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A car drives past the Villawood detention centre in Sydney, where Sayad is being held (Reuters)
 
The spectre of ‘refoulement’ is the proverbial nightmare for a refugee, whom having tasted sanctuary is pushed back into the jaws of fate, from where they fled. It is also the stumbling block for a controversial refugee deal facing Australia’s labour government.
Critics allege that the deal, which will see Australia and Malaysia ‘swap’ thousands of refugees, falls foul of Canberra’s obligations, including the 1951 UN treaty on refugees which implicitly forbids refoulement to non-signatory nations such as Malaysia (which has signed neither the UN’s torture convention or refugee convention). Indeed the UN’s High Commissioner for Human Rights, Navi Pillay, said on a trip to Australia in May that “You cannot send individuals to a country that has not ratified the torture conventions on refugees”.
If it goes through, the deal will be funded by Australia to the tune of $US312 million and see Australia take some 4,000 refugees already processed in Malaysia, instead of those it processes anyway. In return, Canberra will send the next 800 refugees who arrive by boat to Malaysian camps, where rioting over lack of facilities such as water is common, and where the putrid conditions plague inmates with diseases such as leptosoriasis, which is spread through water infected by the urine of rats. Critics also allege that the process of registering refugees and asylum seekers in Malaysia is deeply corrupt and favours specific minorities.
Sayad is one such refugee. Now detained in the Villawood detention centre near Sydney, his tale is the sort that Australia is seeking to cast ‘offshore’, and one that Australia’s Prime Minister, Julia Gillard, probably does not want you to hear.
As Pillay lamented on her last trip, he has committed no crime, but is behind bars indefinitely.
Sayad was a teacher in the town of Rathidaung near Sittwe, in western Burma’s Arakan state. He is from the Rohingya minority, a Muslim ethnic group variously described as one of the most persecuted in Asia.
Sayad’s journey started in 1990 when he was studying to be a religious teacher. Two years earlier popular uprisings shook the country, and he claims that the Burmese military came and destroyed the mosque and madrassa that were the centre of his studies and academic life.
After protesting against the repression and for “human rights,” he recounts on a crackly phone line from his cell, he had to flee. “The army was looking for us, so I didn’t go back home, but went directly to Maungdaw [in Arakan state, the largest Rohingya community in Burma]”.
There he joined another school where he studied for a year. “When I finished that year I went back to my village.” His family and relatives urged him to open a school – there were none for Muslims in the area, but many for Buddhists. “We are human, we need to study. If we do not study we are nothing more than animals,” he told his comrades, apparently under the cover of darkness.
Military rule in Burma has been extremely ethnocentric. It is often forbidden to teach in any language other than Burmese, despite a multitude of ethnicities in the country. Muslims, especially those of South Asian or dark-skinned appearance, experience the brunt of such policies – they are not even being afforded citizenship, which entails no end of difficulty in their dealings with officials, from paying bribes and freedom to travel, to difficulty in getting a birth certificate for a child. The consecration of religious buildings is a challenge for all non-Buddhists.
After making his speech Sayad was arrested and taken to a military camp where he was tortured. Iron rods were rubbed along his shins, a common form of torture in Burmese detention facilities. He was, he says, treated like a punch bag.
On begging for water, Sayad, fighting tears, says that he was offered a bottle of water which the guards promptly urinated in. The guards were soon drinking alcohol and playing cards, and he told them he needed to go to the toilet.
“I went to the back and there was a cook. I asked help from him: ‘They will kill me, please!’ The cook said, ‘If you are arrested again don’t tell about me’.”
The cook cut his ropes and he fled into the nearby jungle, hiding until well into the next day. He found help and borrowed some money and fled with the help of a smuggler to Thailand’s Ranong, a border town between the two countries.
He stayed in a bamboo hut in the jungle for 18 days, but every few days he would be visited by police whom he bribed to ensure his freedom. So he carried on his journey south and headed to Malaysia. He was quickly caught by Malaysian authorities, however, and held for one and a half months before being “pushed back” into the jungle on the Thai side of the border. He soon caught up with some Burmese smugglers whom he begged for help, telling them that he would pay them back once he made it into Malaysia.
Malaysia is a draw to thousands of Burmese, especially the Mulsim Rohingya. The ‘tiger economy’ has plenty of low-wage jobs and relies on migrant labourers, who enable the country’s GDP to grow whist keeping wages down.
In trying to get into Malaysia he was arrested five times, sometimes staying in custody for months at a time. “In Malaysia if we went out of our home, we would have to take money in the top pocket. If we got caught we would have to show our visa and ID card – because we had none, we would show a UNHCR card, but they wouldn’t accept that, so they would ask for 1,000 to 2,000 Ringits [$US335 to $US670]. If we had no money they took us to the police station and detention.”
In 2009 Malaysia was downgraded by the US State Department to a tier three country for human trafficking, the worst-rated category, largely because of the nefarious activities of the country’s police and migrant detention system. This is known to include rife corruption, bribing and even selling refugees to traffickers.
Sayad describes his time in Malaysian detention in harrowing terms. He claims he was beaten for refusing to strip for guards looking for money on inmates, and says that food was dismal and many inmates fell ill.
Between spells of detention, Sayad slowly made a life of sorts for himself in Malaysia, gaining a job as welder and meeting his wife. When he had children his thoughts again turned to his chosen vocation, teaching. “The Malaysian government will not allow our children to go to school in Malaysia. A lot of children have lost their lives [through lack of education].”
So he established a school for refugees, and charged 30 Ringits per head, but many he said could not afford the fees, especially those families who worked as waste pickers.
In 2007 he met a group called the Malaysian Christian Association who offered to help. This drew the attention of a local Rohingya Muslim group, who were suspicious of his links to a non-Muslim group and for accepting non Muslims into his school. They then reported him to the Malaysian government’s Islamic Department. “You are a religious teacher, why you have a connection with a non Muslim group?” the boss, Ustand Hadi, asked.
“I don’t think about this being Christian, being Buddhist, being Hindu – I don’t think about that, I just think about people, and people’s need. All humans we have to respect, wherever I get assistance I want to take.” Hadi allegedly threatened to cut his throat if he “organised with a non-Muslim group.”
And so he severed his links but on 3 October 2009, the Christian Harvey Centre, who co-ran a centre with the UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), invited the children in Sayad’s school to play football in Kuala Lumpur against theirs. “That night two people wearing black came to my house.”
His house was, he says, simple, flimsy and not made of concrete. The two men with their faces covered knocked on the door, saying they were police.
In fear he fled out of the backdoor, so his wife answered the knock. The two assailants told his wife that they had his number and that if he did not come to meet them they would kill him. They claimed they could get him anywhere in Malaysia. So he fled with his wife and kids and went into hiding. They called his phone again on the 18 October and told him to come and meet him.
Sayad then went to the police, who made a report, but that made little difference. The gangsters continued to call his phone and threaten him. In fear he went to the UNHCR with a friend, where he begged for help, but was forced off the property by the security guard.
He went to see his family at night for a final time. He did not tell his wife his plan, but gave her some money he had borrowed and then reported his story to a human rights NGO called Tenanganita. “I could not find a safe place anywhere in Malaysia so I left to come here.”
His journey to Australia was through Indonesian smugglers with whom he first sailed to Aceh, around December 2009, on a small craft filled with roughly 10 other Burmese refugees and one Indonesian sailor. After just a day at sea one engine failed, followed by a second. Soon all four failed, and the refugees found themselves drifting alone. “We were crying at sea.”
After almost a day of fearing the worst, they signalled to a plane flying overhead and were soon picked up by the Australian Navy. He has been waiting in detention ever since.
Sayad is grateful for being saved by the Australian authorities, and says the facilities in Villawood are good.
“This is not about me”, he says – his anguish is for his young family. His wife attempted suicide after being left in Malaysia with a friend and unable support their kids, one of whom has been taken into an orphanage. She was, Sayad says, saved by a neighbour who has since given her shelter.
“My son is now nearly eight years old.” Fighting tears, he tells of his son begging him to go home on the telephone to see his wife. “I cannot provide for him. I don’t know what to do, I will die in here.”
He had pleaded to go back to Malaysia to at least be able to help his family, which has no relatives or support network in Malaysia, and to gain some knowledge of his fate. The Australian authorities refused, but instead keep him waiting indefinitely. This policy in Australia seemingly takes its toll – despite now being held for 20 months, he sounds brighter after being interviewed by security three weeks ago.
Prior to this, however, Sayad was evidently in a bad way. Upon hearing of the desperate plight of his wife he stopped taking meals, drinking only water for  15 days in an attempt to fast until death. He tried to conceal his fast, lest he be taken to another facility and artificially kept alive. This was not a protest, he says, but a desperate attempt to end his torment.
Australia’s premier and key backer of the so-called ‘Malaysia Solution’, Julia Gillard, was born in Wales. She, like Sayad, probably arrived by boat, but she did so under Australia’s ‘White Australia’ policy. Nowadays most of Australia’s migrants arrive by air, and the ‘lucky country’, despite being the most sparsely populated on the planet, received only two percent of the world’s asylum seekers last year. But boats from the north are a particular fear in the immigrant-obsessed Australian political arena.
Ian Rintoul from the Refugee Action Coalition, which has helped Sayad, calls it “opportunistic” politics from the Labour government. He claims they are attempting only to out-manoeuvre their even more drastic political opponents, the Liberal Party, who disagree with Labour only in that they want more severe treatment for refugees. This is characterised by their mooting of a ‘Pacific Solution’, whereby detainees would be held in far-flung Pacific islands, far from the reach of NGOs, the UNHCR, or telephones.
“I did not come to Australia to enjoy,” says Sayad. “I am nearly 40 years old. I came to Australia for my children’s lives. I don’t want to lose my children; I don’t want to lose my wife.”
Link:   :http://www.dvb.no/analysis/one-refugees-indefinite-nightmare-in-australia/17045
 
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Written by ေဒါက္တာခင္ေမာင္ညိဳ


'ကြၽန္ေတာ့္အိပ္မက္မက္ထားတယ္။''
''ဘာအိပ္မက္လဲ။''
''တစ္ခ်ိန္မႇာ တို႔ႏိုင္ငံဟာ စစ္မႇန္တဲ့ ဒီမိုကေရစီႏိုင္ငံ ျဖစ္လာကာ အာရႇမႇာ ထိပ္တန္းကိုေရာက္ၿပီး၊ ျပည္သူေတြအားလံုး ခ်မ္းခ်မ္းသာသာနဲ႕ တန္းတူရည္တူ တူညီတဲ့ အခြင့္အေရး ရေစဖို႕ေပါ့။''

လြန္ခဲ့တဲ့ ႏႇစ္ငါးဆယ္ေလာက္က ျဖစ္သည္။ တိတိက်က် ေျပာရလွ်င္ေတာ့ ၁၉၆၃ ခုႏႇစ္ ၾသဂုတ္လ ၂၈ ရက္ေန႔မႇာပါ။ လူမည္းေခါင္းေဆာင္ မာတင္လူသာကင္း ဂ်ဴနီယာက ၀ါရႇင္တန္ဒီစီရႇိ လင္ကြန္း ေအာက္ေမ့ဖြယ္
အေဆာက္အအုံရဲ႕ ေလႇကားမႇာ ရပ္ၿပီး လူမည္း ပရိသတ္ကို ေျပာခဲ့တဲ့ မိန္႕ခြန္းထဲက စကားေလးကို သတိရမိပါရဲ႕။

I Have A Dream 'ကြၽန္ေတာ္ အိပ္မက္မက္ထားတယ္'တဲ့။
ပရိသတ္ ႏႇစ္သိန္းေက်ာ္ တက္ေရာက္နားေထာင္တဲ့ တကယ့္မိန္႔ခြန္းကို သူေျပာသြားတာပါ (တကယ့္မိန္႔ခြန္းလို႔ သံုးရတာကေတာ့ ႀကီးက်ယ္ ျမင့္ျမတ္တဲ့ မိန္႕ခြန္းလို႔ ေျပာခ်င္တာပါ)ယေန႕အထိေတာ့ သူ႔မိန္႕ခြန္းဟာ
အေကာင္းဆံုးေတြထဲက တစ္ခုလို႔ လူေတြ လက္ခံထားဆဲပါပဲ။

သူဘာေတြေျပာလဲ။
''လူမည္း အခြင့္အေရး၊ လူမည္းေတြ အလုပ္ရရႇိေရး၊ ခြဲျခားဆက္ဆံမႈ မရႇိေရး အတြက္ သူေျပာတာပါ။ လူမည္းေတြ လြတ္ေျမာက္ဖို႔ ငါးႏႇစ္တိုင္တိုင္ တိုက္ခဲ့ၾကတယ္။ လူေတြ အမ်ားႀကီး ေသၾကတယ္။ ဒီလိုတိုက္ပြဲ၀င္ၿပီး
လြတ္ေျမာက္လာတယ္လို႔ ေျပာတဲ့ လူမည္းေတြဟာ ယေန႕ႏႇစ္တစ္ရာရိႇၿပီ ဘယ္မႇာ လြတ္ေျမာက္ ၾကေသးလို႕လဲ''
သူတို႔ကို လူျဖဴေတြက ခြဲျခား ဆက္ဆံတယ္။ ေက်ာင္းအတူ မေနရဘူး။ ဘတ္စကား အတူ မစီးရဘူး။ လူမည္းေတြက ေနရာရထားလို႔ လူျဖဴ တက္လာရင္ လူမည္းေတြက ဖယ္ေပးရတယ္။ အဲဒါက ဥပေဒ ျဖစ္တယ္။
မာတင္လူသားကင္းဂ်ဴနီယာ က ဒီကိစၥေတြကို စိတ္၀င္တစား ေထာက္ခံခဲ့တယ္။ အေမရိကန္ တစ္ႏိုင္ငံအႏႇံ႕ ခ်ီတက္ဆႏၵျပတယ္။ သူ႔ အိပ္မက္မိန္႕ခြန္းထဲမႇာ ပါတယ္။
''တစ္ေန႕မႇာ လူမည္းကေလးေတြဟာ လူျဖဴကေလးေတြနဲ႕ လက္တြဲၿပီး ေပ်ာ္ရႊင္စြာ ကစားၾက၊ အတူ စားေသာက္ၾကမႇာပါ။ ကြၽန္ေတာ္ အိပ္မက္မက္ထားပါတယ္''တဲ့။
သူရဲ႕ ဆႏၵျပမႈေတြ ေနာက္ပိုင္းမႇာ ဥပေဒႏႇစ္ခု ျပ႒ာန္းခဲ့တယ္။ အဲဒါကေတာ့ ႏိုင္ငံသား အခြင့္အေရး ဥပေဒ(Civil Rights Act -1964)နဲ႔ မဲေပးခြင့္ အခြင့္အေရး(The Voting Rights Act-1965)တို႔ပါပဲ။ သူက အိပ္မက္ဟာ
မႇန္တယ္လို႔ ေျပာရပါမယ္။ ဘယ္ေလာက္မႇန္လဲ။ ယေန႕ လူမည္းနဲ႕ လူျဖဴ လက္တြဲေနပါၿပီ။ ကြန္ဒိုရီဇာ႐ိုက္ဇ္ဟာ အမ်ဳိးသမီး ႏိုင္ငံျခားေရး၀န္ႀကီး ျဖစ္ခဲ့သလို ေကာလင္းပါ၀ယ္ဟာလည္း လူမည္း ႏိုင္ငံျခားေရး၀န္ႀကီး ျဖစ္ခဲ့တယ္။ ေနာက္ ဘားရက္အိုဘားမားဟာ လူမည္း သမၼတ ျဖစ္ေနပါၿပီ။ တကယ္ေတာ့ မာတင္လူသားကင္းဂ်ဴနီယာဟာ သူရဲ႕ ႀကိဳးပမ္းမႈေၾကာင့္ ႏိုဘဲလ္ဆုကို ရခဲ့ပါေသးတယ္။ သူဟာ အငယ္ဆံုးေသာ ႏိုဘဲလ္ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးဆု ရရႇိသူ ျဖစ္တယ္။

ဒီဆုေတြရသလို သူရ႕ဲ ႀကိဳးပမ္းမႈကရတဲ့ ရလဒ္ေတြဟာ အမ်ားႀကီးပါပဲ။ ဒါကို သူမျမင္လိုက္ရပါဘူး။ သူဟာ ၁၉၆၈ ခုႏႇစ္ ဧၿပီလ ေလးရက္မႇာ လုပ္ၾကံျခင္း ခံလိုက္ရပါတယ္။သူရဲ႕အုတ္ဂူမႇာ ေရးထားတယ္။
Free At Last. Free At Last. Thanks God Almighty I Am Free At Last.

၂၀၁၀ တုန္းက ကြၽန္ေတာ္ အေမရိကန္ျပည္ေထာင္စု ေဂ်ာ္ဂ်ီယာျပည္နယ္ အက္တလန္တာကို ေရာက္သြားခဲ့ပါတယ္။ အဲဒီမႇာရႇိတဲ့ မာတင္လူသာကင္းဂ်ဴနီယာရဲ႕ ေနအိမ္နဲ႕ ျပတိုက္ကိုလည္း ေရာက္သြားခဲ့တယ္။ ခမ္းနားႀကီးက်ယ္တဲ့ ျပတိုက္ပါ။ ေႏြရာသီျဖစ္လို႔ ျပတိုက္ေရႇ႕မႇာ ေဒသ အေတာ္မ်ားမ်ားက ေက်ာင္းသားေတြရဲ႕ ပန္းအလႇျပပြဲကို က်င္းပေနတဲ့ အခ်ိန္လည္း ျဖစ္တယ္။ ကြၽန္ေတာ္က ျပတိုက္မႇာ တစ္ေနကုန္ထိုင္ၿပီး သူ႔အေၾကာင္းေတြကို ေျပာျပတဲ့ ကြန္ပ်ဴတာေတြဆီက အသံေတြကို နားေထာင္တယ္။ သူရဲ႕ မိန္႕ခြန္းေတြကို နားေထာင္တယ္။ ေန႔ခင္းမႇာေတာ့ အျပင္ဘက္မႇာထိုင္ၿပီး ကြၽန္ေတာ္က ပါလာတဲ့ ေနလယ္စာကို ဘူးကေန ဖြင့္စားတယ္။ ကြၽန္ေတာ့္အနီးမႇာ လူမည္း အမ်ဳိးသမီးတစ္ဦး ေရာက္လာၿပီး သူမကလည္း ေန႔လယ္စာဘူးကို ဖြင့္စားတယ္။ အဲဒီမိန္းကေလးက တစ္ရႇဴးမပါခဲ့လို ကြၽန္ေတာ့္မႇာ အပိုပါလို႔ ေပးလိုက္ပါတယ္။ေက်းဇူးတင္ေၾကာင္း သူမက ေျပာရင္းနဲ႔ စကား ေျပာျဖစ္သြားတယ္။

''ဘယ္ကလာလဲ''လို႔ သူမကိုေမးေတာ့ ေျမာက္ပိုင္းကတဲ့။ ေျမာက္ပိုင္းမႇာ လူမည္းေတြ သိပ္မရိႇဘူး။ လူမည္းေတြကို ကြၽန္အျဖစ္ အေမရိကန္ျပည္ေထာင္စု ေတာင္ပိုင္းမႇာပဲ အသံုးျပဳတာမ်ားတယ္။ အရင္ေခတ္က ၀ါခင္းေတြ အတြက္ လူမည္းကြၽန္ေတြကို သံုးတာပါ။ စိုက္ပ်ဳိးေရးကို ေတာင္ပိုင္းမႇာ အဓိက လုပ္ခဲ့တယ္။

''ဘာေၾကာင့္ အက္တလန္တာကိုလာလဲ''ဆိုေတာ့ သူမက ''ဒီေနရာမႇာ သူသေဘာက်တာသံုးခု ရႇိသတဲ့။ နံပါတ္တစ္က မာတင္လူသားကင္း ဂ်ဴနီယာတဲ့။ နံပါတ္ႏႇစ္က စီအင္အင္တဲ့။ စီအင္အင္ဆိုတာ Cable News Network ျဖစ္ၿပီး ကမၻာမႇာ အႀကီးက်ယ္ဆံုးလိုလို ျဖစ္ေနတဲ့ ႐ုပ္သံေကာ္ပိုေရးရႇင္း ျဖစ္တယ္။ တတိယကေတာ့ မာဂရက္မစ္ရႇဲလ္တဲ့။ မာဂရက္မစ္ရႇဲလ္ဆိုတာက Gone With the Wind ဆိုတဲ့ ၀တၴဳကို ေရးခဲ့သူပါ။ ႐ုပ္ရႇင္ေရာ စာအုပ္ေရာ ဆုရတယ္။ စာအုပ္က ပူလစ္ဇာဆု ရတယ္။ ႐ုပ္ရႇင္ကေတာ့ ေအာ္စကာ ငါးဆုရတယ္။ Gone With the Wind စာအုပ္ဟာ ယေန႔တိုင္ ႏႇစ္စဥ္ သိန္းခ်ီ ျပန္႐ိုက္ရတဲ့ စာအုပ္ပါ။ ခုစာအုပ္ထြက္တာ ၇၅ ႏႇစ္ ရႇိသြားပါၿပီ။ ခုထိ အုပ္ ၃၅ သန္းေက်ာ္ ေရာင္းၿပီးပါၿပီ။ မာဂရက္မစ္ရႇဲလ္ဟာ ဒီစာအုပ္တစ္အုပ္ကိုသာ ေရးခဲ့ပါတယ္။ သူမ ကြယ္လြန္ၿပီးတဲ့အခါ ေနာက္၀တၴဳရႇည္တစ္အုပ္ လက္ေရးမူကို ေတြ႕တယ္လို႔''ဆိုတယ္။

ကြၽန္ေတာ္က သူမကို ''မာတင္လူသားကင္းဂ်ဴနီယာကို ဘယ္လို ျမင္လဲ''လို႔ ေမးေတာ့ သူမက ''တို႔တေတြရဲ႕ ဟီး႐ိုးပါ။ ကြၽန္မက ႐ိုဆာပတ္ကိုလည္း အထင္ႀကီးတယ္''လို႕ ေျပာတယ္။ ၿပီးေတာ့မႇ သူမက ''႐ိုဆာပတ္ကိုသိလား''လို႔ ေမးေတာ့ ကြၽန္ေတာ္က ေခါင္းညိတ္ျပၿပီး ''႐ိုဆာပတ္ဟာ ဘတ္စကားမႇာ လူျဖဴလူမည္း ခြဲျခားမႈ အတြက္ ခိုင္ခိုင္မာမာ ရပ္တည္ခဲ့သူပဲ မဟုတ္လား''လို႕ ေျပာေတာ့ သူမက သေဘာက်သြားတယ္။ ဒီကိုလာတဲ့ လူေတြ အားလံုးေတာ့ ဒီေလာက္သိမႇာပဲလို႔ သူမက ယူဆထားဟန္လည္း တူတယ္။ ''မင္းတို႔ သူတို႔လုိလူမ်ိဳး ရတာကံေကာင္းတယ္''လို႔ ေျပာေတာ့ ''ကံေကာင္းတာေပါ့။ ႏႇစ္ေပါင္း တစ္ရာေက်ာ္ေလာက္ အတြင္း တစ္ေယာက္တစ္ေလသာ ေပၚခဲ့တာ။

သူတို႔သာ မရိႇရင္ တို႔တစ္ေတြ လူ႕အခြင့္အေရးေတြ အမ်ားႀကီး ဆုံး႐ံႈးေနဦးမႇာ''လို႔ ေျပာတယ္။ ကြၽန္ေတာ္တို႔ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေအာင္ဆန္းကို ၾကည္ညိဳသလိုမ်ိဳးေပါ့။

''ခုေတာ့ အဆင္ေျပသြားတာပဲ မဟုတ္လား။ ဟုတ္ပါတယ္။ ဘားရက္အိုဗာမား တက္လာေတာ့ တို႔တစ္ေတြဟာ မာတင္လူသားကင္း အိပ္မက္အတိုင္း ျဖစ္လာတယ္လို႔ ေျပာႏိုင္တာေပါ့''
ဒီေတာ့မႇ ကြၽန္ေတာ္လည္း စဥ္းစားမိတယ္၊ တို႔ဆီမႇာေကာ။ ''တို႔ဆီမႇာလည္း ဒီႏႇစ္အတြင္း ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲ လုပ္မယ္''လို႔ သူမကို ေျပာလိုက္မိတယ္။
''မင္းတို႔ဆီမႇာက ေလးႏႇစ္တစ္ခါလား ငါးႏႇစ္တစ္ခါလား''
''မလုပ္တာ ႏႇစ္ ၂၀ ေက်ာ္ၿပီ''
''ဟယ္၊ မလုပ္လို႔ေကာရလား''
''တို႕တစ္ေတြက မင္းတို႔နဲ႔ မတူဘူး။ ဒါေပမဲ့ တူတာေတြ အမ်ားႀကီးေပါ့ေလ။ တို႔ႏိုင္ငံက Myanmar အရင္က Burma ေပါ့''
''ေျပာျပပါလား''
''လြန္ခဲ့သည့္ ႏႇစ္ေပါင္းတစ္ရာေက်ာ္ေလာက္က တို႔တစ္ေတြလည္း ႏြံနစ္လို႔ ကြၽန္ျဖစ္ခဲ့ရတယ္။ ၿဗိတိသွ်ေတြရဲ႕ကြၽန္ေပါ့။(British Subject)''
သူမ ေခါင္းညိတ္တယ္။ ကြၽန္ဘ၀ကလာတဲ့ အေမရိကန္လူမည္းေတြ ကိုယ္ခ်င္းစာတတ္ၾကမႇာပါ။
''သူတို႕က တို႔ကို အႏိုင္က်င့္ၿပီး ကိုလိုနီ ျပဳခဲ့တာပါပဲ။ ေနာက္ေတာ့ ျမန္မာတို႔တစ္ေတြ ႀကိဳးပမ္းမႈမ်ားနဲ႔ လြတ္လပ္ေရး ရခဲ့တယ္''
''ဘယ္ေလာက္ၾကာၿပီလဲ''
''၆၃ ႏႇစ္ ေပါ့''
''တို႔လူမည္းေတြ လြတ္လပ္ေရး ရတာနဲ႕ေတာ့ သိပ္မကြာပါဘူး''
''အေမရိကန္ လြတ္လပ္ေရးရတာ ႏႇစ္ ၂၀၀ ေလာက္ရႇိၿပီ မဟုတ္လား''
''ဟုတ္တယ္ေလ။ ဒါေပမဲ့ မာတင္လူသားကင္းဂ်ဴနီယာတို႔ ေနာက္ပိုင္း ၁၉၆၅ ခုႏႇစ္မႇာ မဲေပးခြင့္ဥပေဒ ထြက္လာတာပဲ''
''ဟုတ္တယ္ေလ''
''အဲဒီအခါက်ရင္ ရႇင္ဘာလုပ္မလဲ''
''တစ္ခုခုေပါ့၊ မာတင္လူသားကင္းစကားပဲ အငႇား သံုးရမယ္''
''ဘာစကားလဲ''

''I have a dream''
''ဘာအိပ္မက္လဲ''
''တစ္ခ်ိန္မႇာ တို႕ႏိုင္ငံဟာ စစ္မႇန္တဲ့ ဒီမိုကေရစီႏိုင္ငံ ျဖစ္လာကာ အာရႇမႇာ ထိပ္တန္းကို ေရာက္ၿပီး၊ ျပည္သူေတြအားလံုး ခ်မ္းခ်မ္းသာသာနဲ႔ တန္းတူရည္တူ တူညီတဲ့ အခြင့္အေရး ရေစဖို႕ေပါ့''
''မင္းအိပ္မက္ အေကာင္အထည္ ေပၚပါေစ''
''ေပးတဲ့ဆုနဲ႕ျပည့္ပါေစ''

Credit :Eleven Media Group


Htun Aung GYaw's Speech on FBE Forum in Paris

Burma arm struggle needs to change under "Pyi Thaung Suu Tat". It is crucial for united under "Federal Army" comprised with ethnic resistance groups and student army.

ယေန႔ ေသာၾကာေန႔တြင္ ျပဳလုပ္သည့္ ေနျပည္ေတာ္ အစုိးရ သတင္းစာ ရွင္းလင္းပဲြတြင္ ေတြ႔ရေသာ ဦးေက်ာ္ဆန္း။ (photo: Reuters)

ဧရာ၀တီျမစ္တြင္ အႀကီးအက်ယ္ တည္ေဆာက္ေနေသာ အျငင္းပြားဖြယ္ စီမံကိန္းမ်ားနွင့္ ပတ္သက္ျပီး ရွင္းလင္းစဥ္ ၀န္ႀကီး ဦးေက်ာ္ဆန္းက ငုိခ်င္းခ်ခ့ဲသည္ဟု အင္တာနက္ သတင္းမ်ားက ဆုိသည္။

ေအာက္ေဖာ္ျပပါ ေရးသားခ်က္မ်ားမွာ facebook မွ ကူးယူခ့ဲျခင္း ျဖစ္သည္။
( ၁ ) ဟုတ္တယ္ဗ်၊ အေမးအေျဖလုပ္တံုးမွာ ငိုခ်လိုက္တာ။ ျပီးေတာ့ ခဏေနမွ တုိင္းျပည္ကိုခ်စ္တဲ့စိတ္၊ ကၽြန္ေတာ္တို႕လုပ္သမွ် အေကာင္းမျမင္တဲ့စိတ္ေၾကာင့္​ Emotion မထိန္းႏုိင္လို႕ပါ။ ေတာင္းပန္ပါတယ္။ ဒါကို မဖြၾကပါနဲ႕လို႕ ေတာင္းပန္သတဲ့။ ဂ်ာနယ္လစ္မ်ား ကလည္း လိုက္နာရွာပါတယ္။ ဟီးဟီး ႏွစ္နာရီေလာက္ၾကာေတာ့ အင္တာနက္ေ ပၚမွာ ေမာင့္မ်က္ရည္၀ိုင္းဇာတ္ကား​တက္လာေတာ့တာပဲ။ ဘာပဲျဖစ္ျဖစ္ ဧရာ၀တီကေတာ့ ဒင္းတို႕ အသဲႏွလံုးကို ထိုးႏွက္ေနျပီ။

( ၂ )ကိုယ္တုိင္ အကယ္ဒမီ တက္ယူေတာ့ မယ္ထင္ပါ့...။

( ၃ ) အိကနဲ အိကနဲ ျဖစ္ေနတာမ်ား... ဟီးဟီး.. ပီးေတာ့ ေသေသခ်ာခ်ာမွာပါတယ္.. ဒီကိစၥကို မဖြပါနဲ႔တဲ့.. ကိုယ္ေတြကလဲ မဖြပါဘူး...

( ၄ ) ဟီး မုိက္သကြာ........ အကယ္ဒမီေရွာ့ ...

( ၅ ) ေမာင့္မ်က္ရည္၀ိုင္း၊ ေမာင္ငိုမယ္မိုးသဲထဲမွာ ဟဲဟဲ ဧရာ၀တီေရမရိွေတာ့ ဘူးဆိုလို႕ ေမာင့္မ်က္ရည္နဲ႕ ျဖည့္ေပးလိုက္ပါတယ္

( ၆ ) ဟ ေရာင္းရင္းတုိ႕ကလဲကြာ၊ဒီဗီဘ​ီက ဦးေနေဇာ္နိုင္အတိုင္းပဲပါလ​ားဗ်ာ...ုဦးေနေဇာ္နိုင္လုပ​္လုိ႕ သတင္းစာရွင္းလင္းပြဲ မလုပ္တာၾကာၿပီ....ဘာတဲ့ ကၽြန္ေတာ္တု႕ိက စိတ္ရွည္ သီးခံေန ပါ တယ္ ဆိုတဲ့စကားကို ၀န္ႀကီးခင္ဗ်ားပဲေျပာေတာ့ဗ်​ာလို႕ ကၽြႏ္ေတာ္ဖြင့္ထားမိေသာ ဒကားမ်ားဆိုလားဂ်ာ...အဲဒါေန​ာက္ပိုင္း သူေတာ္ေတာ္ သတင္းစားရွင္းလင္းပြဲမလုပ္ေ​တာ့ဘူးဗ်

( ၇ ) သတင္းေထာက္ေတြက မေခ်ာ့ၾကဘူးလား။


(photo: Reuters)


တခ်ိန္က ေပ်ာ္ေပ်ာ္ပါးပါး ၁ (photo: unknown source)


တခ်ိန္က ေပ်ာ္ေပ်ာ္ပါးပါး ၂ (photo: unknown source)


(photo: AP)

(photo: Getty Images)
 credit : Moe Ma Ka
ျမန္မာ့ဒီမိုကေရစီေခါင္းေဆာင္ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ႏွင့္ ျမန္မာအလုပ္သမားနဲ႔လူမႈ၀န္ထမ္းကယ္ဆယ္ေရးဌာန ၀န္ႀကီးဦးေအာင္ၾကည္တို႔စိမ္းလဲ့ကန္သာအစိုးရဧည့္ေဂဟာတြင္ ေဆြးေႏြးမႈအၿပီးသတင္းေထာက္မ်ားႏွင့္ ေတြ႔ဆံုေနစဥ္ (ၾသဂုတ္လ ၁၂၊ ၂၀၁၁)
မန္မာ့ဒီမိုကေရစီေရးေခါင္းေဆာင္ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ဟာ အလုပ္သမား၀န္ႀကီးဌာန၊ လူမႈ၀န္ထမ္း ကယ္ဆယ္ေရးနဲ႔ ျပန္လည္ေနရာခ်ထားေရး၀န္ႀကီးဌာနေတြရဲ႕ ျပည္ေထာင္စု၀န္ႀကီး ဦးေအာင္ၾကည္နဲ႔ ရန္ကုန္ၿမိဳ႕ စိမ္းလဲ့ကန္သာ အစိုးရဧည့္ေဂဟာမွာ ဒီကေန႔ေတြ႔ဆံုခဲ့ပါတယ္။ ႏွစ္ဖက္ ပဋိပကၡျဖစ္ႏိုင္ေခ်ေတြကို ေရွာင္ရွားၿပီးေတာ့ ဒီမိုကေရစီေရးအတြက္ ပူးေပါင္းလက္တြဲ ေဆာင္ရြက္သြားမယ့္အျပင္ ေတြ႔ဆံု ေဆြးေႏြးမႈေတြလည္း ဆက္လုပ္သြားမယ္လို႔ ေတြ႔ဆံုအၿပီးမွာ ပူးတြဲေၾကညာခ်က္ ထုတ္ျပန္ခဲ့ပါတယ္။ ဒီအေၾကာင္းကိုေတာ့ ထိုင္းႏိုင္ငံကေန စံုစမ္းထားတဲ့ ေဒၚခင္မ်ိဳးသက္က တင္ျပထားပါတယ္။
ျပည္ေထာင္စုသမၼတ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံေတာ္ အစိုးရအဖြဲ႔ရဲ႕ ဖိတ္ၾကားခ်က္နဲ႔ ဒီကေန႔ ေန႔လည္ ရန္ကုန္အစိုးရရဲ႕ ဧည့္ေဂဟာမွာ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္နဲ႔ အစိုးရသစ္အဖြဲ႔၀န္ႀကီး ဦးေအာင္ၾကည္တို႔ ၁ နာရီနီးပါး ေတြ႔ဆံု ေဆြးေႏြးခဲ့ပါတယ္။ ႏွစ္ဖက္သေဘာတူ ထုတ္ျပန္ခဲ့တဲ့ အခ်က္ေလးခ်က္ပါ သတင္းထုတ္ျပန္ခ်က္ကိုေတာ့ ဦးေအာင္ၾကည္က ဖတ္ျပခဲ့ပါတယ္။
“ႏွစ္ဖက္စလံုးက ေအာက္ပါအတိုင္း သေဘာတူညီခဲ့ၾကပါတယ္။
(၁) ျပည္သူလူထုတရပ္လံုး ပကတိလိုအပ္ခ်က္ ဆႏၵမ်ားကို ျဖည့္ဆည္းေပးသည့္အေနျဖင့္ တိုင္းျပည္၊ ျပည္နယ္ေအးခ်မ္းေရးႏွင့္ ဖြံ႔ၿဖိဳးတိုးတက္ေရးအတြက္ ႏိုင္ငံေတာ္အစိုးရႏွင့္ ႏွစ္ဖက္လက္တြဲ ေဆာင္ရြက္သြားေပမည္။
(၂) ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံတြင္ ဒီမုိကေရစီစနစ္ ဆက္လက္ ထြန္းကားတိုးတက္ေစေရး အတြက္လည္းေကာင္း၊ စီးပြားေရးနဲ႔ လူမႈေရးလုပ္ငန္းမ်ား ပိုမို ဖြံ႔ၿဖိဳးတိုးတက္လာေစေရး အတြက္လည္းေကာင္း၊ အျပဳသေဘာ ပူးေပါင္းေဆာင္ရြက္သြားမည္။
(၃) ပဋိပကၡအသြင္ေဆာင္ေသာ အျမင္သေဘာထားမ်ားကို ေရွာင္ရွားၾကၿပီး အျပန္အလွန္ ကူညီေသာ ပူးေပါင္းေဆာင္ရြက္ေရး လုပ္ငန္းစဥ္ reciprocal basic အတြက္ ဦးတည္ခ်က္ထား၍ ေဆာင္ရြက္သြားမည္။
(၄) ေတြ႔ဆံုေဆြးေႏြးမႈမ်ားကို ဆက္လက္ လုပ္သြားမည္။”
အခုတႀကိမ္ေတြ႔ဆံုမႈကေန ႏိုင္ငံေတာ္အစိုးရနဲ႔ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္တို႔ လက္တြဲေဆာင္ရြက္သြားမယ္လို႔ ပထမဆံုးအႀကိမ္အျဖစ္နဲ႔ အစိုးရသစ္ရဲ႕ ၀န္ႀကီးက တရား၀င္ေၾကညာခဲ့သလိုပဲ ဒီမုိကေရစီေရးအတြက္ ပူးေပါင္း ေဆာင္ရြက္မယ္လို႔ ေျပာၾကားခဲ့တာပါ။
ဇူလိုင္လ ၂၅ ရက္ေန႔ ပထမတႀကိမ္ ေတြ႔ဆံုစဥ္က အျပဳသေဘာေဆာင္တဲ့ တိုးတက္မႈေတြ ရွိတယ္လို႔ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္က ေျပာၾကားခဲ့ပါတယ္။ အခုတႀကိမ္ ေတြ႔ဆံုရာမွာေတာ့ တိုးတက္မႈေတြအတြက္ ပူးေပါင္းေဆာင္ရြက္မႈေတြက အေရးႀကီးပါတယ္လို႔ ဆိုပါတယ္။
“က်မတို႔ ပူးေပါင္းေဆာင္ရြက္မယ္ဆိုလို႔ရွိရင္ တိုင္းရင္းသားကိစၥေတြမွာလည္း တိုးတက္မႈ ရ ရမွာပဲ။ ဘယ္ဘက္မွာမဆို တိုးတက္မႈ ရ ရမယ္ေလ။ တကယ္ေတာ့ က်မတို႔ႏိုင္ငံရဲ႕အက်ိဳးကို ပူးေပါင္း ေဆာင္ရြက္မယ္ ဆုိလို႔ရွိရင္ ဒီ မီဒီယာအပါအ၀င္ေပါ့၊ တိုးတက္မႈေတြ ရွိရမွာေပါ့။”
၀န္ႀကီး ဦးေအာင္ၾကည္ကလည္း စိတ္၀မ္းကြဲျပားမႈေတြကို ရွင္းႏုိင္ဖို႔အတြက္ ပူးေပါင္းေဆာင္ရြက္ေရးကို အဓိက လုပ္ေဆာင္သြားမယ္လို႔ ေျပာၾကားခဲ့ပါတယ္။ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ဟာ မၾကာေသးခင္ကပဲ အစိုးရသစ္အဖြဲ႔ကိုေရာ၊ လက္ရွိ လက္နက္ကိုင္တိုက္ပြဲ၀င္ေနၾကတဲ့ တိုင္းရင္းသားအဖြဲ႔ေတြကိုပါ အိတ္ဖြင့္ေပးစာ ေပးပို႔ၿပီး ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးအတြက္ ကမ္းလွမ္းခဲ့ပါတယ္။ အခုလို တုိင္းရင္းသား လက္နက္ကိုင္ေတြနဲ႔ ျဖစ္ပြားေနတဲ့ ပဋိပကၡေတြကအစ ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံမွာ လက္ရွိႀကံဳေနရတဲ့ ကိစၥအ၀၀အတြက္ ပူးေပါင္းေဆာင္ရြက္မႈ မရွိတာဟာ အဓိက ျပႆနာျဖစ္ေနၿပီး ဒါကိုေျဖရွင္းႏုိင္ဖုိ႔ဆိုရင္ ေျပလည္မႈေတြ ရလာမယ္လို႔ ဦးေအာင္ၾကည္က ေျပာပါတယ္။
“ပူးေပါင္းေဆာင္ရြက္မႈ ဆိုတာက တကယ့္ က်ေနာ္တို႔ ႏိုင္ငံအတြက္ လိုအပ္တဲ့ main problem (အဓိကျပႆနာ) တခုပါ။ ဒါႀကီးကို က်ေနာ္တို႔ ေျဖရွင္းေနၾကတာျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ဒီကိစၥ ေျပလည္သြားၿပီ ဆိုတဲ့အခ်ိန္က်လို႔ရွိရင္ က်န္တဲ့ကိစၥေတြအားလံုးဟာ ဒီ main problem ႀကီးရဲ႕ အက်ိဳးဆက္တရားမ်ား၊ အဲဒါေတြ ျဖစ္လာမွာျဖစ္တဲ့အတြက္ အလြယ္တကူ ေျဖရွင္းသြားႏိုင္မယ့္ အေနအထားပဲျဖစ္ပါတယ္။”
အရင္ စစ္အစိုးရ လက္ထက္မွာ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္နဲ႔ ၀န္ႀကီး ဦးေအာင္ၾကည္တို႔ (၉) ႀကိမ္တိုင္တိုင္ ေတြ႔ဆံုခဲ့ေပမဲ့ ထူးျခားမႈ သိသိသာသာ မေတြ႔ခဲ့ရဘူးလို႔ ျပည္တြင္းျပည္ပ ေလ့လာေစာင့္ၾကည့္သူေတြက သံုးသပ္ၾကပါတယ္။ အခု အစိုးရသစ္လက္ထက္ ဒုတိယအႀကိမ္ ေတြ႔ဆံုအၿပီးမွာေတာ့့ ပဋိပကၡ ျဖစ္ႏိုင္ေခ်ေတြကို ေရွာင္ရွားၿပီး ဒီမိုကေရစီေရးအတြက္ ပူးေပါင္း လက္တြဲေဆာင္ရြက္သြားမယ္လို႔ ေျပာဆိုခဲ့တဲ့အျပင္ ေတြ႔ဆံုေဆြးေႏြးမႈေတြ ဆက္ၿပီး လုပ္ဖို႔ရွိတယ္လို႔ပါ ေျပာၾကားႏိုင္ခဲ့ပါတယ္။

Link:  :http://www.voanews.com/burmese/news/Burma-politics-08-12-11-127590728.html
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လြတ္လပ္တဲ့ ျပည္ေထာင္စု ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံေတာ္ရဲ႕ ပထမဆံုး သမၼတႀကီး ျဖစ္တဲ့ စဝ္ေ႐ႊသုိက္ (၁၈၉၆-၁၉၆၂) ကေန ၁၉၈၈ ခုႏွစ္မွာ ႏုိင္ငံေတာ္ ၿငိမ္ဝပ္ပိျပားမႈ တည္ေဆာက္ေရး အဖြဲ႕အမည္နဲ႔ စစ္အာဏာသိမ္းၿပီး ႏိုင္ငံေတာ္ သမၼတ အျဖစ္ မိမိကိုယ့္ကို ခန္႔အပ္ေၾကညာခဲ့သူ ကာကြယ္ေရး ဦးစီးခ်ဳပ္ ဗုိလ္ခ်ဳပ္ႀကီး (ေနာင္-ဗုိလ္ခ်ဳပ္မွဴးႀကီး) ဦးေစာေမာင္ (၁၉၂၈-၁၉၉၇) အထိ ႏိုင္ငံေတာ္ သမၼတေတြရဲ့ အေၾကာင္းကိုု ေဖာ္ထုုတ္ေရးသားထားပါတယ္

ဒါ့အျပင္ ပထမဆံုး ဝန္ႀကီးခ်ဳပ္ ျဖစ္တဲ့ ဦးႏု (၁၉ဝ၇-၁၉၉၅) ကေန ၁၉၈၈ ခုႏွစ္၊ ဇူလုိင္လ ၂၇ ရက္ေန႔မွာ မဆလရဲ႕ စတုတၴအႀကိမ္ ျပည္သူ႔လႊတ္ေတာ္ အေရးေပၚ အစည္းအေဝးက ေနာက္ဆံုးခန္႔အပ္ တာဝန္ေပးခဲ့တဲ့ သူရဦးထြန္းတင္ (၁၉၂၃) အထိ ႏိုင္ငံေတာ္ ဝန္ႀကီးခ်ဳပ္ေတြရဲ႕ အတၴဳပၸတၲိေတြ (၁၉၄၈ မွ ၁၉၈၈ ခုႏွစ္ထိ) ေတြ ပါ၀င္တဲ့ က်မ္းစာျဖစ္ပါတယ္။

အဆိုုပါ တကၠသိုုလ္က်မ္းစာအုုပ္ကေတာ့ ၂ဝဝ၆ ခုႏွစ္မွာ ရန္ကုန္တကၠသိုလ္၊ စာၾကည့္တိုက္ႏွင့္ သုတပညာ ဌာန၊ စာၾကည့္တိုက္ႏွင့္ သုတပညာ ဒီပလိုမာဘြဲ႕အတြက္ လိုအပ္ခ်က္မ်ား၏ တစိတ္တေဒသ အျဖစ္၊ ေမာင္မင္းမင္းစိုး၊ ဝိဇၨာဘြဲ႕ (ဥပေဒ)၊ ခံုအမွတ္ - ၂ ဒီ စသ ၁၃၊ ျပဳစုတင္ျပတဲ့ "ျပည္ေထာင္စု ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံ၊ ႏိုင္ငံေတာ္ သမၼတႏွင့္ ဝန္ႀကီးခ်ဳပ္မ်ား အတၴဳပၸတၲိ (၁၉၄၈ ခုႏွစ္မွ ၁၉၈၈ ခုႏွစ္အထိ)" က်မ္းငယ္ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။
Credit : Moe Ma Ka
The President Office of the Republic of the Union of Myanmar (Burma) issued Notification No.75/2011 – Formation of Spokespersons and Information Team – dated 10 August 2011, the state media announced today.

In accord with Section 24, Subsection (a) of the Union Government Law, Spokespersons and Information Team has been formed with the following persons in order that it can assume the duties of releasing news and information and holding press conferences occasionally regarding the political, economic, security, military and natural disaster affairs of the State, the state newspapers said.

Spokespersons and Information Team has been shaped with 11 members and they are: (1) U Kyaw Hsan, Leader, Union Minister, Ministry of Information; (2) Brig-Gen Kyaw Zan Myint, Member, Deputy Minister, Ministry of Home Affairs; (3) U Maung Myint, Member, Deputy Minister, Ministry of Foreign Affairs; (4) U Soe Win, Member, Deputy Minister, Ministry of Information; (5) U Myint Thein, Member, Deputy Minister, Ministry of Labour; (6) U Tun Tun Oo, Member, Deputy Attorney-General, Union Attorney-General’s Office; (7) MPF Chief Kyaw Kyaw Tun, Member, Chief Myanmar Police Force; (8) Col Lu Aye, Member, Brig-Gen General Staff, Office of Commander-in-Chief (Army); (9) U Tin Myo Kyi, Member, Director-General, Union Government Office; (10) U Ye Min, Member, Deputy Director-General, President Staff Office; (11) U Zaw Min Oo, Secretary, Managing Director, News and Periodicals Enterprise.

The purpose of the info team seems to bar other government officers and staff engaging the media. They are already warned not to leak out information to the media especially to exile media. So, the government information team will act as an info filter mechanism which will prevent government confidential facts and statistics from seeping out.

Burma’s parliament nominated Thein Sein as the country’s eighth president on 4 February 2011. The same day, a Rangoon court sentenced Maung Maung Zeya, a journalist working for Democratic Voice of Burma, an independent exile radio and TV station, to a total of 13 years in prison for violating the Unlawful Association Act, Immigration Act and Electronics Act.

Three journalists who were given long prison terms by a kangaroo-court in November 2008 – Zarganar, Zaw Thet Htwe and Thant Zin Aung – are still in prison.

An information ministry statement to exempt sports and entertainment periodicals from prior censorship by the notorious Press Scrutiny and Registration Department (PSRD) is just a showcase tactic to deceive the media watchdogs.

In his inaugural address on 30 March, Thein Sein portrayed the new cabinet as a constructive body.

“We must also respect the role of the media as a fourth estate,” he said. But, in spite of a rhetoric address measured to provide the military-backed government a more trustworthy image, journalists remain under constant close watch. Those suspected of sending video footages or reports on day-to-day situation to exile media are always under close watch by the special branch intelligence units.

For instance, during 10 May press conference by the Rangoon regional government, Nyan Tun Oo, regional minister for education, health, foreign affairs and immigration, informed journalists of the government’s intention that government will not allow media coverage, which they think likely be sensitive to national security.

“On the subject of freedom of press, reporters can record stories if they are not sensitive to the state. If media coverage causes danger to the state or our citizens’ security, no one can cover it,” Nyan Tun Oo said during a press conference at the city’s parliament building.

The press conference was the first official meeting of regional government ministers and the media personnel held by the Rangoon administration since the USDP regime was sworn in on March 30.

According to then Irrawaddy News report, when the editor of Snap Shot Journal, Myat Khaing, questioned the minister, he responded by saying that he would stop the press conference immediately if journalists cross-examined him or asked “colored” questions.

President Thein Sein oversees a cabinet whose 30 members are mostly former army officers and has inherited the “directed democracy” system created by his predecessor, Gen Than Shwe, head of the previous military junta.

Freedom of expression, information and association is controlled by more than half a dozen laws, the violation of which, may be, and in fact is, widely sanctioned by 3 to 20 years in prison.

Burmese People are suspicious on this Formation of Spokespersons and Information Team as the information minister who controlled the PSRD becomes team-leader. This information team will take responsibility to answer the media including private journals through press conference. The team certainly will pay attention to cut questions made by journalists so as to avoid secrets of the government.

It looks like a kind of limitation to the press freedom plus freedom of expression since the hardliner information minister Kyaw San, who also took the same post in previous junta, takes charge of the team.

Geisenheim is a small town in the State of Hessen of the Federal Republic of Germany that hosts a plush old spa of sumptuous beauty, where since Roman times people have bathed amidst lush forests beneath the Taunus Mountains. To the surprise of all visitors, in the middle of a vineyard near the town is a grand, Burmese style house. 

The Myitta Paungku Beikman (Love Connection Monument), was built by former Burmese dictator Gen Ne Win and donated to the Fritz Werner GmbH Company (FWG) on Jan. 1, 1971 as a sign of appreciation for the company's assistance in preserving him and his much-hated military regime in power. 

FWG is a Berlin-based company which since 1896 has specialized in machinery for the production of small arms and ammunition. The company, which played a vital role in Germany's WW I efforts, has cultivated a unique relationship with the Burmese ruling elite over the years. There is a great deal of mutual trust between FWG and the Burmese regime, whose military-minded leaders look for characteristics such as reliability and discretion in a business partner. 

After WW II, FWG was wholly-owned by the West German government, falling under the jurisdiction of the government’s Ministry of Economy. The company was bought with money from the Marshall Fund which was meant to rebuild industries that were destroyed during WW II, a war which FWG helped fuel with its machinery for the production of weapons and ammunition. 

In 1948, Burma gained independence from Great Britain, and FWG struck up its partnership with the new Burmese government in 1953. The German company's first project was the production of the BA52 submachine gun—aka the Ne Win sten. 

Beginning at the time of this original contract, Ne Win cultivated friendly relations with FWG, both diplomatically and personally. Fritz Werner technical advisors posted in Rangoon had continuous access to the dictator, a rare privilege not extended to the representatives of other foreign firms. The fact that FWG was owed by the West German government itself created a close personal relationship between the two governments, causing some to say that Burma was the friendliest nation toward West Germany in Asia. 

FWG’s secretive Burmese operations, which have often been shrouded under a veil of mystery, got into full swing in 1960 when the West German Ministry of Defence gave the company permission to produce G3 rifles in Burma and it later established its first weapons factory on the outskirts of Rangoon with the assistance of the West Germany arms company Heckler & Koch. 

The factory was supervised by German engineers from the German Technical Corporation Agency (GTZ). Until the production of that plant started, the Burmese regime used FWG as the middleman to purchase G3 rifles through Düsseldorf based arms producer Rheinmetall, which shared production with Heckler & Koch. 

In 1961, West Germany’s Foreign Office in Bonn granted permission to export 10.000 G3 rifles as well as four million rounds of ammunition manufactured by Metallwerk Elisenhütte Nassau (MEN), an FWG subsidiary, to Burma. The West German government had “no reservations” about authorizing further transfers, even when Ne Win toppled the democratic government of U Nu in 1962—Rheinmetall received permission from Bonn to sell 12.000 G3 rifles and 800 MG42 machine guns, and MEN received permission to export 18 million rounds of ammunition. Then in 1969, the West German Foreign Office permitted FWG to export machinery for the production of explosives, as well as a complete rolling mill for sheet brass. 

With the assistance from West Germany, the self-sufficiency of the Burmese armed forces increased continuously, and the Burmese military often used German-produced weapons to oppress the Burmese people and various ethnic minority groups, especially after Ne Win and the military seized power in 1962. 

For example, on July 7, 1962, just three days after the military’s Burma Socialist Programme Party (BSPP) was formed, the students of Rangoon University organized a peaceful demonstration inside the Campus. The Burmese military— equipped with G3 automatic rifles—fired into the crowd of thousands of students, killing over 100 and injuring many more. The next morning, the military blew up the Rangoon University Student Union building, which was a treasured historical monument of the Burmese struggle to gain independence from Great Britain. The building was blasted to pieces by heavy explosives, and every trace of it removed. 

During the 1988 democratic uprising, over 3,000 people were once again killed by Burmese troops using German-produced weapons. Despite this, the West German government welcomed Ne Win as a guest of FWG in March 1988. 

In addition, after the military coup by Burmese Gen Saw Maung in Sept. 1988, the West German Federal Ministry of Economics gave permission for FWG to export machinery for the production of ammunition. 
Not only did FWG set up three plants in Rangoon and Prome to produce the vast majority of armaments required by the Burmese military, they also served as a conduit for all importation of raw materials, machine parts and chemicals used in explosives production. 
The cozy relationship between the West Germans and the Burmese military was something of a closely kept secret until 1988, when the democracy uprising and surrounding political crisis blew the lid off the Burmese situation and drew the attention of the whole world. Due to international pressure brought upon the West German government by the horror of the Sept. 1988 coup, it suddenly became one of the outspoken critics of the Burmese regime, as if it didn’t know before how many Burmese had died at the hands of Burmese troops firing West German weapons. 
The German government did, however, suspend development co-operation activities with Burma, including negotiations regarding Burmese debt cancellation, and ceased authorization of arms shipments to Burma. But regardless of assertions made by the Germans that FWG was no longer participating in the production of weapons and explosives inside Burma, and that technical co-operation had been reduced to a minimum, the manufacture of explosives and weapons continues to date, and German employees of GTZ remain in the country, disguising their true field of expertise. Despite Germany’s hasty withdrawal of economic support from Burma after the 1988 crackdown, it didn’t take long before FWG found an opportunity for renewed investment. In 1990, FWG formed a joint venture with the Burmese military, a partnership that was made possible thanks to an old US $500 million loan that the West German government had made to Burma in the 1960’s. FWG stands by itself in Burma, and the joint venture grew out of a very personal relationship between the company and the Burmese generals. This personal relationship has helped preserve the Burmese military regime in power, despite the various insurgencies and unrest in the country. 
Following the uprising in 1988, the European Community and the US began imposing economic sanctions on Burma, identifying the high incidence of human rights abuses by the military regime as the primary reason for imposing sanctions. However, the annual reports of the German Federal Office for Export and Trade proves that licences for the export of dual-use-goods were authorized-nearly every year, despite an EU arms embargo established in 1991. 
In 1999, Germany even allowed the Burmese regime to renovate the notorious “Myitta Paungku Beitman” in Geisenheim. On May4, 2011, during a Burma Conference in Berlin, Dr. Markus Löning, Germany’s Federal Government commissioner for human rights policy and humanitarian aid, pushed for more engagement with the Burmese military regime and for the modification of sanctions on Burma. For many Burmese activists, Germany is just paying a lip service to the human rights situation in Burma. A cable revealed in a 2009 Wikileaks report indicated that Germany exported sophisticated equipment to Burma, which was followed by a visit of German diplomats to the factories where the machinery was installed. In 2009-10, Germany was the biggest trade partner of Burma in the European Union. The suffering of the Burmese people at the hands of their military rulers is undeniable. The irresponsible investments by foreign firms and others are not benefitting the people of Burma, but only contributing to the torture, persecution and killing of the many ethnic nationals, monks, students and activists who are struggling for democracy inside Burma. For the Burmese people, FWG’s cooperation and partnership with the Burmese regime has been extremely discouraging. It is time for Germany to start listening to the cry of the Burmese people for democracy, and start building a real, people to people, Myitta friendship that will live forever.The author is a former student activist and chairman of Camp Thaybawboe run by the ABSDF. At present, he is a member of the KNU Foreign Affairs Relations efforts. http://www.irrawaddy.org/opinion_story.php?art_id=21877
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Last week, KIO/KIA prepared a set of questions for Col Than Aung, the Kachin State minister for border affairs and head of the government emissary, who was sent to negotiate about possible ceasefire conditions.

The questions among others include:
  • Who has given order to the team to negotiate?
  • How “peace” should be defined by both parties?
  • How should the term “ceasefire” be interpreted or understood?
  • How much negotiation power is vested in the negotiation team?
  • In case, if one party breaks the ceasefire agreement, who will be responsible to take action
  • What is the government opinion on “Panglong Agreement”?
  • How would the government consider KIO/KIA as an organisation?
(Source: RFA – 2011-08-05)
Of all the questions posed, defining “peace” and “ceasefire” are two most crucial terms, which the contending parties must agree upon, if ever the ongoing ethnic conflict is to be resolved.
Martin Luther King, Jr. said, “True peace is not merely the absence of tension; it is the presence of justice.” And Eleanor Roosevelt emphasized, “It isn’t enough to talk about peace. One must believe in it. And it isn’t enough to believe in it. One must work at it.”

Peace is a state of harmony characterized by the lack of violent conflict. Commonly understood as the absence of hostility, peace also suggests the existence of healthy or newly healed interpersonal or international relationships, prosperity in matters of social or economic welfare, the establishment of equality, and a working political order that serves the true interests of all. In international relations, peacetime is not only the absence of war or conflict, but also the presence of cultural and economic understanding and unity.
(Source: Wikipedia)
The online free dictionary states two points; one is the absence of war or other hostilities; and the other, an agreement or a treaty to end hostilities.
Generally, ceasefire could include an order to stop firing and suspension of active hostilities; a truce.
A ceasefire (or truce) is a temporary stoppage of a war in which each side agrees with the other to suspend aggressive actions. Ceasefires may be declared as part of a formal treaty, but they have also been called as part of an informal understanding between opposing forces. An armistice is a formal agreement to end fighting.

Israeli–Palestinian conflict
An example of a ceasefire in the Israeli–Palestinian conflict was announced between Israel and the Palestinian National Authority on February 8, 2005. When announced, chief Palestinian negotiator Saeb Erekat publicly defined the ceasefire as follows: “We have agreed that today President Mahmoud Abbas will declare a full cessation of violence against Israelis anywhere and Prime Minister Ariel Sharon will declare a full cessation of violence and military activities against Palestinians anywhere.” (Source:Wikipedia)
As far as peace is concerned, the successive military regimes and the recent, military-backed government have never spelled out their position clearly, on how they would like to achieve.
What the ethnic armed resistance forces have experienced by now is either to surrender, become government militia or ceasefire arrangement, which the Burmese government misleadingly called “Peace groups”. In short, there is no “give-and-take” negotiation process, but just being asked to follow the prescribed regime’s plan and become part and parcel of its administrative apparatus, one way or the other.
The coercive planned integration of the ceasefire ethnic armed ceasefire armies into its Border Guard Force (BGF) under the Burma Army is the case in point, which went terribly wrong, when it has been rejected and resisted aggressively to the dismay of the Burmese government.
Former ceasefire armies like KIO/KIA, SSPP/SSA, and the large portion of DKBA resisted Burma Army furiously, while the UWSA rejected the BGF plan, although not yet in open armed conflict with the Burma Army.
As a result, Burma is now on the brink of a full blown civil war, just because the regime likes to have its radical, racial and military supremacy way without compromising or accommodating the aspirations of the non-Burman ethnic nationalities’ rights of self-determination.
The Panglong Agreement of 12th February 1947, to join with U Aung San and the AFPFL (Anti-Fascist People’s Freedom League) and leaders of Shan, Kachin and Chin nationalities, to live together under one flag as co-independent and equal nations, marks the birth of a nation-state now known as “Union of Burma”.
It is not an exaggeration to state that without Panglong Agreement or Accord, signifying the intent and willingness of the free peoples and nations of what could be termed British Indochina, there would have not been born the Union of Burma in 1948.
This Panglong Agreement, which emphasizes the rights of self-determination, democracy and equality have been denied by successive military regimes and this has been the roots of the conflict, encompassing all non-Burman nationalities.
As such, while the ceasefire agreement is seen as a kind of partial surrender, eventually leading to total integration into Burma Army or dissolving the ceasefire armies, it was understood as a temporary cessation of war on the way to iron out a settlement through political, negotiation process, by the non-Burman ethnic nationalities.
A Kachin leader recently pointed out that the Burmese military, during SLORC regime had maintained that political settlement should be carried out only with the future elected government, for it was only a military care taker government. And after almost five decades, the negotiation process has not started. Perhaps, the military-backed government likes all to believe that its 2008 Constitution is carved into stone and that everyone has to abide by it. Ironically, the people of Burma knows that the constitutional drafting, constitutional referendum to nation-wide elections were all flawed, rigged and manipulated to suit the military leadership, from the beginning to the end.
For now, no one is quite sure, whether the military, status quo faction of Vice President Tin Aung Myint Oo, Gen Than Shwe’s protégé, or President Thein Sein, who is backed by Thura Shwe Mann, the parliament house speaker, is calling the shots, where offensive against the ceasefire armies is concerned.
Just as the KIO/KIA pointed out clearly, so long as the definition of “peace” and “ceasefire” terms are not understood on the same wave length and the power vested to the ceasefire negotiation team not crystal clear, meaningless ceasefire talks will lead us nowhere and the armed conflict between the KIO/KIA and the Burma Army will continue unabated. Consequently, the war in Shan, Karenni, Karen and Mon states will likely go on, at the expense of the people.
The author is General Secretary of the exiled Shan Democratic Union.

A group of women U.S. senators have accused Burma's military of using rape as a weapon of war and are urging Secretary of State Hillary Clinton to pressure the Burmese government to halt the practice.

In a letter Wednesday, the bi-partisan group asked Secretary Clinton to support establishment of an international commission of inquiry into war crimes and crimes against humanity in Burma.

The letter cites a report saying that 18 ethnic Kachin women were gang-raped by government troops during the fighting that ended a 17-year cease-fire, and says there are similar reports from neighboring Shan state, where hostilities have also resumed.
Democratic Senator Barbara Boxer and Republicans Kay Bailey Hutchison are among the 13 signatories.
The lawmakers also quote Burma's opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi, who said that rape is used in her country as a weapon by armed forces to intimidate ethnic groups and divide the country. The Nobel Prize laureate made the statement in a video-taped message to a Nobel Women's conference in May.

Human rights groups have repeatedly condemned Burma's authorities for abusing rights of its minority groups. Amnesty International says government troops for decades have used rape, torture, forced relocation and killing to intimidate ethnic minorities into ending their campaign for autonomy.

Larger groups such as Shan, Karen and Kachin people have been especially targeted.
The United States last week appointed its first special envoy to Burma in a move to coordinate efforts with U.S. allies to get Burma's new government to implement democratic reforms. Derek Mitchell will lead U.S. efforts to improve what he called the southeast Asian nation's abysmal human rights record during four decades of military rule.

A new, nominally civilian government was elected last November in a vote orchestrated by the military.

ျမန္မာ့ဒီမုိကေရစီ ေခါင္းေဆာင္ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္က သူ႔အကုိျဖစ္သူ ဦးေအာင္ဆန္းဦးနဲ႔ ေမာ္နီတာ ဂ်ာနယ္ကို တရားစြဲလိုက္ပါတယ္။ တရား႐ုံးေတာ္ကို မထီမဲ့ျမင္ျပဳရာ ေရာက္မႈနဲ႔ ၾသဂုတ္လ ၈ ရက္၊ တနလၤာေန႔က တရားစြဲလိုက္တာ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္နဲ႔ အကိုျဖစ္သူ ဦးေအာင္ဆန္းဦးတုိ႔ ရင္ဆုိင္ေနရတဲ့ အမႈနဲ႔ ပတ္သက္လို႔ ေမာ္နီတာ ဂ်ာနယ္ကုိ ဦးေအာင္ဆန္းဦးက မမွန္မကန္ ေျပာဆုိခဲ့တယ္ ဆုိတာရယ္၊ ဦးေအာင္ဆန္းဦးရဲ႕ ေျပာဆုိခ်က္ကုိ ဇူလုိင္လထုတ္ ေမာ္နီတာ ဂ်ာနယ္မွာ ထည့္သြင္း ေဖာ္ျပခဲ့တယ္ ဆိုတာရယ္အတြက္ တရားဥပေဒနဲ႔ မညီလို႔ဆိုၿပီး ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္က တရားစြဲတာ ျဖစ္တယ္လို႔ ေျပာေရးဆုိခြင့္ ရွိသူက ေျပာပါတယ္။ အျပည့္အစုံကုိ ေဒၚခင္မ်ဳိးသက္က တင္ျပေပးထားပါတယ္။ ဦးေအာင္ဆန္းဦးနဲ႔ ေမာ္နီတာဂ်ာနယ္ ထုတ္ေ၀သူအျပင္ အယ္ဒီတာခ်ဳပ္ကိုပါ တရားဥပေဒ စုိးမိုးေရးအတြက္ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္က တရားစြဲဆုိခဲ့တယ္လို႔ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ရဲ႕ ေရွ႕ေနႀကီး ဦးဉာဏ္၀င္းက ေျပာပါတယ္။

“တရား႐ုံးက ဆုံးျဖတ္ခ်က္ မလုပ္ရေသးမီမွာ ဆုံးျဖတ္ၿပီးသကဲ့သုိ႔ ေျပာဆုိတာေတြဟာ တရား႐ုံးကုိ မထီမဲ့ျမင္ျပဳတာ၊ အဲဒီလို ဥပေဒအရ ေတြ႔ပါတယ္။ ေနာက္ ဒီဥစၥာက တရားဥပေဒ စုိးမုိးေရးနဲ႔လည္း ဆုိင္ပါတယ္။ တရားဥပေဒကုိ ဘယ္သူမွ လႊမ္းမိုးလို႔ မရဘူး၊ တရားဥပေဒ အထက္မွာ ဘယ္သူမွ မရွိဘူး။ ဒါေၾကာင့္ တရားဥပေဒနဲ႔အညီ ျဖစ္ေရးအတြက္ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္က စြဲဆုိရျခင္း ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။”

ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္နဲ႔ ဦးေအာင္ဆန္းဦးတို႔ ၾကားက မၿပီးျပတ္ေသးဘဲ ရင္ဆုိင္ေနရတဲ့ အိမ္ေျမ ပုိင္ဆုိင္မႈဆုိင္ရာ တရားမမႈနဲ႔ ပတ္သက္ၿပီး မမွန္မကန္ ေျပာဆုိခဲ့တဲ့အတြက္ ဦးေအာင္ဆန္းဦးကို တရားစြဲရသလို မမွန္မကန္ ေျပာဆုိမႈေတြကို ေဖာ္ျပခဲ့တဲ့ ေမာ္နီတာဂ်ာနယ္ကုိပါ တရားစြဲဆုိခဲ့တာလို႔ ဆုိပါတယ္။

“အမႈရဲ႕ အေျခအေနက လက္ရွိအားျဖင့္ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ဘက္က သက္ေသေတြကုိ စစ္ေဆးဖို႔ အဆင့္ကို ေရာက္ေနတယ္။ ဆုိလိုတာက အမႈက သြားေနတုန္းပဲ၊ အၿပီးသတ္ ဆုံးျဖတ္ခ်က္ မရွိဘူး။ အဲဒီအခ်ိန္မွာ ၿပီးခဲ့တဲ့လက ေမာ္နီတာဂ်ာနယ္မွာ ဦးေအာင္ဆန္းဦးရဲ႕ အင္တာဗ်ဴး ပါတယ္။ အင္တာဗ်ဴးထဲမွာ ဦးေအာင္ဆန္းဦး ေျပာေနတာက အမႈနဲ႔ ပတ္သက္ၿပီးေတာ့ အဓိကျငင္းခ်က္ (Major Issue) ေတြ အားလုံး သူႏုိင္ၿပီးၿပီလို႔ အဲဒီလို ေျပာတယ္။ အဲဒီေျပာၾကားခ်က္ဟာ မမွန္သလို တရား႐ုံးရဲ႕ ဆုံးျဖတ္ခ်က္ကို လႊမ္းမုိးတဲ့ ေျပာၾကားခ်က္မ်ဳိး၊ တရား႐ုံးကို မထီမဲ့ျမင္ျပဳတဲ့ ေျပာၾကားခ်က္မ်ဳိးလို႔ က်ေနာ္တုိ႔ ျမင္တယ္။
“အဲဒါေၾကာင့္ ဦးေအာင္ဆန္းဦးရယ္၊ အဲဒီဂ်ာနယ္ကုိ ထုတ္တဲ့ ထုတ္ေ၀သူ ဦးလွျမင့္ေဆြရယ္၊ အယ္ဒီတာခ်ဳပ္ ျမတ္ခုိင္၊ သူတုိ႔ကုိ က်ေနာ္တုိ႔က တရား႐ုံးကုိ မထီမဲ့ျမင္ျပဳမႈ ဥပေဒနဲ႔ အေရးယူဖို႔ တရားစြဲတာပါ။”
ဒီအမႈကို တရား႐ုံးေတာ္က တနလၤာေန႔မွာ လက္ခံခဲ့ပါတယ္။ ဒါေၾကာင့္ လာမယ့္ သီတင္းပတ္ေတြအတြင္း တရား႐ုံးခ်ဳပ္က ဒီအမႈနဲ႔ ပတ္သက္ၿပီး ရက္ခ်ိန္းေပးမယ္လို႔ ေမွ်ာ္လင့္ထားေၾကာင္းလည္း ေျပာပါတယ္။
“က်ေနာ္တုိ႔ ေမွ်ာ္လင့္တာကေတာ့ ၂ ပတ္၊ ၃ ပတ္ေလာက္အတြင္း တရား႐ုံးက ဒီအမႈကို ဘာလုပ္မလဲဆုိတာ ထြက္မွာပဲ။ တရား႐ုံးခ်ဳပ္ရဲ႕၊ တရားလႊတ္ေတာ္ရဲ႕ ထုံးစံအရ အမႈရက္ခ်ိန္း သတ္မွတ္ၿပီး မေပးပါဘူး။ ေသာၾကာေန႔ထုတ္ ႀကိဳတင္သတိေပးဟာေတြကုိ ၾကည့္ရပါတယ္။” ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ရဲ႕ ေရွ႕ေနႀကီး ဦးဉာဏ္၀င္း ေျပာသြားတာ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။
Danuta Kozaki

Australia's Burmese Muslim community - known as Rohingyas - say their kind are being ignored by the Australian Government's refugee swap deal with Malaysia.

Under the deal, 4000 refugees will be resettled in Australia while 800 asylum seekers will be sent to Malaysia.

The first group of refugees are expected to arrive in Australia later this week.

Yasmeen Fatima, from the Burmese Rohingya Association of Australia, says around 90 per cent of the 90,000 refugees and asylum seekers in Malaysia are Burmese.

She says many are from a Rohingya background, along with other Burmese ethnic minorities such as the Chin and Karen.

Ms Fatima says whilst the Rohingyas are a large group, community contacts in Malaysia say no Rohingyas have been picked to go to Australia in the refugee swap.

"I think this is really unfair because it is well known that in Malaysia the Rohingyas are the first burmese refugee," she said.

A spokesman for the Australian immigration department says the makeup of the 4,000 refugees to be swapped is yet to be determined, with the United Nations High Commission for Refugees making that selection.

Link::http://www.radioaustralianews.net.au/stories/201108/3289722.htm?desktop

အက်ိဳးအျမတ္တစ္ခုကို လိုခ်င္လို႔ လူဆိုတာ ဟန္ေဆာင္လို႔ရပါတယ္။ ဒါေပမယ့္ ဗီဇဆိုတာေတာ့ ညာလို႔မရဘူး။ ဗီဇဆိုတာကိုေတာ့ ဘယ္လို ဟန္ေဆာင္ေဆာင္ လိမ္ညာညာ ေဖ်ာက္လုိ႔ မရဘူး။ သူ႔ ဗီဇဘြားကနဲ ေပၚလာတဲ့အခါမွာ အထင္ၾကီးလို ႔မရေတာ့ပါဘူး။

လူတစ္ေယာက္ကို အထင္မႀကီး ၊ အထင္မေသးတာ အေကာင္းဆံုးပါ။ သူမ်ားေတြအေျပာန႔ဲ လူတစ္ေယာက္ကို မဆံုးျဖတ္တာအမွန္ဆံုးပါ။လူေတြဟာ တစ္ဦးနဲ႔ တစ္ဦး ေမတၱာထားတာ မတူတတ္ၾကေတာ့ သူမ်ားန႔ ဲအဆင္မေျပတဲ့သူတစ္ေယာက္ဟာကိုယ့္အေပၚမွာလူေကာင္းတစ္ေယာက္ ျဖစ္ေနႏိုင္ပါတယ္။ အဲဒီ သူမ်ား ဆိုတာကေရာ ဘယ္လို လူစားမ်ိဳးလဲဆိုတာ ဆန္းစစ္ဖို႔ လိုပါမယ္။





ျဖစ္ခ်င္တုိင္းျဖစ္ခြင္႕ရ၍ ကာလယႏၱရားတစ္ခု ပိုင္ဆုိင္ရသည္ဆုိပါက ယေန႕လူၾကီးမ်ားကို ထုိစက္အတြင္းထည္႕ျပီး အတိတ္သို႕အလည္သြားၾကည္႕ေစလိုပါသည္။ လူငယ္မ်ားကိုမူ ထုိစက္အတြင္းသို႕ပင္ ထည္႕၍ အနာဂတ္သို႕ သြားၾကည္႕ေစခ်င္မိပါသည္။ မိဘတုိ္င္း သားသမီးႏွင္႕ ကေတာက္ကဆ ျဖစ္ဖူးပါလိမ္႕မည္။ သားသမီးမရွိသည္႕ လူမ်ားဆုိလွ်င္လည္း တူ၊တူမမ်ားႏွင္႕ အစာမေၾက ျဖစ္ဖူးၾကမည္ ထင္ပါသည္။ ယုတ္စြဆုံး တစ္ကုိယ္ေရတစ္ကာယသမားမ်ားပင္လွ်င္ လမ္းေလွ်ာက္ရင္း မ်က္စိခလုတ္တုိက္ခဲ႕သည္႕ လူငယ္မ်ားကို ၾကည္႕မရ ျဖစ္ခဲ႕ဖူးေပလိမ္႕မည္။ ထုိျပႆနာပင္ျဖစ္ပါသည္။ ထုိျပႆနာသည္ ေခတ္အဆက္ဆက္ မျငီးေငြ႕စတမ္း ေပၚေပါက္ခဲ႕ေသာ အၾကိတ္အခဲျဖစ္ပါသည္။ဟုတ္ပါသည္။လူၾကီးႏွင္႕လူငယ္ၾကားမွနားလည္မႈလုိအပ္ခ်က္ ျပႆနာပင္ ျဖစ္ပါသည္။ ဥာဏ္စဥ္မမီဟု လူၾကီးမ်ားစိတ္တြင္ရွိေနေသာ လူငယ္မ်ားက တစ္ယူသန္မ်ားဟု ထုိလူၾကီးမ်ားကို ျပန္လည္အျပစ္တင္သည္။ ထုိအခါ လူၾကီးမ်ားက လူငယ္မ်ားကို ရုိင္းစုိင္းသည္ဟု မွတ္ခ်က္ခ်သည္။ လူငယ္မ်ားက တစ္ဖန္လူၾကီးမ်ားကို္ အၾကင္နာမရွိသူမ်ားဟု မွတ္ယူၾကသည္။ ထုိကိစၥသည္ ဂ်ာေအးလည္း အရႈိးရာစြဲေနပါျပီ။ မုန္႕လုံးမွာလည္း စကၠဴၾကားတြင္ ရွာမေတြ႕ေတာ႕ပါ။ စကၠန္႕သုံးဆယ္မွ် အခ်ိန္ေပး၍ စဥ္းစားၾကည္႕ၾကရေအာင္ပါ။ အဘယ္ေၾကာင္႕ ျဖစ္ရပါသနည္း။

အဘယ္ေၾကာင္႕ဟု ေမးျပန္လွ်င္လည္းလူၾကီးမ်ားက“သူတုိ႕ကနားမွမလည္တာ”ဟူ၍ ေျဖေကာင္းေျဖၾကပါလိမ္႕မည္။ လူငယ္မ်ားလည္း “သူတုိ႕က လူငယ္ေတြရဲ႕ စိတ္ခံစားခ်က္ကိုမွ မသိတာ”ဟု ခြန္းတုံ႕ျပန္ၾကမည္ ထင္ပါသည္။ တစ္ေယာက္တစ္ခြန္းေျပာေန၍ အေျဖရွာေတြ႕ႏုိင္မည္ မဟုတ္ပါ။ အေရးၾကီးေသာ လူၾကီးေတြ၏အျခမ္းကို အရင္ သုံးသပ္ၾကည္႕ရေအာင္ပါ။ လူၾကီးမ်ားက အေတြ႕အၾကံဳကို အားကိုး၍ လူငယ္မ်ားက အေတြးအေခၚကို အားကိုးသည္ဟု ဆရာေတာ္အရွင္ေဆကိႏၵက ျမြက္ၾကားဖူးပါသည္။ အမွန္ပင္ လူၾကီးမ်ားသည္ ဘ၀ကို ျဖတ္သန္းခဲ႕ေသာ ႏွစ္ကာလရွည္ၾကာမႈေၾကာင္႕ အေတြ႕အၾကံဳ တစ္ပုံတစ္ပင္ရွိေနပါသည္။ထုိအေတြ႕အၾကံဳမ်ားေၾကာင္႕ပင္ခန္႕မွန္းႏုိင္မႈစြမ္းအားၾကီးမားျခင္းသည္အားသာ
ခ်က္တစ္ခု ျဖစ္လာပါသည္။ မည္႕သို႕လုပ္လွ်င္ မည္သို႕ျဖစ္မည္ကို အၾကမ္းဖ်ဥ္းနားလည္ေနၾက၍ လူငယ္မ်ားကို နည္းေပးလမ္းျပ ျပဳႏုိင္ၾကသည္။ ေနာက္ထပ္ လူၾကီးမ်ား၏ အားသာခ်က္မ်ားမွာ လူငယ္မ်ားထက္ပို၍ ဆင္ျခင္တုံတရားရွိျခင္းႏွင္႕ ေ၀ဖန္ပုိင္းျခားႏုိင္စြမ္းရွိျခင္းတုိ႕ပင္ျဖစ္သည္။ ယင္းတုိ႕ေၾကာင္႕ ဆုံးျဖတ္ခ်က္မ်ားခ်မွတ္ရတြင္ အမွားနည္းႏုိင္သည္။ မွန္ကန္သည္ဟု ယံုမွတ္ရေသာ အလုပ္ကို လုပ္ကိုင္ႏုိင္သည္။ ရုိးရာအစဥ္အလာမ်ားၾကားတြင္ ၾကီးျပင္းလာၾကသူမ်ားျဖစ္ၾကေသာေၾကာင္႕ အစဥ္အလာမ်ားကို ဖက္တြယ္ကာ ထိန္းသိမ္းလိုၾကသည္။

အစဥ္အလာမ်ားကို ဖက္တြယ္ထိန္းသိမ္းလိုၾကသည္႕ လူၾကီးမ်ား၏ အၾကီးမားဆုံးေသာ အမွားတစ္ရပ္မွာ မိမိထက္ငယ္သူမွန္သမွ် မိမိေလာက္မေတာ္၊ မိမိေလာက္မတတ္ဟု ေတြးမိေနၾကျခင္းပင္ျဖစ္ပါသည္။ ထုိအေတြး၀င္ေနသမွ်ကာလပတ္လုံး သားသမီးတပည္႕မ်ားေျပာသည္ဆိုလွ်င္ မိမိခံယူခ်က္ႏွင္႕မကိုက္ညီပါက အမွန္ဟု ယူဆမေပးႏုိင္ေတာ႕။ “သူတုိ႕က လူျဖစ္တာ ဘယ္ေလာက္ၾကာေသးလုိ႕လဲ”ဟု စကားတင္းဆုိရန္သာ ဦးေႏွာက္ထဲတြင္ ရွိၾကေတာ႕သည္။ ဒုတိယအမွားမွာ မိမိငယ္ဘ၀ကို ေမ႕တတ္ၾကျခင္းျဖစ္ပါသည္။ မိမိငယ္ငယ္ကလည္း မိဘမ်ားႏွင္႕ အျငင္းအခံုျဖစ္ခဲ႕ၾကဖူးသည္တုိ႕ကို သတိမရေတာ႕။ မိဘမၾကိဳက္သည္မ်ားကို လုပ္ခဲ႕ဖူးသည္ကိုလည္း မမွတ္မိ။ သာဓကျပရလွ်င္ မိမိတုိ႕လက္ထက္က မိဘမ်ားနားမလည္ခဲ႕သည္႕ စတီရီယိုသီခ်င္းမ်ားကို ခုံမင္ခဲ႕သည္႕ဘ၀ကိုေမ႕ကာ ယေန႕ေခတ္ရက္ပ္မ်ား၊ ပန္႕ခ္မ်ားကို မိမိခံစားခ်က္ႏွင္႕ မကိုက္ညီေတာ႕သည္ႏွင္႕ ပစ္ပယ္ခ်င္ၾကျခင္း၊ စာက်က္ရန္ပ်င္းသည္႕ မိမိငယ္ဘ၀ကို ေမ႕ခ်င္ေယာင္ေဆာင္ကာ သားသမီးကို တုတ္မိုး၍ စာက်က္ရန္ေစခုိင္းျခင္း တုိ႕ပင္ ျဖစ္သည္။ အဆုိးဆုံးမွာ လူငယ္မ်ားက မိမိတုိ႕ထက္သာသြားမည္ကို မလိုလားေသာေၾကာင္႕ လူငယ္မ်ား၏ ထင္ျမင္ယူဆခ်က္ အသစ္မ်ားကို အေလးမထားလိုၾက။ မိမိေလာက္မတတ္သူမ်ားက မိေက်ာင္းမင္းေရကင္းျပေနသည္ဟု ယံုၾကည္ကာ လူငယ္မ်ားကို မေလးစားၾကေတာ႕။ ထုိ႕ျပင္ လူၾကီးမ်ားႏွင္႕ လူငယ္မ်ားၾကားမွ အၾကီးမားဆုံး ကြာျခားခ်က္မွာ ေခတ္ပင္ ျဖစ္ပါသည္။
ထုိအၾကီးမားဆုံး ကြာျခားခ်က္ ေခတ္ေၾကာင္႕ပင္ လူၾကီးႏွင္႕ လူငယ္တုိ႕ၾကားတြင္ စည္းျခားေနေသာ တံတုိင္းက တစ္ထပ္ျပီးတစ္ထပ္ ထူလာရျခင္း ျဖစ္ႏုိင္သည္။ “ငါတုိ႕ ငယ္ငယ္တုန္းက မင္းတုိ႕လုိ မဟုတ္ပါဘူးကြာ” ဟူေသာ စကားမ်ိဳးကို အသက္ရလာသူ အမ်ားစုေျပာျဖစ္ၾကမည္ထင္ပါသည္။ လူၾကီးမ်ားမဆုိထားႏွင္႕ အသက္ႏွစ္ဆယ္မျပည္႕ေသးသူမ်ားထံမွပင္ ထုိစကားမ်ိဳးကို နားႏွင္႕ဆတ္ဆတ္ၾကားခဲ႕ဖူးပါသည္။ ပြင္႕ပြင္႕လင္းလင္း ၀န္ခံရလွ်င္ေတာ႕ စာေရးသူကိုယ္တုိင္ပင္ ထုိစကားသံုးကာ ဖြင္႕ဟညည္းတြားခဲ႕ဖူးပါသည္။ ဤသည္မွာ စကၠန္႕ႏွင္႕အမွ် ေျပာင္းလဲေနေသာ ေခတ္ေၾကာင္႕ပင္ ျဖစ္ပါသည္။ တုိးတက္ရာတိုးတက္ေၾကာင္းမ်ားက တစ္ေန႕တစ္ျခား မ်ားျပားလာဖုိ႕သာ ရွိသည္။ ေလ်ာ႕က်သြားဖုိ႕မရွိ။ လြန္ခဲ႕သည္႕ အႏွစ္ႏွစ္ဆယ္၊ သုံးဆယ္ခန္႕က လူငယ္မ်ားသည္ ခ်တ္တင္ထိုင္ရေကာင္းမွန္းမသိ၊ ရႈိးပြဲသြားစရာမလုိ၊ ေရွာ႕ပင္ထြက္ရန္ဟူသည္ကား ေ၀လာေ၀းပင္။ ေဖ်ာ္ေျဖေရးမ်ားကလည္း မ်ားျပားလာ၍ လမ္းေပၚထြက္သည္ႏွင္႕ ေပ်ာ္စရာရွာႏုိင္ေသာ ေခတ္မ်ိဳးတြင္ လူငယ္မျဖစ္ခဲ႕ဖူးသည္႕ ယေန႕လူၾကီးမ်ားကိုလည္း အျပစ္တင္ရန္အေၾကာင္းမရွိေပ။ ထုိအခါ မိမိတုိ႕ငယ္စဥ္က အိပ္မက္မမက္ခဲ႕ဖူးေသာ လုပ္ငန္းေဆာင္တာမ်ိဳးႏွင္႕ ေပ်ာ္ေမြ႕ေနၾကေသာ လူငယ္မ်ား၏ ခံစားမႈကို ကိုယ္ခ်င္းမစာႏုိင္ၾကေသာ လူၾကီးမ်ားျဖစ္လာသည္။ ေခတ္ကိုမလုိက္ႏုိင္ၾကသူမ်ားမွာ လူငယ္မ်ားႏွင္႕ ပိုမုိေ၀းကြာလာရျပီး ျပႆနာမ်ားမွာလည္း ပိုမိုၾကီးထြားလာၾကသည္။ လူငယ္မ်ားကို ေပါ႕ေပါ႕ပါးပါး အေပ်ာ္ရွာေနၾကသူမ်ားဟု သတ္မွတ္ထားၾကေသာ လူၾကီးမ်ားအတြက္ စဥ္းစားရန္ အေျခအေနကလည္း ေပၚထြက္လာပါသည္။
ထုိစဥ္းစားရန္ အေျခအေနမွာ ယေန႕လူငယ္မ်ားသည္ ေပ်ာ္ပါးရန္အခြင္႕အလမ္းမ်ား ပိုမိုမ်ားျပားလာသည္ႏွင္႕အမွ် လႈပ္ရွားရုန္းကန္ရန္လည္း လုိအပ္မႈကလည္း တစ္ေန႕တစ္ျခား တုိးတက္ေနပါသည္။ မိမိတုိ႕ငယ္စဥ္က မၾကံဳေတြ႕ခဲ႕ရဖူးေသာ ေက်ာင္းကျပန္သည္ႏွင္႕ က်ဴရွင္တက္ေနရျခင္း၊ ေႏြေက်ာင္းပိတ္ရက္မ်ားတြင္ပင္ သင္တန္းမ်ိဳးစုံတက္ေနရျခင္းတုိ႕ကုိ ေထာက္ခံျပီး ၾကည္႕ေနႏုိင္ပါက အားလပ္ရက္မ်ားတြင္ သူငယ္ခ်င္းမ်ားႏွင္႕ အျပင္လည္ျခင္း၊ စတိတ္ရႈိးသြားျခင္းတုိ႕ကိုလည္း မကန္႕ကြက္ဘဲ ေနႏုိင္ရမည္ျဖစ္ပါသည္။ ထုိအလုပ္မ်ားသည္ လူငယ္ဘ၀တြင္သာ လုပ္ေဆာင္ႏုိင္သည္႕ အရာမ်ားျဖစ္သည္ဟု ႏွလုံးသြင္းကာ ခြင္႕လႊတ္ေပးသင္႕ပါသည္။ မိမိတုိ႕လည္း လူငယ္ဘ၀က မိဘတို႕က “အရည္မရ အဖတ္မရ”ဟု အမည္တပ္ခဲ႕ေသာ အလုပ္မ်ားစြာကို ေပ်ာ္ေမြ႕စြာလုပ္ကိုင္ခဲ႕ဖူးသည္ မဟုတ္ပါေလာ။ တစ္ဖန္ လူငယ္မ်ားကုိ ေစာင္းငဲ႕ၾကည္႕လိုက္လွ်င္ အေတြးအေခၚမ်ား၊ ခံစားခ်က္မ်ားကို အားျပဳထားသည္ကို ေတြ႕ရမည္ျဖစ္ပါသည္။ ႏုပ်ိဳလန္းဆန္းမႈမ်ား ၀န္းရံေနေသာအရြယ္ျဖစ္၍ အစဥ္သျဖင္႕ တက္ၾကြေနၾကေသာ လူငယ္မ်ားပင္ ျဖစ္ပါသည္။ အေတြ႕အၾကံဳမ်ားစြာ မရွိေသးသည္ႏွင္႕အညီ အရာရာကို စူးစမ္းလုိၾကသည္။ စမ္းသပ္ၾကည္႕ခ်င္ၾကသည္။ သင္႕ေတာ္သည္၊ မသင္႕ေတာ္သည္ထက္ မိမိတုိ႕ ဆႏၵရွိေသာအရာကို လုပ္ေဆာင္ရလွ်င္ပင္ ေပ်ာ္ေမြ႕ေနၾကသည္။ ၀ါသနာကို ေမြးျမဴထားၾကျပီး ထုိ၀ါသနာအတုိင္းေဆာင္ရြက္ၾကသည္။ သြက္သြက္လက္လက္ရွိေသာ အရြယ္ျဖစ္၍ တစ္စုံတစ္ခု လုပ္ကိုင္လွ်င္ လ်င္လ်င္ျမန္ျမန္သာ ေဆာင္ရြက္လိုၾကသည္။ အေပါင္းအသင္းမ်ားႏွင္႕ စုေပါင္းလုပ္ကိုင္ရသည္တုိ႕ကို ႏွစ္ျခိဳက္ၾကသည္။ ထုိအေပါင္းအသင္းမ်ားၾကားထဲတြင္ စကားလုပ္ေျပာႏုိင္ရန္ တစ္ေနရာရာတြင္ အျခားသူမ်ားထက္ သာေအာင္လည္း ၾကိဳးစားလိုစိတ္ရွိၾကသည္။ မိမိသေဘာက်သည္႕ကိစၥရပ္ကို လုပ္ကို္င္ခ်င္စိတ္ ျပင္းျပၾကသည္။
လုပ္ကိုင္ခ်င္စိတ္ ျပင္းျပၾကေသာ လူငယ္မ်ားသည္လည္း လူသားမ်ားသာျဖစ္၍ အမွားႏွင္႕မကင္းႏုိင္ၾကေပ။ ပထမမွားသည္မွာ မိမိတို႕၏ မိဘမ်ားအပါအ၀င္ လူၾကီးမ်ား၏ အေတြးအေခၚမ်ားသည္ ေဟာင္းႏြမ္းေနျပီဟု ယူဆၾကျခင္းပင္ ျဖစ္သည္။ ထုိသုိ႕ယံုၾကည္မိသည္ႏွင္႕တစ္ျပိဳင္နက္ ဆုံးမစကားမ်ားကို စာအုပ္မ်ားထဲသို႕သာ ပို႕ပစ္ခ်င္ၾကေတာ႕သည္။ တမင္လုပ္ယူထားေသာ ဆန္႕က်င္မႈမ်ားကို ထုတ္ျပလာၾကသည္။ ထုိ႕ျပင္ လူငယ္တို႕သည္ လူၾကီးတုိ႕၏ အေတြ႕အၾကံဳကိုလည္း လ်စ္လ်ဴရႈတတ္ၾကေသးသည္။ တစ္စုံတစ္ရာႏွင္႕ပတ္သက္၍ ရွင္းျပလွ်င္ အပိုဆာဒါးမ်ားဟုသာ ထင္မွတ္ၾကသည္။ တစ္ခါတစ္ရံတြင္ လူၾကီးမ်ားလူငယ္ျဖစ္ဖူးသည္ကိုလည္း ေမ႕ေမ႕သြားတတ္ၾကသည္။ လူၾကီးမိဘတုိ႕က သူတို႕ငယ္စဥ္က ၾကံဳေတြ႕ခဲရသည္မ်ားႏွင္႕ ႏႈိင္းယွဥ္၍ ရွင္းျပလွ်င္လည္း နားမ၀င္ၾကေတာ႕။ လူငယ္မ်ားတြင္ ေတြ႕ရေသာ အဆိုးဆုံးအခ်က္မွာ မိမိကုိယ္ကိုယ္ ယံုၾကည္မႈလြန္ကဲျခင္းပင္ ျဖစ္သည္။ ကုိယ္႕ကိုယ္ကိုယ္ယံုၾကည္မႈဟူသည္မွာ ရွိသင္႕သည္အရာျဖစ္ေသာ္လည္း လြန္ကဲလာလွ်င္ေတာ႕ အမွားဘက္ယိမ္းလာသည္။ မိမိသည္ အရာရာကို နားလည္သူျဖစ္သည္၊ လူၾကီးမ်ား၏ ညႊန္ၾကားခ်က္မပါဘဲ ေဆာင္ရြက္ႏုိင္သည္ဟု မွတ္ထင္မိေသာအခါ ထိန္းသိမ္းပဲ႕ျပင္ေပးလိုေသာ လူၾကီးမ်ားကို အစုိးရိမ္ပိုသူမ်ား၊ အလကားပူပန္တတ္သူမ်ားဟုသာ ယူဆထားၾကေတာ႕သည္။ ထုိမွ်သာမက ထံုးတမ္းအစဥ္အလာမ်ားကို တစ္ျဖည္းျဖည္းပစ္ပယ္ခ်င္လာၾကသည္။ ထံုးတမ္းအစဥ္အလာမ်ားကို ပစ္ပယ္ခ်င္လာၾကေသာ လူငယ္မ်ားအဖုိ႕လည္း မိမိတုိ႕အတြက္ ပုံျပင္သဖြယ္ပတ္၀န္းက်င္တြင္ လူလားေျမာက္လာခဲ႕ၾကေသာ လူၾကီးမ်ား၏ စိုးရိမ္ပူပန္မႈတုိ႕ကို နားလည္ေပးႏုိင္ရန္မွာ အခက္အခဲတစ္ခုျဖစ္လာသည္။ လူၾကီးမျဖစ္ဖူးၾကေသး၍လည္း အသက္အရြယ္ရသူတစ္ေယာက္၏ ဘ၀ကို ထပ္တူထပ္မွ် မခံစားေပႏုိင္ေတာ႕ေပ။ ဤသို႕ျဖင္႕ မရိုးေသးေသာ လူၾကီးလူငယ္ျပႆနာမ်ားမွာလည္း အရွိန္အဟုန္ျမင္႕လာရေတာ႕သည္။
ျပႆနာမ်ား အရွိန္အဟုန္ျမင္႕ေနျခင္းကို မည္သို႕ေျဖရွင္းမည္နည္း။ လူၾကီးဘက္မွ ခြင္႕လႊတ္ေပးေနရုံမွ်ႏွင္႕လည္း မျဖစ္ႏုိင္ပါ။ လူငယ္မ်ားဘက္မွ နာယူလက္ခံေနရုံႏွင္႕လည္း မျပီးပါ။ ႏွစ္ဦးႏွစ္ဖက္စလုံး ေက်ေက်နပ္နပ္ႏွင္႕ ညွိႏႈိင္းၾကမွသာ အဆင္ေျပေခ်ာေမြ႕ေသာ ဆက္ဆံေရးတစ္ခုကို တည္ေထာင္ႏုိင္မည္ ျဖစ္သည္။ အဆင္ေျပေခ်ာေမြ႕ေသာ ဆက္ဆံေရးတစ္ခုကို တည္ေထာင္ႏုိင္ရန္အတြက္ လူၾကီးမ်ားကို ေခတၱ စဥ္းစားၾကည္႕ေစလုိပါသည္။ ေနာင္အႏွစ္သံုးေလးဆယ္တြင္ ကမၻာေပၚရွိ ဦးေဆာင္ေနသူမ်ား အားလုံး၏ေနရာတြင္ ယေန႕လူငယ္ဟု အမည္တြင္ေနသူမ်ားက အစားထုိး၀င္ေရာက္ၾကမည္ ျဖစ္ပါသည္။ ထုိအခါတြင္ ဘီလ္ဂိတ္ေနရာတြင္လည္း ယေန႕လူငယ္၊ ဘင္ကီမြန္းရာထူးကိုလည္း ယေန႕လူငယ္၊ ေဒးဗစ္ဘက္ခမ္း၏ ေက်ာ္ၾကားမႈကိုလည္း ယေန႕လူငယ္မ်ားျဖင္႕သာ ဖုံးလႊမ္းသြားမည္သာ ျဖစ္ပါသည္။ ထို႕ေၾကာင္႕ မိမိမ်က္စိေရွ႕တြင္ ေပ်ာ္ေနၾကေသာ လူငယ္မ်ားကို သာမန္လူငယ္မ်ားဟု မေတြးဘဲ မိမိတုိ႕ေနထုိင္ခဲ႕ဖူးေသာ ကမၻာၾကီးကို ဆက္လက္ထိန္းသိမ္းေပးသြားမည္႕ သူမ်ားအျဖစ္ ျမင္ၾကည္႕ေစလိုၾကပါသည္။ လူငယ္မ်ားကိုလည္း လူၾကီးျဖစ္ရမည္႕ ဘ၀ကို ခဏမွ် နက္နက္နဲနဲေတြးေတာ ၾကည္႕ေစလိုပါသည္။ မိမိေျပာသမွ်ကို ခြန္းတုံ႕မခံျပန္ေျပာေနေသာ သားသမီးမ်ားႏွင္႕ အတူေနထုိင္ရမည္႕ ဘ၀မ်ိဳးကို ျမင္ေယာင္ၾကည္႕ေစလိုပါသည္။ ထုိသို႕ ႏွစ္ဦးႏွစ္ဖက္ စာနာနားလည္ေပးႏုိင္ၾကလွ်င္ ကမၻာၾကီးသည္ ပို၍ေနေပ်ာ္ဖြယ္ေကာင္းလာမည္ ထင္ပါသည္။
ေန႕အိပ္မက္


Link::http://www.lawka-ahla.com/news.php?extend.1068.2
ASIAN HUMAN RIGHTS COMMISSION - URGENT APPEALS PROGRAMME

Urgent Appeal Case: AHRC-UAC-135-2011 
Dear friends,

AHRC-UAC-135-2011-1.jpgThe Asian Human Rights Commission (AHRC) has received details about a private company in Burma that with the backing of retired army officers sent bulldozers in the dead of night to destroy an historic Muslim cemetery so that the land can be claimed for commercial activities. The destruction was stopped after interventions from the local community, but extensive damage was already done and it is feared that the company will use further techniques to force the cemetery off the land. The case is another that illustrates the shifting character of rights abuse in many parts of Burma, from direct violations committed by the armed forces or police to those where private companies backed by serving and former government officials play a key role.

CASE NARRATIVE:

According to information obtained by the AHRC, three bulldozers entered a historic Muslim cemetery in Meikhtila, upper Burma, around 2am on 25 July 2011 and began destroying gravesites without prior warning. After the intervention of the local Muslim community, they left the cemetery at about 11am on the same day. However, extensive damage had already been done to some graves. The bulldozers also have reportedly not been withdrawn completely but are still situated nearby, with the intention that they might be used again.

Some photographs of the bulldozers and the damage caused, as seen in the daylight hours, are here: photo-1, photo-2, photo-3, photo-4 and photo-5.

The local Muslim leaders have alleged that the nighttime bulldozer raid on the cemetery was carried out at the behest of a local private company that wants to use the land for commercial activities. Two of the company officials are former army officers, and the Muslim community fears that they will use their influence to force the cemetery to relocate so that the land can be used commercially. The grounds of the cemetery have already been extensively damaged and the amount of damage already caused may be used to justify a takeover.

The community has called upon the government, police and other groups and key individuals to support its right to stay on the land, and to afford it protection against unlawful intrusion onto the land and destruction of gravesites. It is also reportedly preparing to lodge legal action against the trespass and damage caused.

Further details of the case are in the sample letter below: your action is required to address the issues both of forced confiscation of land and also the assault and criminal case against the farmers.

BACKGROUND COMMENTS:

The raided cemetery and adjacent mosque have been situated at the same site in Meikhtila for over 150 years. Evidence also suggests that Muslims may have settled at the site much earlier. The land titles are made out to the religious committee responsible for the premises. The private company has no legal rights whatsoever to the land.

The local authorities had reportedly warned for some time that they intended to take control of the land, but according to information received by the AHRC, had given the impression that they wanted to use the land for a park. After the bulldozer raid, it is clear that the intention is to occupy the land for commercial purposes.

According to local sources, many buildings and much land around the Meikhtila township that had previously been taken over by the government decades earlier after non-Burmese residents were forced out of the country is now being assessed and resold to make profits for local officials, and the Islamic glebe land is viewed as another source of quick income.

ADDITIONAL COMMENTS:

This case is another that speaks to the emergence of new forms of private-military economic interests in Burma responsible for human rights abuses in Burma.

Previously the AHRC had issued an appeal on the case of a group of farmers who themselves were criminally prosecuted for defying orders concerning the use of their land: http://www.humanrights.asia/news/urgent-appeals/AHRC-UAC-073-2011.

Although the prosecution resulted in conviction and imprisonment of the farmers, we are pleased to note that on appeal they were released from custody, although not acquitted. Rather, the appeal court reduced their sentences to cover time already served. However, the question of ownership of the land in that case also remains unresolved.

There are many other hundreds, probably thousands, of cases of a similar sort emerging from Burma at the moment, some of which the AHRC is closely following and documenting, in which a nexus of military, commercial and administrative interests are responsible for human rights abuses.

For more commentary on these and other human rights issues in Burma, visit the Burma page on the new AHRC website: http://www.humanrights.asia/countries/burma

REQUESTED ACTION:
Please write to the persons listed below to call for an investigation into this incident and for guarantees that the cemetery will not again be raided or forced to relocate because of commercial interests. Please note that for the purposes of the letter Burma is referred to by its official name, Myanmar.

Please be informed that the AHRC is writing separate letters to the UN Special Rapporteurs on Myanmar and on freedom of religion or belief calling for interventions into this case.

SAMPLE LETTER:

Dear ___________,

MYANMAR: Private company attempts to destroy historic Muslim cemetery

Place of incident: Green Land Islamic Glebe Land, Meikhtila Township, Mandalay Region, Myanmar

Date and time of incident: Around 2am on 25 July 2011

Persons identified as responsible:
1. Captain Htun Htun Win, retired
2. Colonel Ko Ko Kyi, retired
3. Zekamba U Khin Shwe, owner of the private company involved

I am writing to you regarding a covert nighttime attempt to destroy an historic Muslim cemetery in the north of Myanmar, apparently in order that the land can be occupied for commercial purposes.

According to the information that I have received, three bulldozers entered the historic Muslim cemetery in the Green Land Islamic glebe land in Meikhtila around 2am on 25 July 2011 and began destroying gravesites. After the intervention of the local Muslim community, they left the cemetery at about 11am on the same day. However, extensive damage had already been done to graves, tombstones and walls.

The local Muslim leaders have alleged that the nighttime bulldozer raid on the cemetery was carried out at the behest of a private company owned by U Khin Shwe that wants to use the land for commercial activities. Two of the company officials are former army officers, Captain Htun Htun Win and Colonel Ko Ko Kyi, and the Muslim community fears that they will use their influence to force the cemetery to relocate so that the land can be used commercially.

Previously, the community had been aware of plans to convert part of the site into parkland; however, it is now clear from this incident that it is a blatant attempt at land grabbing and profiteering off a religious compound.

I note that the cemetery was established over 150 years ago and that since 2002 no new burials have taken place at the site, in accordance with an administrative order. Since then it has been preserved as a heritage site.

The community has called upon the government, police and other groups and key individuals to support its right to stay on the land, and to afford it protection against unlawful intrusion onto the land and destruction of gravesites. I join these calls, noting that under article 362 of the 2008 Constitution of the Union of Myanmar, Islam is recognized as a religion of Myanmar, and that under article 364 "any act which is intended or is likely to promote feelings of hatred, enmity or discord between racial or religious communities or sects is contrary to this Constitution".

Furthermore, I call for a police investigation into this incident to establish who was responsible for the sending of the bulldozers into the glebe land in order that criminal charges are brought against them, so that a clear message is sent to businesses and influential persons in Myanmar that this sort of action will not be tolerated.

Yours sincerely,

----------------
PLEASE SEND YOUR LETTERS TO:

1. U Hla Min
Minister for Home Affairs
Ministry of Home Affairs
Office No. 10
Naypyitaw
MYANMAR
Tel: +95 67 412 079/ 549 393/ 549 663
Fax: +95 67 412 439

2. U Thein Sein
President of Myanmar
President Office
Office No.18
Naypyitaw
MYANMAR

3. U Tun Tun Oo
Chief Justice
Office of the Supreme Court
Office No. 24
Naypyitaw
MYANMAR
Tel: + 95 67 404 080/ 071/ 078/ 067 or + 95 1 372 145
Fax: + 95 67 404 059

4. Dr. Tun Shin
Attorney General
Office of the Attorney General
Office No. 25
Naypyitaw
MYANMAR
Tel: +95 67 404 088/ 090/ 092/ 094/ 097
Fax: +95 67 404 146/ 106

5. U Kyaw Kyaw Htun
Director General
Myanmar Police Force
Ministry of Home Affairs
Office No. 10
Naypyitaw
MYANMAR
Tel: +95 67 412 079/ 549 393/ 549 663
Fax: +951 549 663 / 549 208


Thank you.

Urgent Appeals Programme
Asian Human Rights Commission (AHRC) (ua@ahrc.asia)

Document Type :
Urgent Appeal Case
Document ID :
AHRC-UAC-135-2011
Countries :
Issues :
Document Actions
ခ်င္းမိုင္ (မဇၥ်ိမ) ။      ။ “ ျပည္သူ႔ေခါင္းေဆာင္ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္” ဟု ေခၚဆိုလိုက္ၿပီး တိုင္းရင္းသားလူမ်ဳိးမ်ား ဖက္ဒရယ္ေကာင္စီ UNFC က တိုင္းရင္းသား ေဒသမ်ားတြင္ အပစ္ခတ္ရပ္စဲၿပီး ပဋိပကၡမ်ားကို ေဆြးေႏြးျခင္းျဖင့္ အေျဖရွာပါရန္ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္၏ ပန္ၾကားခ်က္ကို ေထာက္ခံေၾကာင္း ေသာၾကာေန႔တြင္ ေျပာဆိုလိုက္သည္။

“ ယေန႔ျဖစ္ရွိေနေသာ လက္နက္ကိုင္ ပဋိပကၡကို ႏိုင္ငံေရးအရ ေတြ႔ဆံု ေဆြးေႏြး ေျဖရွင္းႏိုင္ေရး အတြက္
 ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္၏ အဆိုျပဳ ပန္ၾကားခ်က္ကို က်ေနာ္တို႔ တုိင္းရင္းသား လက္နက္ကိုင္ အင္အားစုမ်ားက သေဘာတူ ေထာက္ခံေၾကာင္း ျပန္ၾကားအပ္ပါသည္” ဟု တိုင္းရင္းသား လက္နက္ကိုင္ အဖြဲ႔အားလံုးနီးပါးျဖင့္ေပါင္းစည္းထားေသာ UNFC က ေၾကညာခ်က္ ထုတ္၍ တံု႔ျပန္လိုက္သည္။
ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္က ၾကားဝင္ ေစ့စပ္ေပးလိုေၾကာင္း ကမ္းလွမ္းလာသည့္ ဇူလုိင္ ၂၈ ရက္ေန႔ ေပးစာတြင္ သမၼတ ဦးသိန္းစိန္ႏွင့္ UNFC အဖြဲ႔ဝင္ ၄ ဖြဲ႔ကိုသာ လိပ္မူခဲ့ေသာ္လည္း UNFC အဖြ႔ဲ တခုလံုးအေနျဖင့္ ျပန္ၾကားျခင္းျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း ေဖာ္ျပထားသည္။

ထို႔အျပင္ တိုင္းရင္းသား အဖြဲ႔အစည္းမ်ား၏ အမ်ဳိးသားတန္းတူေရးႏွင့္ ျပည္နယ္အတြင္း ကိုယ္ပိုင္ျပ႒ာန္းခြင့္ အျပည့္အဝရွိေသာ စစ္မွန္သည့္ ဖက္ဒရယ္ ျပည္ေထာင္စု တည္ေဆာက္လိုျခင္းကို မီးေမာင္း ထိုးျပထားသည္။

“ ႏွစ္ေပါင္း ၆၀ ေက်ာ္ ျဖစ္ပြားခဲ့ေသာ တုိင္းရင္းသား ျပႆနာကို ႏိုင္ငံေရးအရ အေလးထား ေျဖရွင္းခဲ့ျခင္း မရွိဘဲ စစ္ေရးျဖင့္သာ ဖိအားေပး ေျဖရွင္းလာခဲ့သျဖင့္ က်ေနာ္တုိ႔ ႏိုင္ငံသည္ သယံဇာတ ေပါႂကြယ္ဝေနပါလ်က္ ဖြံ႔ၿဖိဳးမႈေနာက္က်ေနရၿပီး လူမ်ဳိးစံု ျပည္သူမ်ားသည္ ဆင္းရဲ ဒုကၡမ်ဳိးစံုႏွင့္ ရင္ဆုိင္ေနရသည္။ ျပည္သူတုိ႔သည္ လြတ္လပ္သည့္ ႏိုင္ငံသားဟု ဆုိေသာ္ျငားလည္း ဗမာ အပါအဝင္ တုိင္းရင္းသား လူမ်ဳိးအားလံုးတို႔မွာ လြတ္လပ္ေရး၏ အရသာကို မခံစားၾကရပါ” ဟု ေဖာ္ျပထားသည္။

“ျပည္တြင္းစစ္ေၾကာင့္ ႏိုင္ငံႏွင့္ ျပည္သူမ်ားအေပၚ ထိခိုက္ နစ္နာေစၿပီး၊ အင္အားသံုး ေျဖရွင္း၍ အက်ဳိးရွိမည္ မဟုတ္ေၾကာင္း ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ နည္းတူ ထပ္တူထပ္မွ် ႐ႈျမင္သည္” ဟု ပါရွိသည္။

UNFC ကို ၂ဝ၁၁ ခု၊ ေဖေဖာ္ဝါရီလ ၁၂-၁၆ ထိ က်င္းပေသာ တိုင္းရင္းသား လူမ်ဳိးမ်ားညီလာခံတြင္ ကခ်င္ျပည္ လြတ္လပ္ေရးအဖြဲ႔ KIO၊ ကရင္အမ်ဳိးသားအစည္းအ႐ံုး KNU၊ ကရင္နီအမ်ဳိးသား တိုးတက္ေရးပါတီ KNPP၊ ခ်င္းအမ်ဳိးသား တပ္ဦး CNF၊ မြန္ျပည္သစ္ပါတီ NMSP၊ ရွမ္းျပည္ တိုးတက္ေရးပါတီ SSPP၊ ပအိုဝ္းအမ်ဳိးသား လြတ္ေျမာက္ေရးအဖြဲ႔ခ်ဳပ္ PNLO၊ ပေလာင္ျပည္နယ္ လြတ္ေျမာက္ေရးတပ္ဦး PSLF၊ ရခိုင္ျပည္အမ်ဳိးသားေကာင္စီ ANC၊ လားဟူ ဒီမိုကရက္တစ္သမဂၢ LDU၊ ဝ’ အမ်ဳိးသားအဖြဲ႔ခ်ဳပ္ WNO ႏွင့္ ကခ်င္အမ်ဳိးသားအစည္းအ႐ံုး KNO တို႔ျဖင့္ အမ်ဳိးသား တန္းတူေရး၊ ျပည္နယ္အတြင္းကိုယ္ပိုင္ျပ႒ာန္းခြင့္အျပည့္အဝရွိေသာဖက္ဒရယ္ျပည္ေထာင္စုတည္ေဆာက္ေရးတို႔အတြက္ ဖြဲ႔စည္းခဲ့သည္ဟု ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ကို ရွင္းျပထားသည္။

လက္ရွိ ျပည္ေထာင္စု ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံ၏ ပိုင္နက္ နယ္ေျမမ်ားကို ဗမာအပါအဝင္ တိုင္းရင္းသား လူမ်ဳိးမ်ား၏ ဘိုးဘြားပိုင္ နယ္ေျမမ်ားျဖင့္ ဆက္စပ္ စုစည္းထားျခင္း ျဖစ္ၿပီး စုေပါင္း တိုက္ပြဲဝင္ခဲ့သျဖင့္ ကိုလိုနီကၽြန္ဘဝမွ လြတ္လပ္ေသာႏုိင္ငံ ျဖစ္လာရသည္ဟု UNFC ၏ အေျခခံ သေဘာထားကို တင္ျပထားသည္။
http://www.mizzimaburmese.com/news/inside-burma/8093-2011-08-05-12-15-18.html


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