပးအေၾကာင္းၾကားပါသည္ဟု မေရးသားရန္လုိ႔ ၿမိဳ႕နယ္ အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ မွဴးက ဆိုလာတယ္ဗ်။ ဘယ္လုိ ေၿပာရမွာလဲ တင္ၿပအသနားခံပါသည္ ဆိုတဲ့ စာသားေတြ သူတို႔ရဲ႕ အမိႈက္ေတာင္းထဲမွာ တပံုတေခါင္းပါ။ လူပါး၀ခ်င္ စိတ္က မကုန္ေသးဘူး။ အဲဒါ အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ေရး ပိုင္းကို ေၿပာတာ။
လယ္သမားေတြဟာ မထူးဇာတ္ေတာ့ မဟုတ္ဘူး။ ဘယ္လုိ အခင္းအက်င္းၿဖစ္လာမလဲ ဆိုတာသိခ်င္လုိ႔ လယ္ထြန ္ေတာ့မယ္လုိ႔ သတင္းလႊင့္လုိက္တယ္။ ေနာက္ေန႔ တကယ္လယ္ထြန္ဖို႔ လယ္ထြန္စက္ၾကီးေတြ ၿပင္ဆင္ၾကတယ္။ ၿမိဳ႕နယ္အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ေရးမွဴး ဦးၿငိမ္းေထြးနဲ႔ ေက်းရြာ အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ေရၚမွဴး ဦးထြန္းထြန္းဦးတုိ႔ ကိုယ္တုိင္ေရာက္လာၿပီး တားၾကတယ္။ လယ္သမားေတြက ဥပေဒကို မေလးစားလုိ႔၊ အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ေရးကို မေလးစားလုိ႔ လုပ္တာ မဟုတ္ပါဘူး။ ဥပေဒနဲ႔ အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ေရးကို ဘယ္သူေတြ ေပၚေပၚလြင္လြင္ ခ်ိဳးေဖာက္ေနလဲ ဆိုတာ သိခ်င္လုိ႔ လယ္ထြန္စက္ၾကီးနဲ႔ ဟန္ေရးၿပလိုက္တာပါ။ လယ္သမားေတြကို လာတားေတာ့ ေဇကမၻာကို လည္း သြားတားၾကည့္ပါအံုးလုိ႔ ေၿပာလုိက္ တယ္။ အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ေရးမွဴးၾကီးေတြ သြားတားတယ္။ ၿမင့္ေဇာ္က မေကာင္းတတ္လုိ႔ အားနာသမႈနဲ႔ ခဏရပ္ေပးလုိက္ တယ္။ အဲဒီညေနမွာပဲ ဖ်က္စီးေရးကို ဆက္လုပ္တယ္။ ေနာက္ေန႔လည္း ဆက္လုပ္တယ္။ မီဒီယာေတြရဲ႕ အေမးကို တစ္ပတ္အတြင္း အေၿဖသိပါလိမ့္မယ္။ ေၿဖစရာစကားမရွိဘူးလုိ႔ မာမာတင္းတင္းပဲ ေၿပာတယ္။
လယ္သမားေတြက သီးစားလုပ္ကိုင္ခြင့္ကို ေလွ်ာက္ထားၿပီးၿဖစ္ေနၿပီ။ ေဇကမၻာကုမၸဏီက ေနာက္မွသြားၿပီး သီးစား လုပ္ကိုင္ခြင့္ ေလွ်ာက္တယ္။ ၿပဌာန္းထားတဲ့ ဥပေဒေတြအရ လယ္သမားေတြဟာ လက္ငုတ္ လုပ္ကိုင္သူေတြၿဖစ္လုိ႔ ဒီကိစၥမွာေတာ့ ဥပေဒအရဆိုရင္ လယ္သမားေတြ ေအာင္ပြဲခံလိမ့္ မယ္ လုိ႔ ေမွ်ာ္လင့္ ခဲ့တယ္။
အၿငင္းပြားေနတဲ့ ကိစၥအတြက္ သက္ဆိုင္ရာက ဘယ္သူ႕ဘယ္သူမွ ေခၚယူညွိႏိႈင္းၿခင္းမရွိဘဲ လယ္ယာေၿမေတြ ကို ေဟာဒီေန႔ (၂၆.၅.၂၀၁၂) ရက္ေန႔မွာပဲ ေဇကမၻာကို ဆက္လက္လုပ္ကိုင္ခြင့္ၿပဳလုိက္ေၾကာင္းလုိ႔ ဆံုးၿဖတ္ခ်က္ ခ်လိုက္ ပါေလေရာဗ်ာ။ လႊတ္ေတာ္ ကိုယ္စားလွယ္၊ ေဇကမၻာဥကၠဌ ခင္ေရႊၾကီးက The Voice ဂ်ာနယ္မွာ လယ္လုပ္မွာ မဟုတ္ဘူး။ စက္မႈဇုန္လုပ္မွာလုိ႔ ေၿပာထားပါလွ်က္ ေဇကမၻာကို လယ္လုပ္ကိုင္ခြင့္ ၿပဳတဲ့ ရန္ကုန္တုိင္း အစိုးရကို ေသာက္သံုးမက်တဲ့ အစုိးရ ဥပေဒမဲ့လုပ္တဲ့ အစုိးရလုိ႔ မွတ္ခ်က္ၿပဳပါတယ္။
ဥပေဒကို လက္တစ္လံုးၾကားလိမ္တာသည္ အစိုးရအဖြဲ႕ၿဖစ္ၿပီး လယ္သမားေတြဘက္က ဥပေဒအရ အကာအကြယ္ ယူလုိ႔ မရေတာ့တဲ့အခါမွာ လယ္သမာေတြက အရိုးေက်ေက် အေရခန္းခန္း တိုက္ပြဲ၀င္ဖုိ႔ ဆံုးၿဖတ္လုိက္ပါၿပီ။ ဆက္လက္ၿပီးေတာ့လည္း ဥပေဒေၾကာင္းအရ ခင္ေရႊကို ဖိုးတြမ္တီးနဲ႔ စြဲခ်က္တင္ပါမယ္။ ေငြကုန္ေၾကးက် မတတ္ႏိုင္ လုိ႔ ေနာက္ဆံုးလုပ္စရာက ဆႏၵၿပဖုိ႔ပဲ ၿဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ဥပေဒမဲ့ႏိုင္ငံေတာ္မွာ ခြင့္ၿပဳသည္ၿဖစ္ေစ ခြင့္မၿပဳသည္ၿဖစ္ေစ ၿပည္သူအသံကို ေစာင့္ေမွ်ာ္ေနတဲ့ လူလိမ္အသိုင္းအ၀ိုင္းထဲက လႊတ္ေတာ္ကိုယ္စားလွယ္ၾကီးမ်ားကို
ၿပည္သူ႕ဆႏၵ ၿပည္သူ႕အမွန္ေတြကို ၾကားသိေအာင္ အေသခံတုိက္ပြဲ၀င္သြားဖုိ႔ပဲ ၿဖစ္ပါတယ္။
ေနာက္ဆံုအေနနဲ႔ေတာ့ လူပါး၀ သူက ခင္ေရႊ ဆိုတဲ့ လႊတ္ေတာ္ အမတ္ၾကီးပါ။ ဥပေဒမဲ့ ဘက္လုိက္ဆံုးၿဖတ္ တာက ရန္ကုန္တိုင္းအစုိးရအဖြဲ႕ပါ။ ခံေနရတာေတာ့ လယ္သမားေတြပါ။
အဲဒီအေရးအတြက္ ၿပည္သူ႕အက်ိဳးလိုလား သူ ပူးေပါင္းကူညီခ်င္သူ ႏိုင္ငံေရး အင္အားစုမ်ားႏွင့္ ႏိုင္ငံတကာ အသုိင္းအ၀ိုင္းမ်ားက ၀ိုင္း၀န္းကူညီၾကပါရန္ မတရား မႈေတြကို ၿပည္သူမ်ား ခံေနရစဲ ၿဖစ္ေၾကာင္း တင္ၿပရင္း နိဂုန္းခ်ဳပ္ပါတယ္။ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းစြာေနတဲ့ ၿပည္သူကို ဆူပူေအာင္ ဖန္တီးေနတာ အစိုးရႏွင့္ ခရိုနီ အုပ္စုၿဖစ္ေၾကာင္း ႏိုင္ငံေတာ္ ေရွ႕ဆက္သြားၿခင္း မသြားၿခင္းတြင္ အလ်ဥ္း မသက္ ဆိုင္ဘဲ မတရားမႈသည္ မတရားမႈသာ ၿဖစ္လုိ႔ လူလိမ္လူညာမ်ားကို ၿပည္သူအင္အားနဲ႔ ၀ိုင္း၀န္း တိုက္ဖ်က္ ၾကပါစုိ႔။
ေနာင္ေတာ္ေလး
လယ္သမားေတြဟာ မထူးဇာတ္ေတာ့ မဟုတ္ဘူး။ ဘယ္လုိ အခင္းအက်င္းၿဖစ္လာမလဲ ဆိုတာသိခ်င္လုိ႔ လယ္ထြန ္ေတာ့မယ္လုိ႔ သတင္းလႊင့္လုိက္တယ္။ ေနာက္ေန႔ တကယ္လယ္ထြန္ဖို႔ လယ္ထြန္စက္ၾကီးေတြ ၿပင္ဆင္ၾကတယ္။ ၿမိဳ႕နယ္အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ေရးမွဴး ဦးၿငိမ္းေထြးနဲ႔ ေက်းရြာ အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ေရၚမွဴး ဦးထြန္းထြန္းဦးတုိ႔ ကိုယ္တုိင္ေရာက္လာၿပီး တားၾကတယ္။ လယ္သမားေတြက ဥပေဒကို မေလးစားလုိ႔၊ အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ေရးကို မေလးစားလုိ႔ လုပ္တာ မဟုတ္ပါဘူး။ ဥပေဒနဲ႔ အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ေရးကို ဘယ္သူေတြ ေပၚေပၚလြင္လြင္ ခ်ိဳးေဖာက္ေနလဲ ဆိုတာ သိခ်င္လုိ႔ လယ္ထြန္စက္ၾကီးနဲ႔ ဟန္ေရးၿပလိုက္တာပါ။ လယ္သမားေတြကို လာတားေတာ့ ေဇကမၻာကို လည္း သြားတားၾကည့္ပါအံုးလုိ႔ ေၿပာလုိက္ တယ္။ အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ေရးမွဴးၾကီးေတြ သြားတားတယ္။ ၿမင့္ေဇာ္က မေကာင္းတတ္လုိ႔ အားနာသမႈနဲ႔ ခဏရပ္ေပးလုိက္ တယ္။ အဲဒီညေနမွာပဲ ဖ်က္စီးေရးကို ဆက္လုပ္တယ္။ ေနာက္ေန႔လည္း ဆက္လုပ္တယ္။ မီဒီယာေတြရဲ႕ အေမးကို တစ္ပတ္အတြင္း အေၿဖသိပါလိမ့္မယ္။ ေၿဖစရာစကားမရွိဘူးလုိ႔ မာမာတင္းတင္းပဲ ေၿပာတယ္။
လယ္သမားေတြက သီးစားလုပ္ကိုင္ခြင့္ကို ေလွ်ာက္ထားၿပီးၿဖစ္ေနၿပီ။ ေဇကမၻာကုမၸဏီက ေနာက္မွသြားၿပီး သီးစား လုပ္ကိုင္ခြင့္ ေလွ်ာက္တယ္။ ၿပဌာန္းထားတဲ့ ဥပေဒေတြအရ လယ္သမားေတြဟာ လက္ငုတ္ လုပ္ကိုင္သူေတြၿဖစ္လုိ႔ ဒီကိစၥမွာေတာ့ ဥပေဒအရဆိုရင္ လယ္သမားေတြ ေအာင္ပြဲခံလိမ့္ မယ္ လုိ႔ ေမွ်ာ္လင့္ ခဲ့တယ္။
အၿငင္းပြားေနတဲ့ ကိစၥအတြက္ သက္ဆိုင္ရာက ဘယ္သူ႕ဘယ္သူမွ ေခၚယူညွိႏိႈင္းၿခင္းမရွိဘဲ လယ္ယာေၿမေတြ ကို ေဟာဒီေန႔ (၂၆.၅.၂၀၁၂) ရက္ေန႔မွာပဲ ေဇကမၻာကို ဆက္လက္လုပ္ကိုင္ခြင့္ၿပဳလုိက္ေၾကာင္းလုိ႔ ဆံုးၿဖတ္ခ်က္ ခ်လိုက္ ပါေလေရာဗ်ာ။ လႊတ္ေတာ္ ကိုယ္စားလွယ္၊ ေဇကမၻာဥကၠဌ ခင္ေရႊၾကီးက The Voice ဂ်ာနယ္မွာ လယ္လုပ္မွာ မဟုတ္ဘူး။ စက္မႈဇုန္လုပ္မွာလုိ႔ ေၿပာထားပါလွ်က္ ေဇကမၻာကို လယ္လုပ္ကိုင္ခြင့္ ၿပဳတဲ့ ရန္ကုန္တုိင္း အစိုးရကို ေသာက္သံုးမက်တဲ့ အစုိးရ ဥပေဒမဲ့လုပ္တဲ့ အစုိးရလုိ႔ မွတ္ခ်က္ၿပဳပါတယ္။
ဥပေဒကို လက္တစ္လံုးၾကားလိမ္တာသည္ အစိုးရအဖြဲ႕ၿဖစ္ၿပီး လယ္သမားေတြဘက္က ဥပေဒအရ အကာအကြယ္ ယူလုိ႔ မရေတာ့တဲ့အခါမွာ လယ္သမာေတြက အရိုးေက်ေက် အေရခန္းခန္း တိုက္ပြဲ၀င္ဖုိ႔ ဆံုးၿဖတ္လုိက္ပါၿပီ။ ဆက္လက္ၿပီးေတာ့လည္း ဥပေဒေၾကာင္းအရ ခင္ေရႊကို ဖိုးတြမ္တီးနဲ႔ စြဲခ်က္တင္ပါမယ္။ ေငြကုန္ေၾကးက် မတတ္ႏိုင္ လုိ႔ ေနာက္ဆံုးလုပ္စရာက ဆႏၵၿပဖုိ႔ပဲ ၿဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ဥပေဒမဲ့ႏိုင္ငံေတာ္မွာ ခြင့္ၿပဳသည္ၿဖစ္ေစ ခြင့္မၿပဳသည္ၿဖစ္ေစ ၿပည္သူအသံကို ေစာင့္ေမွ်ာ္ေနတဲ့ လူလိမ္အသိုင္းအ၀ိုင္းထဲက လႊတ္ေတာ္ကိုယ္စားလွယ္ၾကီးမ်ားကို
ၿပည္သူ႕ဆႏၵ ၿပည္သူ႕အမွန္ေတြကို ၾကားသိေအာင္ အေသခံတုိက္ပြဲ၀င္သြားဖုိ႔ပဲ ၿဖစ္ပါတယ္။
ေနာက္ဆံုအေနနဲ႔ေတာ့ လူပါး၀ သူက ခင္ေရႊ ဆိုတဲ့ လႊတ္ေတာ္ အမတ္ၾကီးပါ။ ဥပေဒမဲ့ ဘက္လုိက္ဆံုးၿဖတ္ တာက ရန္ကုန္တိုင္းအစုိးရအဖြဲ႕ပါ။ ခံေနရတာေတာ့ လယ္သမားေတြပါ။
အဲဒီအေရးအတြက္ ၿပည္သူ႕အက်ိဳးလိုလား သူ ပူးေပါင္းကူညီခ်င္သူ ႏိုင္ငံေရး အင္အားစုမ်ားႏွင့္ ႏိုင္ငံတကာ အသုိင္းအ၀ိုင္းမ်ားက ၀ိုင္း၀န္းကူညီၾကပါရန္ မတရား မႈေတြကို ၿပည္သူမ်ား ခံေနရစဲ ၿဖစ္ေၾကာင္း တင္ၿပရင္း နိဂုန္းခ်ဳပ္ပါတယ္။ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းစြာေနတဲ့ ၿပည္သူကို ဆူပူေအာင္ ဖန္တီးေနတာ အစိုးရႏွင့္ ခရိုနီ အုပ္စုၿဖစ္ေၾကာင္း ႏိုင္ငံေတာ္ ေရွ႕ဆက္သြားၿခင္း မသြားၿခင္းတြင္ အလ်ဥ္း မသက္ ဆိုင္ဘဲ မတရားမႈသည္ မတရားမႈသာ ၿဖစ္လုိ႔ လူလိမ္လူညာမ်ားကို ၿပည္သူအင္အားနဲ႔ ၀ိုင္း၀န္း တိုက္ဖ်က္ ၾကပါစုိ႔။
ေနာင္ေတာ္ေလး
လႊတ္ေတာ္တြင္း တျခားပါတီေတြနဲ႔ ပူးေပါင္းေဆာင္ရြက္သြားမည္လို႔ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ေျပာ
အမ်ိဳးသားဒီမိုကေရစီ အဖြဲ႔ခ်ဳပ္ အေနနဲ႔ အတုိက္အခံ ပါတီၾကီးတစ္ခု ျဖစ္တဲ့အေလ်ာက္ လႊတ္ေတာ္တြင္းက တိုင္းရင္းသားပါတီေတြ၊ အျခား အတုိက္အခံ ပါတီေတြနဲ႔ ပူးေပါင္း လုပ္ေဆာင္သြားမွာ ျဖစ္တယ္လို ႔ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္က ေျပာၾကားလုိက္ပါတယ္။
၂၀၁၂ ခုႏွစ္ ေမလ ၂၈ ရက္က ျမန္မာ့ဒီမို ကေရစီ ေခါင္းေဆာင္ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ ႏွင့္ ဂ်ာမန္လႊတ္ေတာ္ ဥကၠ႒အဖြဲ႕ ေတြ႔ဆံုစဥ္ ။
ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံကို ေရာက္ရွိေနတဲ့ ဂ်ာမန္လႊတ္ေတာ္ ဥကၠ႒အဖြဲ႕နဲ႔ ဒီကေန႔မနက္ ေတြ႔ဆံုစဥ္ ေဒၚေအာင္ ဆန္းစုၾကည္က အခုလို ေျပာၾကားတာ ျဖစ္တယ္လို႔ NLD ဗဟိုအလုပ္အမႈေဆာင္ အဖြဲ႔၀င္ ဦးဟန္သာျမင့္က အခုလို ေျပာပါတယ္။
" ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္က - ကြ်န္မတို႔ကတဲ့ မွန္ပါတယ္။ ရာခိုင္ႏႈန္းအေနနဲ႔ေတာ့ နည္းနည္းေလးပဲ။ ဒါေပမဲ့ ကြ်န္မတို႔က အဓိက အတိုက္အခံပါတီ ျဖစ္သြားျပီ။ အတိုက္အခံပါတီတစ္ခု အေနနဲ႔က အၾကီးဆံုးပဲ။ အဲေတာ့ ၂၀၁၀ ခုႏွစ္က ဘာေၾကာင့္ မဝင္ခဲ့သလဲဆိုတဲ့ အေၾကာင္းေျပာတယ္။ အဲဒီတုန္းက ဝင္ခဲ့တဲ့ပါတီေတြရိွတယ္။ အဲဒီထဲက တိုင္းရင္းသားပါတီေတြနဲ႔ အင္မတန္ေကာင္းတဲ့ ဆက္ဆံေရး ရိွေနတယ္။ တခ်ဳိ႕ေသာ တိုင္းရင္းသားပါတီမ်ားက ၁၉၉၀ ခုႏွစ္ကစျပီးေတာ့ အခုထက္ထိ NLD နဲ႔ဆိုလို႔ရိွရင္ အင္မတန္ေကာင္းတဲ့ ဆက္ဆံေရးရိွတယ္။ NLD အဖိႏိွပ္ခံရေနရ ကတည္းက သူတို႔က ေထာက္ခံခဲ့တာ ျဖစ္တဲ့အတြက္ေၾကာင့္ သူတို႔နဲ႔ မခြဲမခြာ ခုထက္ထိ ရိွေနတယ္ဆိုတဲ့ အေၾကာင္း၊ သူတိုနဲ႔လည္း လုပ္ေဆာင္သြားမယ္။ အခု လႊတ္ေတာ္ထဲမွာ ရိွေနျပီးသား၊ ေရာက္ေနျပီးသား တိုင္းရင္းသား ပါတီမ်ားနဲ႔လည္း ပူးေပါင္းျပီး လုပ္ေဆာင္သြားမယ္ ဒါကို ေျပာသြားတာပါ"
ဂ်ာမန္လႊတ္ေတာ္ဥကၠ႒နဲ႔ အဖြဲ႔ဟာ ဒီကေန႔ မနက္က NLD ဥကၠ႒ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္၊ နာယက ဦးတင္ဦးနဲ႔ ဗဟိုအလုပ္အမႈေဆာင္ အဖြဲ႔၀င္ေတြ၊ NLD လႊတ္ေတာ္ ကိုယ္စားလွယ္ေတြကို ေရႊဂံုတုိင္လမ္း အဖြဲ႔ခ်ဳပ္ရံုးမွာ လာေရာက္ ေတြ႔ဆံုခဲ့ပါတယ္။
NLD ပါတီက လႊတ္ေတာ္အတြင္း ေဆာင္ရြက္မယ့္ ကိစၥရပ္ေတြနဲ႔ ပတ္သက္ျပီး ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္နဲ ႔ ေဆြးေႏြးေမးျမန္းခဲ့ေၾကာင္း သိရပါတယ္။
ျပီးခဲ့တဲ့ လဆန္းပိုင္းကပဲ ေဒါက္တာေအးေမာင္၊ ဦးစုိင္းအုိက္ေပါင္းစတဲ့ တုိင္းရင္းသား လႊတ္ေတာ္ ကုိယ္စားလွယ္ေတြနဲ႔ NLD အမတ္ေတြ ျဖစ္ၾကတဲ့ ဦးမင္းဦး၊ ေဒါက္တာ လွျမတ္ေသြးတုိ႔ ပါ၀င္တဲ့ လႊတ္ေတာ္အမတ္ တခ်ိဳ႕ဟာ ေမလ ၅ ရက္ေန႔ကေန ၁၃ ရက္ေန႔အထိ ဂ်ာမဏီႏိုင္ငံက လႊတ္ေတာ္ကုိ သြားေရာက္ေလ့လာခဲ့ၾကပါတယ္။
အမ်ိဳးသားဒီမိုကေရစီ အဖြဲ႔ခ်ဳပ္ အေနနဲ႔ အတုိက္အခံ ပါတီၾကီးတစ္ခု ျဖစ္တဲ့အေလ်ာက္ လႊတ္ေတာ္တြင္းက တိုင္းရင္းသားပါတီေတြ၊ အျခား အတုိက္အခံ ပါတီေတြနဲ႔ ပူးေပါင္း လုပ္ေဆာင္သြားမွာ ျဖစ္တယ္လို ႔ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္က ေျပာၾကားလုိက္ပါတယ္။
ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံကို ေရာက္ရွိေနတဲ့ ဂ်ာမန္လႊတ္ေတာ္ ဥကၠ႒အဖြဲ႕နဲ႔ ဒီကေန႔မနက္ ေတြ႔ဆံုစဥ္ ေဒၚေအာင္ ဆန္းစုၾကည္က အခုလို ေျပာၾကားတာ ျဖစ္တယ္လို႔ NLD ဗဟိုအလုပ္အမႈေဆာင္ အဖြဲ႔၀င္ ဦးဟန္သာျမင့္က အခုလို ေျပာပါတယ္။
" ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္က - ကြ်န္မတို႔ကတဲ့ မွန္ပါတယ္။ ရာခိုင္ႏႈန္းအေနနဲ႔ေတာ့ နည္းနည္းေလးပဲ။ ဒါေပမဲ့ ကြ်န္မတို႔က အဓိက အတိုက္အခံပါတီ ျဖစ္သြားျပီ။ အတိုက္အခံပါတီတစ္ခု အေနနဲ႔က အၾကီးဆံုးပဲ။ အဲေတာ့ ၂၀၁၀ ခုႏွစ္က ဘာေၾကာင့္ မဝင္ခဲ့သလဲဆိုတဲ့ အေၾကာင္းေျပာတယ္။ အဲဒီတုန္းက ဝင္ခဲ့တဲ့ပါတီေတြရိွတယ္။ အဲဒီထဲက တိုင္းရင္းသားပါတီေတြနဲ႔ အင္မတန္ေကာင္းတဲ့ ဆက္ဆံေရး ရိွေနတယ္။ တခ်ဳိ႕ေသာ တိုင္းရင္းသားပါတီမ်ားက ၁၉၉၀ ခုႏွစ္ကစျပီးေတာ့ အခုထက္ထိ NLD နဲ႔ဆိုလို႔ရိွရင္ အင္မတန္ေကာင္းတဲ့ ဆက္ဆံေရးရိွတယ္။ NLD အဖိႏိွပ္ခံရေနရ ကတည္းက သူတို႔က ေထာက္ခံခဲ့တာ ျဖစ္တဲ့အတြက္ေၾကာင့္ သူတို႔နဲ႔ မခြဲမခြာ ခုထက္ထိ ရိွေနတယ္ဆိုတဲ့ အေၾကာင္း၊ သူတိုနဲ႔လည္း လုပ္ေဆာင္သြားမယ္။ အခု လႊတ္ေတာ္ထဲမွာ ရိွေနျပီးသား၊ ေရာက္ေနျပီးသား တိုင္းရင္းသား ပါတီမ်ားနဲ႔လည္း ပူးေပါင္းျပီး လုပ္ေဆာင္သြားမယ္ ဒါကို ေျပာသြားတာပါ"
ဂ်ာမန္လႊတ္ေတာ္ဥကၠ႒နဲ႔ အဖြဲ႔ဟာ ဒီကေန႔ မနက္က NLD ဥကၠ႒ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္၊ နာယက ဦးတင္ဦးနဲ႔ ဗဟိုအလုပ္အမႈေဆာင္ အဖြဲ႔၀င္ေတြ၊ NLD လႊတ္ေတာ္ ကိုယ္စားလွယ္ေတြကို ေရႊဂံုတုိင္လမ္း အဖြဲ႔ခ်ဳပ္ရံုးမွာ လာေရာက္ ေတြ႔ဆံုခဲ့ပါတယ္။
NLD ပါတီက လႊတ္ေတာ္အတြင္း ေဆာင္ရြက္မယ့္ ကိစၥရပ္ေတြနဲ႔ ပတ္သက္ျပီး ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္နဲ ႔ ေဆြးေႏြးေမးျမန္းခဲ့ေၾကာင္း သိရပါတယ္။
ျပီးခဲ့တဲ့ လဆန္းပိုင္းကပဲ ေဒါက္တာေအးေမာင္၊ ဦးစုိင္းအုိက္ေပါင္းစတဲ့ တုိင္းရင္းသား လႊတ္ေတာ္ ကုိယ္စားလွယ္ေတြနဲ႔ NLD အမတ္ေတြ ျဖစ္ၾကတဲ့ ဦးမင္းဦး၊ ေဒါက္တာ လွျမတ္ေသြးတုိ႔ ပါ၀င္တဲ့ လႊတ္ေတာ္အမတ္ တခ်ိဳ႕ဟာ ေမလ ၅ ရက္ေန႔ကေန ၁၃ ရက္ေန႔အထိ ဂ်ာမဏီႏိုင္ငံက လႊတ္ေတာ္ကုိ သြားေရာက္ေလ့လာခဲ့ၾကပါတယ္။
RFA
အာဆီယံ ၉ ႏိုင္ငံ၊ တရုတ္၊ ဂ်ပန္၊ ေတာင္ ကုိရီးယား၊ ေျမာက္ကုိရီးယား၊ ၾသစေတးလ်၊ ၿဗိတိန္၊ အေမရိကန္ျပည္ေထာင္စုတုိ႔အပါအ၀င္ ႏိုင္ငံ ၂၇ ႏိုင္ငံကုိ ယင္းဆုိက္ေရာက္ဗီဇာ ထုတ္ေပး မည္ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း ေၾကညာခဲ့ျခင္းျဖစ္သည္။
စီးပြားေရးဗီဇာအတြက္ ရက္ေပါင္း ၇၀၊ ျပည္၀င္ဗီဇာအတြက္ ၂၈ ရက္၊ ျဖတ္သန္း ဗီဇာအတြက္ ၂၄ နာရီ အသီးသီးရရွိမည္ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း ထုိထုတ္ျပန္ခ်က္တြင္ ေဖာ္ျပထားသည္။
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