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By Zin Linn 

On this 8 August, 2011, democracy-longing Burmese people around the globe will hold 23rd Anniversary of the 1988 People’s Democracy Revolution.  On the contrary, no remembrances will be allowed to mark the 8888 anniversary in Burma, and heavy police security will be seen in big cities especially in Rangoon (Yangon) around Shwedagon Pagoda to fend off any protests.

In September 1987, Burma’s then dictator General Ne Win made mismanagement with downgrading general economy by revoking certain currency notes abruptly. As a superstitious man, he wanted only 45 and 90 kyat notes in circulation. He made such foolish decision because they were divisible by nine, which he considered a lucky number for his destiny.

However, by cancelling those currency notes which people keep as their savings were done away with overnight. Protests in relation to the swelling economic catastrophe were started by students of Burma, particularly in Rangoon.

On 13 March 1988, students protesting in front pf the Rangoon Institute of Technology ran into the security police plus military personnel and a student leader Phone Maw, a fourth year engineering student, was shot dead. His death activated more and more mass protests, which draw ordinary citizens and Burma’s much revered monks together with the avant-garde students.

On 8 August 1988 – well-known as 8-8-88 Democracy Movement – hundreds of thousands of people took part in protests across the country, calling for democracy. During this time, dissenting newspapers were freely brought out, banners of fighting-peacock were flying everywhere, coordinated demonstrations were held and many democratic speakers were appeared in public meetings.

On 26 August, Aung San Suu Kyi, the daughter of independence icon Aung San who had come back to Burma to look after her ailing mother, made a speech at Shwedagon Pagoda where roughly half million supporters appeared and became the public figure of the 1988 democracy movement.

    Eventually, General Ne Win resigned as ruling socialist-party boss on 23 July. However, he made a last warning that “when the army shoots, it shoots in a straight line”. On 18 September, the military seized power supporting General Ne Win’s words.

Soldiers gunned down protesters using automatic rifle. They sprayed bullets into crowds of dissidenters. Hundreds of activists were taken away in army-trucks and most of them were never seen again. According to observers, analysts and Human rights watchers declare at least 3,000 citizens were killed.

After the 18 September coup d’état made by the then military Chief General Saw Maung, Aung San Suu Kyi led shaping the NLD, but she was put under house arrest in July 1989. Despite her detention, the NLD party won 1990 elections in a landslide, but it was never allowed to form a parliament. Since her initial arrest, she has been allowed only a few brief years of freedom.

Since that time on, thousands of political prisoners have been unilaterally thrown into jail under unfair laws and trials in the absence of their lawyers.  The military government’s penal code allows giving excessive sentences against political activists. For instance, article 5 (j) of the penal code allows authorities to impose 7 to 20 year prison terms on anyone who joined in peaceful protest or showing different opinion against the regime. Another article 505 provides an indefinite prison term for criticizing the authorities’ policies or behaviors.

Besides, the regime time and again prosecuted political prisoners under the Emergency Provision Act, Law to Safeguard the State against the Dangers of Those Desiring to Cause Subversive Acts, Television and Video Act, Unlawful Association Act, Electronic Transactions Law, and Law Relating to the Forming of Organizations. The worst is that the regime usually extended prison sentences under the Law Safeguarding the State from the Dangers of Subversive Elements.

According to international legal standard, all political prisoners have committed no crime at all. So, for the current President Thein Sein government, releasing of political prisoners should be the first and foremost of the political reform urgently requires today. Subsequently, the above mentioned undemocratic laws must be done away with as a necessity for change.

According to critics and watchdogs, the 7 November election, won by the military-backed political proxies, was flawed by widespread complaints of vote rigging and the exclusion of the party led by Aung San Suu Kyi, who was released from house arrest shortly after the polls.

    If Thein Sein government has ability and willingness to go along the political reform path, it must ensure the existence of the National League for Democracy which won landslide in 1990 and the essential role of its leader Aung San Suu Kyi.

    Moreover, the NLD has been founded based on the burning wishes of the people participated in 1988 democracy movement. Although the successive military-backed rulers try to eliminate the history of 1988 people’s democracy movement, their attempts are in vain. In the same way, they also do their utmost to abolish the NLD as the party is the symbol of the 1988 movement. But, it is also with little hope as yet.

    Therefore, President Thein Sein should have optimistic brains to allow political space for Suu Kyi. It is time for starting a dialogue with the Nobel laureate who is also one of the outstanding leaders of the 1988 uprising.

Thein Sein needn’t take a lot of time for real changes in the destitute country. He must also show goodwill by releasing political prisoners who are one way or another related to the fundamental causes of the 1988 people’s democracy revolution.

Without releasing political prisoners, without honoring the vital role of Suu Kyi and the NLD, Burma’s political crisis may not be addressed. According to many Burma observers, the country will not step into a democratic phase while sham civilian government has been keeping political prisoners in jail and heightening the wars on ethnic communities.

    If President Thein Sein government overlooked the reconciliation process via dialogue with Suu Kyi, Burma has to face next 8-8-88-liked civil strife again in the near future.

As we heard, the recent Australia-Malaysia controversial agreement which would send back 800 unwanted boat people to Malaysia from Australia. In return, Australia will resettle 4,000 Burmese refugees hosting in Malaysia.

Following to official agreement, cases of those 800 persons would be processed in Malaysia. But no question for their plights once Australia reluctant to process them in its own territory. Despite UN human rights commissioner criticized the deal violates international laws and Malaysia has no mechanism to protect their rights and dignity, UNHCR and its partner IOM are ready to corporate to explore their projects .


According to the Australian immigration minister repeated speeches and the agreement clause 1(2), those intake 4,000 refugees are mandated Burmese refugees who have been determined to be genuine refugees by UNHCR and awaiting to resettle in third countries. The clause 7(2) stated that Australia will arrange to resettle this 4,000 persons over four years at a rate of approximately 1,000 person per year.
It indirectly means non-Rohingya refugees. Therefore stateless Rohingya Burmese refugees who are defined as the world most oppressed group and repressed again in host country, would be unfortunately excluded from this quota. Because they have not been issued mandated refugee identities despite Rohingyans are the earliest Burmese refugee group in Malaysia and the first refugees of Burma as well. 
Rohingya refugees would be continuously miginalized by their actor. Historically, there is no queue in resettlement processing so how the Australian prime minister could persuade it while no queue-line is organized in its own Australian detentions.  So, the thesis which refer those 800 unwanted boat people to be to line-up is a bit doubt and would shock for them.
Because of Rohingya refugees were not issued mandated refugee identities by UNHCR, what they received documents are registration identities and having difference from the other refugees. Please see the differences between Rohingyan and non-Rohingyan refugee IDs.
 
(1)As seen, the sophisticated word the ‘Bin’ instead of s/o(son of), was installed in only IDs of Rohingyas from later 2002 by suggestion that Rohingyas are living in Malay-Muslim society and that would easy them. In the rear, it is spontaneously branding them to be seen as a link relation to terror group after the consequences of 9/11 posts. While the ‘Bin’ word is never found in IDs of non-Rohingyas.   
UNHCR ID issued for Rohingya Refugees in Malaysia
(2)At the back of Rohingyan ID, stating in Malay language that the person is a Myanmar Muslim and living temporarily in Malaysia until a time when he can return to with its status as a safe country of origin.
But stating for non-Rohingyan is that the person is a refugee by the UNHCR mandate from Myanmar and waiting to resettle in a third country.



UNHCR ID issued for non-Rohingya refugees






















As you see in the picture, the first time Rohingya received UNHCR letters in 1992 had not used the ‘bin’ word. t is clear how UNHCR played doubled standard role.


UNHCR letter issued for Rohingya refugees in 1992
The refugee agency has able to pave international solution for those refugees who are recognized by Burmese government and enable to return home. While those unrecognized and unable to return home refugees are let to be languished in limbo. It is also revealed that oppressed Rohingya refugees are variously exploited again by concern quarters while they are subjected to human rights abuses in host country. On the fact of concern quarter’s such plots, it is the part that the host country doesn’t willing to recognize their plights . 
That was why the first memorandum submission by area based Rohingya refugee representatives on 3 Dec 2008, demanded to issue mandated refugee identity and to remove the word- ‘bin’ from their identities. Since then, based on their demands a few hundreds Rohingya refugees have been renewed mandated refugee card.


(၂၃)နွစ္ျပည ့္၈၈၈၈အေရးေတာ္ပံုနွင့္ပတ္သက္၍ လြတ္လပ္ေသာရိုဟင္ဂ်ာလွဳပ္ရွားမွဳအဖြဲ႔ ၏သေဘာထား
 ထုတ္ျပန္ေၾကညာခ်က္။
                                                                                                            ေန႔စြဲ။  ၈-၈-၂၀၁၁

၁။ ယေန႔သည္ျမန္မာနိုင္ငံတ၀ွမ္းလံုးရွိရဟန္းရွင္လူ၊ေက်ာင္းသား၊ျပည္သူတရပ္လံုးမွစစ္အာဏာရွင္အစိုးရနွင့္ဆိုရွယ္လစ္လမ္းစဥ္တစ္ပါတီစနစ္အားျပတ္ျပတ္သားသားရွဳတ္ခ်ဆန္႔က်င္ခဲ့ေသာ(၈၈၈၈)အေရးေတာ္ပံုၾကီး၏(၂၃)နွစ္ေျမာက္သမိုင္း၀င္ ျပည္သူ႔ အေရးေတာ္ပံုေန႔ျဖစ္သည္။

၂။ ယေန႔တြင္(၈၈၈၈)အေရးေတာ္ပံုအတြင္း၌က်ဆံုးသြားေသာအာဇာနည္ရဲေဘာ္ညီအစ္ကိုေမာင္နွမမ်ား၊ႏိုင္ငံေရးအက်ဥ္းသားမ်ားအျဖစ္အက်ဥ္းေထာင္အသီးသီးတြင္က်ခံေနရေသာညီအစ္ကိုေမာင္နွမမ်ားနွင့္တကြဇြဲလုံ႔လျဖင့္ဆက္လက္တိုက္ပြဲ၀င္ေနၾကေသာရဲေဘာ္ညီအစ္ကိုေမာင္နွမမ်ားအားလွဳိက္လွဳိက္လဲလဲဂုဏ္ျပဳအပ္ပါသည္။

၃။ဒီမိုကေရစီအရည္ျခံဳရုပ္ေသးအစိုးရသည္တုိင္းျပည္အတြင္းရွွိျပည္သူလူထုတရပ္လံုးအေပၚတြင္ညွင္းပန္းနွိပ္စက္ဖိနိွပ္ခ်ဳပ္ခ်ယ္မွဳမ်ားဆက္လက္က်ဴးလြန္ေနသည္သာမကနိုင္ငံတကာအသိုင္းအ၀န္းအားလိမ္လည္လွည့္ျဖားေန၍တိုင္းျပည္၏သယံဇာတမ်ားကိုလည္းလက္၀ါးၾကီးအုပ္အျမတ္ထုတ္ကာ၊စစ္အုပ္စုတစုေကာင္းစားေရး၊၄င္းတို႔အာဏာအဓြန္႔ရွည္ေရးအတြက္ျပုလုပ္ေနၾကျခင္းသာျဖစ္သည္။

တုိင္းျပည္၏အေျခခံလိုအပ္ခ်က္မ်ားအားျဖည့္ဆည္းျခင္းမရွိနိုင္ငံေရးအက်ဥ္းသား(၂၀၀၀)ေက်ာ္ဆက္လက္
ဖမ္းဆီးထားျခင္း၊နိုင္ငံေရးလွဳပ္ရွားေနၾကသည့္ဒီမိုကေရစီအင္အားစုမ်ားအားဖမ္းဆီးနွိပ္စက္သတ္ျဖတ္အက်ဥ္းခ်ေနျခင္း၊ဒီမိုကေရစီက်င့္စဥ္ျဖစ္သည့္လြတ္လပ္စြာေျပာဆိုခြင့္၊လြတ္လပ္စြာေရးသားပိုင္ခြင့္၊လြတ္လပ္စြာစည္းရံုးပိုင္ခြင့္၊လြတ္လပ္စြာအသင္းပင္းဖြဲ႔စည္းတည္ေထာင္ပိုင္ခြင့္မ်ားကိုပိတ္ပင္ျခင္း၊လယ္ယာေျမမ်ားကိုမတရားသိမ္းပိုက္ျခင္း၊ေက်းရြာမ်ားအတင္းအဓမၼေျပာင္းေရြ႔ခိုင္းျခင္း၊တိုင္းရင္းသားမ်ားကိုထိုးစစ္ဆင္ျခင္း၊စစ္ေျမျပင္တြင္လူသားမ်ားကိုအတင္းအဓမၼခိုင္းေစ
ျခင္း၊ခေလးစစ္သားမ်ားစုေဆာင္းျခင္း၊စစ္ေျမျပင္တြင္အမ်ဳိးသမီးမ်ားကိုအဓမၼျပဳက်င့္ျခင္း၊နယ္ျခားေဒသမ်ားရွိတိုင္းရင္းသားမ်ားအားဘာသာေရးအရခြဲျခားဆက္ဆံျခင္းနွင့္လူ႔အခြင္႔အေရးမ်ားခ်ဳိးေဖါက္ေနျခင္းမ်ားဆက္လက္ျပဳလုပ္ေနပါသည္။




သို႔ျဖစ္ပါ၍-

(၂၃) နွစ္ျပည့္ ၈၈၈၈ အေရးေတာ္ပံုၾကီး ဂုဏ္ျပဳေၾကညာစာတမ္း။

(၁) စစ္မွန္ေသာဒီမုိကေရစီရရွိေရး………………………….ဒို႔အေရး……..ဒို႔အေရး။
(၂) နိူင္ငံေရးအက်ဥ္းသားမ်ားလြတ္ေျမာက္ေရး………….ဒို႔အေရး……..ဒို႔အေရး။
(၃) လူ႔အခြင္႔္ခ်ဳိးေဖါက္မွဳမ်ားအားရပ္တန္႔ေရး……………. ဒို႔အေရး……..ဒို႔အေရး။
(၄) အမ်ဳိးသားျပန္လည္သင္႔ျမတ္ေရး……………………… ဒို႔အေရး……..ဒို႔အေရး။
(၅) ေက်ာင္းသားသမဂၢတရား၀င္ဖြဲ႔စည္းတည္ေထာင္ေရး.ဒို႔အေရး……..ဒို႔အေရး။

၄။စစ္မွန္ေသာဒီမိုကေရစီေတာ္လွန္ေရးအားမိမိတို႔က႑အသီးသီးမွမေလွ်ာ့ေသာဇြဲျဖင့္အရည္ၿခဳံစစ္အစုိးရဆက္လက္တုိက္ပြဲ၀င္သြားရန္ဤ၂၃ႏွစ္ေျမာက္ရွစ္ေလးလုံးအေရးေတာ္ပုံႀကီးေန႔တြင္ျမန္မာျပည္သူလူထုမ်ားအားလုံးသုိ႔လႈံ႕ေဆာ္လုိက္ပါသည္။


လြတ္လပ္ေသာရိုဟင္ဂ်ာလွဳပ္ရွားမွဳအဖြဲ႔၊
The Yomiuri Shimbun/Asia News Network


CHIBA--Language barriers and unfamiliar work in a much different environment are making life in Japan very stressful for ethnic Karen refugees from Myanmar who were transferred from a refugee camp in Thailand to Japan last autumn.
These refugees have been accepted on a third-country resettlement program sponsored by the central government on a test basis. Among them, a husband and wife undergoing work training at a farm in Yachimata, Chiba Prefecture, said they doubt coming to Japan was the right decision.
Providing the refugees with support from public and private sectors is expected to promote the program.
The couple was among five families of 27 Karen who lived in a refugee camp in Mera, northwestern Thailand, and the first batch of refugees who came to Japan on the program.
They took a six-month language training program and then moved to Yachimata, or Suzuka, Mie Prefecture, in March, which are their designated settlement places.
Two men and their wives who work at a farm in Yachimata had been absent from work for a month from July 2 and just returned to work Monday. One of the men, 37, had been a rice and corn farmer in Myanmar while the other man, 46, was a carpenter.
After living in the refugee camp for about a decade, they are now assigned to do farmwork from early morning to evening using a mechanical cultivator.
They complained that they could not bear the work conditions with only one day off each week. They agreed to return to work after the conditions were improved by increasing the number of days off from one to two each week and also reducing work hours.
The 37-year-old man's four children, who go to primary or middle schools, said they could not keep up with their classes. Although they are given extra tutoring after school, the children struggle.
His 29-year-old wife sometimes shouts at a mountain behind their house to get rid of the enormous mental stress caused by raising children while doing farmwork.
The farm's 68-year-old operator, who accepted the two families, criticized the central government for leaving these refugees who speak such poor Japanese at the farm.
The operator also stated that the six-month training program is too short to acquire agricultural know-how in machinery operation and developing marketing channels.
Providing support to these refugees is necessary to help them live independently. However, as the Foreign Ministry has not made information about the refugees public, citing safety, the private sector has yet to offer assistance to them.
Under the third-country settlement program, third countries accept refugees who would be persecuted in their home countries and cannot settle in countries they have fled to.
The government decided in December 2008 to introduce the program, believing that the process is smoother than that of accepting refugees based on the international convention on the status of refugees, under which Japan has accepted 577 refugees through last year.
As part of the test program, the government will accept about 30 refugees from the Mera camp each year until 2012.

Link:   :http://www.asiaone.com/News/Latest+News/Asia/Story/A1Story20110806-293052.html
မြတ္ဆလင္မေလးကို ၾကာကူလီ ရိုက္ေနသျဖင့့္ ဟိုေလး တေက်ာ္ ျဖစ္ေနေသာ ေမာင္ေတာျမိဳ႕နယ္ အေထြေထြ အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ေရးမွဴးကို ယခုအခါ အထက္ အာဏာပိုင္မ်ားက ခံုရံုးဖြဲ႕ကာစစ္ေဆးေန ေၾကာင္း သတင္း ရရွိသည္။
ယခုကဲ့သုိ႕ စစ္ေဆးေနေၾကာင္းကုိ ခရိုင္ အေထြေထြ အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ေရးမွဴးရံုးမွ အမည္ မေဖၚလိုသူ စာေရး ၀န္ထမ္း တစ္ဦးက ယခုကဲ့သို႕ ေျပာသည္။
" ဒီသတင္းက ျပည္ပ မီဒီယာမွာ တက္လာတယ္လို႕ ေျပာပါတယ္။ ဒါေၾကာင့္ အခု ေမာင္ေတာျမိဳ႕နယ္ အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ေရး မွဴး ဦးေအာင္ေက်ာ္ဦးကို အထက္ ခံုရံုးဖြဲ႕ျပီး စစ္ေဆးေနပါတယ္။ လြန္ခဲ့တဲ့ ဗုဒၶဟူးေန႕ကေန စစ္ေဆးေနတာ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။"

စစ္ေဆးေရး ခံုရံုး အဖြဲ႕တြင္ ေမာင္ေတာ ခရိုင္ ဥကၠဌမွ အဖြဲ႕ေခါင္းေဆာင္ ျဖစ္ျပီး အဖြဲ႕၀င္မ်ားမွာရေသ့ေတာင္ ႏွင့္ ဘူးသီးေတာင္ျမိဳ႕နယ္ အေထြေထြ အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ေရးမွဴးမ်ား ျဖစ္ၾကသည္။

" ဦးေအာင္ေက်ာ္ဦးကိုေတာ့ ဗုဒၶဟူးေန႕ ေန႕လည္မွာ ခရိုင္ရံုးမွာ စတင္ စစ္ေဆးပါတယ္။ သူနဲ႕ ပတ္သက္ေနတဲ့ မြတ္ဆလင္မေလး မဆာမီရာ (ေခၚ) မစႏၵာ၀င္းကုိေတာ့ အဲဒီေန႕ ညေနပိုင္းမွာ ေခၚစစ္ပါတယ္။တျခားသူေတြ ကိုလည္း ေခၚ စစ္ပါတယ္" ဟု သူက ဆက္ေျပာသည္။

စစ္ေဆးခံရရာတြင္ မဆာမီရာ၏ ဖခင္ ဦးမုိဟာမတ္ခ်ာလည္း ပါ၀င္ေၾကာင္း သိရသည္။

ေမာင္ေတာျမိဳ႕နယ္ အေထြေထြ အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ေရးမွဴး ဦးေအာင္ေက်ာ္ဦးသည္ ေဒသခံ မြတ္ဆလင္ အမ်ဳိးသမီးငယ္ တစ္ဦးႏွင့္ တရားမ၀င္ ေပါင္းသင္း ေနထိုင္ေနမႈ အေပၚ ေဒသခံ မြတ္ဆလင္မ်ား အၾကား မေက်နပ္ျဖစ္ေန ေၾကာင္း သတင္းမ်ား က်ယ္က်ယ္ျပန္႕ျပန္႕ ထြက္ေပၚလာျပီးေနာက္ ယခုကဲ့သို႕ စစ္ေဆးခံရျခင္း ျဖစ္သည္။

တျခား ၀န္ထမ္း တစ္ဦးကလည္း အထက္မွ စစ္ေဆးေနျခင္း အေပၚ ယခုကဲ့သို႕ ေျပာသည္။

" လူအေတာ္မ်ားမ်ားကေတာ့ ဒီျပႆနာကို သိေနၾကတယ္။ ဒါေပမယ့္ အခု လာစစ္တဲ့ ပုဂၢိဳလ္ေတြက ဦးေအာင္ေက်ာ္ဦးရဲ႕ မိတ္ေဆြေတြ ျဖစ္ၾကေတာ့ လူတိုင္းက အမွန္အတိုင္း မထြက္ဆိုရဲဘဲ ျဖစ္ေနၾကပါတယ္။ ဒါေပမယ့္ ကာယကံရွင္ေတြက ဘယ္လို ထြက္ဆိုၾကတယ္ ဆိုတာ မသိရတဲ့ အတြက္ အမူက ဘယ္လိုျဖစ္လာ မယ္ဆိုတာ မေျပာႏိုင္ပါ" ဟုသူက ေျပာသည္။

မစႏၵာ၀င္းတို႕ မိသားစုမွာ ယခင္က ေမာင္ေတာ အနီးရွိ ဗုိလ္မွဴးရြာမွ ျဖစ္ျပီး အဆိုပါ ျပႆနာေၾကာင့္ ေဒသခံ မြတ္ဆလင္မ်ား တိုက္ခိုက္မည္ဟု ျခိမ္းေျခာက္ခံရ၍ ေမာင္ေတာ ေတာင္ပိုင္း အလယ္သံေက်ာ္ ေက်းရြာသို႔ ေျပာင္းေရႊ႕ေနထိုင္ေနေၾကာင္း သိရသည္။

ထိုသို႕ ေျပာင္းေရႊ႕သြားေသာ္လည္း ၿမိဳ႕နယ္အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ေရးမွဴး ဦးေအာင္ေက်ာ္ဦးမွာ မၾကာခဏ လာေရာက္လည္ ပတ္ျပီး အဆိုပါ အမ်ိဳးသမီးငယ္ကို အျပင္သို႕ပါ ေခၚယူသြားေလ့ ရွိသျဖင့္ ေဒသခံမ်ားအၾကား မေက်နပ္မူမ်ား တိုးပြားေနေၾကာင္း သိရသည္။

Link:    :http://burmese.bnionline.net/news/narinjara/7901-2011-08-06-12-47-01.html
မေလးရွားႏွင့္ၾသစေၾတးလ်ႏွစ္နိုင္ငံအာဏာပိုင္တို႕၏ ဒုကၡသည္ဖလွယ္ေရး အစီအစဥ္အရ ျမန္မာ နိုင္ငံသား (၄၀၀၀)ခန့္ကို ၾသစေၾတးလ်နိုင္ငံကေန ျပန္လည္လက္ခံဘြယ္ရာ ရွိသည္ဟု မေလးရွားနိုင္ငံ ဒုကၡသည္မ်ားဆိုင္ရာေကာ္မီတီတာ၀န္ရွိသူေတြက ေျပာပါသည္။

ႏွစ္နိုင္ငံဒုကၡသည္လဲလွယ္ေရးအစီအစဥ္အရ ၾသစေၾတးလ်ကိုျပန္ပို႕မည့္ဒုကၡသည္မ်ားထဲတြင္ ကခ်င္ ႏွင့္ခ်င္းလူမ်ိဳးအမ်ားအျပားပါ၀င္ေနသည္ဟု ခ်င္းဒုကၡသည္မ်ားဆိုင္ရာမဟာမိတ္ေကာ္မီတီတာ၀န္ရွိသူ တစ္ဦးမွ ယခုလိုေျပာပါသည္။

သူတို႕ လက္မွတ္ေရးထိုးျပီးျပီး။ အခုလုပ္မဲ့အလဲအလွယ္လုပ္မယ္ အစီအစဥ္ထဲမွာ အမ်ားအားျဖင့္ ေတာ့ကခ်င္နဲ႕ခ်င္းနဲ႕ဘဲပိုမ်ားမယ္။ က်န္တဲ့သူေတြကတစ္ေယာက္စႏွစ္ေယာက္စေတာ့ပါတယ္။ အဲဒီ ၾသစေၾတးလ်ကို အရင္ကတည္းကစာရင္းတင္ထားတဲ့လူကိုဘဲသူတို႕ကေခၚမွာ။ အဲတာအခု(၅၀၀၀) ေက်ာ္ေတာင္ရွိတယ္။ စာရင္းေရာက္ျပီးသားလူ(၅၀၀၀)ေက်ာ္တယ္။ သူတို႕ကေန (၄၀၀၀)ဘဲေခၚမယ္ဆိုေတာ့ (၄၀၀၀)ေလာက္ဘဲသြားျဖစ္မယ္ထင္တယ္။

ဒုကၡသည္ဖလွယ္ေရး အစီအစဥ္အရ ၾသစေၾတးလ်မွာရွိေနသည့္ ႏုိင္ငံေရးခုိလံႈခြင့္ေတာင္းခံသူ (၈ဝဝ) ကုိ မေလးရွားကိုပို႕မွာျဖစ္သလို မေလးရွားတြင္ရွိသည့္ ျမန္မာဒုကၡသည္အမ်ားစုပါဝင္သည့္ ဒုကၡသည္အစစ္ အမွန္မ်ားကုိ ၾသစေၾတးလ်ကေနျပန္လက္ခံရန္ ႏွစ္နိုင္ငံအစိုးရတို႕သေဘာတူလက္မွတ္ေရးထိုးခဲ့ျပီးျဖစ္သည္။ ႏွစ္နိုင္ငံ ဒုကၡသည္လဲလွယ္ေရးအစီအစဥ္ကို မေလးရွားကသတင္းမီဒီယာကေန ေ၀ဖန္မွဳရွိေနသည္ဟု ခ်င္းဒုကၡသည္ မ်ားဆိုင္ရာ မဟာမိတ္ေကာ္မီတီ တာ၀န္ရွိသူတစ္ဦးကေျပာပါသည္။


ၾသစေၾတးလ်ားအစိုးရကေနဖမ္းဆည္းထားေသာမေလးရွားဒုကၡသည္မ်ားကို ၾသစေၾတးလ်ားေရတပ္ စခမ္းတြင္ထိမ္းသိမ္းထားသည္ဟု အဆိုပါဒုကၡသည္ေကာ္မီတီတာ၀န္ရွိသူမွေျပာသည္။

(၂၀၁၀)ခုႏွစ္ထဲမွာ ၾသစေၾတးလ်ႏုိင္ငံထဲသို႕ လူစုစုေပါင္းေျခာက္ေထာင္ေက်ာ္ တရားမ၀င္ေရေၾကာင္း လမ္းနဲ႕ခိုး၀င္လာခဲ့သလို (၂၀၁၁)ခုႏွစ္တြင္ ေလွစီးဒုကၡသည္ေပါင္းတစ္ေထာင္ခန္႕ေရာက္ရွိေနျပီးဟု ၾသစေၾတး လ်ႏုိင္ငံလူဝင္မႈ ႀကီးၾကပ္ေရးဌာနမွထုတ္ျပန္ထားသည္။

ယခုလိုဒုကၡသည္ဖလွယ္ေရးအစီအစဥ္အရျဖစ္လာလ်ွင္ ျမန္မာနို္င္ငံသားဒုကၡသည္(၄၀၀၀)ေလာက္ကို ၾသစေၾတးလ်နိုင္ငံကေနလက္ခံသြားရမည္ျဖစ္သည္။ မေလးရွားနိုင္ငံထဲတြင္ ျမန္မာဒုကၡသည္ေပါင္း (၈) ေသာင္း ေက်ာ္ရွိေနသည္ဟုခ်င္းဒုကၡသည္မ်ားဆိုင္ရာမဟာမိတ္ေကာ္မီတီ တာ၀န္ရွိသူတစ္ဦးမွေျပာသည္။ အဆိုပါဒုကၡသည္မ်ားကို UNHCRေခၚဒုကၡသည္မ်ားဆိုင္ရာမဟာမင္းၾကီးရံုးမွကူညီေစာင့္ေရွာက္မွဳေပးထား ပါသည္။

ကိုသိုက္ သတင္း - ေ႐ႊဟသၤာ သတင္းဌာန
အစၥလာမ္ သာသနာ့ဝတၱက ေျမအျဖစ္ သတ္မွတ္ထားျခင္းခံရတဲ့ ႏွစ္ေပါင္း ၁၅ဝ သက္တမ္းရွိ မြတ္စလင္္သခၤ်ဳိင္းေဟာင္းကုိ ညအခ်ိန္မေတာ္မွာ ဘူဒုိဇာနဲ႔ တူးေဖာ္ဖ်က္ဆီးမႈနဲ႔ ပတ္သက္ၿပီး သခၤ်ဳိင္းေျမ ေဂါပကအဖြဲ႔က ေဒသခံ အစၥလာမ္ ဘာသာဝင္ ၈ ေထာင္ေက်ာ္ရဲ႕ လက္မွတ္ေတြနဲ႔အတူ ဦးသိ္န္းစိန္ထံ တုိင္ၾကားလုိက္တယ္လုိ႔ သိရွိရပါတယ္။
အဲ့ဒီေနရာကို ျမန္မာ့ေျမ ဖြံ႔ၿဖိဳးတုိးတက္ေရး ကုမၸဏီက ဗုိလ္ႀကီးေဟာင္း ဦးထြန္းထြန္းဝင္းနဲ႔ ဗုိလ္မွဴးႀကီးေဟာင္း ဦးကုိကုိႀကီးတုိ႔က ဦးေဆာင္ၿပီး ဇူလုိင္လ ၂၅ ရက္ ည သန္းေကာင္ေက်ာ္မွာ အုတ္တံတုိင္းနဲ႔ ေျမပုံေတြ ကုိ ဘူဒုိဇာကားႀကီး သုံးစီးနဲ႔ ၿဖိဳခ်ဖ်က္ဆီးခဲ့တဲ့ သတင္းကို RFA က ထုတ္လႊင့္ခဲ့ၿပီး ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။

အခု သမၼတထံ တိုင္ၾကားလိုက္တဲ့ ကိစၥနဲ႔ပတ္သက္ၿပီး ေဂါပကအဖြဲ႔နဲ႔ နီးစပ္သူ ေဒသခံတဦးက အခုလုိ ေျပာျပပါတယ္။

“အစၥလာမ္လူထုရဲ႕ လက္မွတ္ ၈ ေထာင္ေက်ာ္နဲ႔ သမၼတဦးသိန္းစိန္ရဲ႕ အၾကံေပး လက္ဝယ္ကို ၂၉ ရက္ေန႔က ေပးခဲ့ပါတယ္။ အဲဒီ ကုမၸဏီကုိ တရားစြဲဖို႔လည္း စီစဥ္ထားပါတယ္။ စီစဥ္ထားတာကုိ ဥပေဒအၾကံေပး က ခ်မေပးေသးပါဘူး။ ကာထားတဲ့ ဝင္းထရံအုတ္တံတုိင္းတခု ပ်က္စီးသြားၿပီး သခၤ်ဳိင္းက သံုးပံုႏွစ္ပံုေလာက္ ပ်က္စီးသြားပါတယ္”

မိတၳိလာၿမိဳ႕ ကြင္းအမွတ္ (၇၂၇၄)၊ ဦးပုိ္င္အမွတ္ ၁၉၅/ ၁၉၇၄-၁၉၇၅၊ ေျမကြက္ အမွတ္ ၁၉၄ ကေန ၁၉၇ ဟာ ဧရိယာ အက်ယ္ ၈.၂၉ ဧက ရွိၿပီး ဝတၱကေျမအျဖစ္ သတ္မွတ္ခံထားရတဲ့ေျမ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ၂ဝဝ၂ ခုႏွစ္ ကတည္းက မယက အမိန္႔အရ သူေသမ်ား ျမွဳပ္ႏွံျခင္း မျပဳေတာ့ေပမယ့္ အပတ္စဥ္၊ လစဥ္ အစၥလာမ္က်င့္စဥ္နဲ႔ အညီ တရားဘာဝနာ စီးျဖန္းတာ၊ ဝတ္ျပဳဆုေတာင္းတာေတြ ဆက္လက္ ျပဳလုပ္ေနတဲ့ ေနရာျဖစ္တယ္လို႔ သိရပါတယ္။
Link:  :http://www.rfa.org/burmese/news/islam-sacred-ground-07312011100520.html
Teknaf, Bangladesh: Thirteen Arakanese Rohingya were arrested by the BGB (Bangladesh Border Guard) at the Nila border yesterday while attempting to cross the border illegally into Bangladesh. Later, they were pushed back to Burma, said a source from Nila close to BGB.
Arrested and push backed Rohingya in the border area, Nilla
The group was arrested at about 1:50 pm yesterday while trying to climb to the bank of the Bangladesh side after crossing the Naf River with a rowboat near Nila Village in Teknaf. A group of BGB from Nila, led by BGB officer Nurul Amin, saw the boat with the Arakanese Rohingya and went to the spot to arrest the 13 Rohingya including women and children.

It has not been confirmed why the group crossed the Burma-Bangladesh border, but some said that they want to seek work in Bangladesh as they did not have jobs in Burma. Most Arakanese Rohingya are jobless in their own country. Some come to take medical treatment, while others come to visit their relatives in the refugee camps.

After the arrest, the arrestees were not handed over to the police. Instead, the BGB personnel pushed back all of them to Burma at about 3:30 pm at the same point, said a local from Zaila Para of Nila.

The arrestees were identified as Abul Hasim (28), son of Abu Taher, Nurul Islam (38), son of Beku Meah, Zakir Ahmed (50), Mohamed Hashim (20), son of Rohim Ali, Mohamed Alam (20), son of Zahir Ahmed, Abul Alam (18), son of Mohamed Ali, Mohamed Rashid (26), son of Hasu Meah, Zafar Alam (30), son of Mohamed Alam, Mohamed Sultan (50), son of Abdu Shukur, Mohamed Feroz Ahmed (18), son of Zakir Ahmed, Ms. Prami (15), daughter of Fokir Mohamed, Ms. Nur Bahar (30), and her daughter Nur Sina (7-months old).

One of the BGB officers from Nila BOP said that the operation was launched by BGB personnel of Battalion 42 of Teknaf.

Recently, a former Deputy Commissioner (DC) Ziauddin Choudhury, who now works for an international organization in USA, gave some possible remarks to solve the issue of the Arakanese Rohingya refugees.

“We have to stop this unending Rohingya migration in our eastern border. Refugees should be registered in squatter camps and villages, with the help of local people. We need also to keep on engaging in continuous dialogue with the Burmese authorities to prevent recurrence of happenings that force the Rohingyas to emigrate.”

“Rohingyas have been crossing Bangladesh-Burma border (from Cox’s Bazar to Teknaf) citing the complaints of forced labor, land confiscation, religious intolerance, rape and other forms of persecution by the Burmese military regime.”

“They refuse to go back expressing apprehension of persecution in the land they left behind. Therefore, we cannot forcibly repatriate any refugee to a land where they apprehended persecution of any kind.”

“How do we deal with this problem? We can neither absorb this surplus population in our crowded land, nor can we get rid of them. “

Link:   : http://www.kaladanpress.org/v3/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=3279:thirteen-rohingya-arrested-and-pushed-back-to-burma&catid=139:august-2011&Itemid=2





နအဖေဒါက္တုိင္
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နအဖကုိ အာဏာ သက္ဆုိးရွည္ေအာင္ ေထာက္ပ့ံေနတဲ့ေဒါက္တုိင္ ၃ မ်ဳိး ရွိပါတယ္။
၁။ စစ္သားဦးေရ ၂ သိန္းေက်ာ္(ခန္႔မွန္း)ရွိတဲ့ စစ္တပ္ႀကီး

၂။ ႀကံ.ဖြင့္ ၊ စြမ္းအားရွင္ (သန္းဂဏန္း)

၃။ နအဖစားဖားမ်ား ( ၄င္းတုိ႔ အေခၚ စည္းပြားေရး လုပ္ငန္းရွင္ႀကီးမ်ား )

ပထမအဖြဲ႔က လူထုဆန္႔က်င္ ဆႏၵၿပပြဲေတြမွာ အေသၿပစ္သတ္ခုိင္းရင္ ၿပစ္မဲ့ အဖြဲ႔ပါ။
ဒုတိယအဖြဲ.က နအဖ အာဏာၿမဲေရး အတြက္ မဲလိမ္ မဲခုိးေပးမဲ႔အဖြဲ.
တတိယ အဖြဲ.ကေတာ့ နအဖ စစ္ေခါင္းေဆာင္ ေတြ စည္းစိမ္အာဏာ မွာ ရစ္မူးေနေအာင္ ေငြေႀကးရွာေဖြေပးေနသူမ်ား။

ေဇာ္ေဇာ္ က တတိယအဖြဲ.ထဲမွာပါတဲ့ နအဖ ေဒါက္တုိင္ ၿမန္မာနုိင္ငံ စစ္သက္ဆုိးရွည္ေအာင္ ေထာက္ပံ့ေနသူ။



အမွားေတြႀကာေတာ့ အမွန္ေတြၿဖစ္


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ေဇာ္ေဇာ္ ဟာ စစ္ဗုိလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေတြနဲ႔ ေပါင္းၿပီး စည္းပြားတက္လာသူ တနည္း စစ္ဗုိလ္ခ်ဳပ္မ်ားနဲ႔ အၿပန္အလွန္ စီးပြါးေရး အေထာက္အပံ့ေပးေနသူ သူ႔ရဲ့ ခ်မ္းသာမႈကုိ မီလ်ံ အဆင့္ထိ ခန္႔မွန္းႀကပါတယ္။

ဒီေနရာမွာ သူဟာ တၿခား စီးပြါးေရး သမားေတြထက္ ပါးနပ္တဲ့ အခ်က္က ၿပည္သူေထာက္ခံမႈရေအာင္ ႀကဳိးစားယူပါတယ္။

ၿပည္သူ အသဲစြဲ ေဘာလုံးေလာကမွာ ရင္းႏွီးၿမဳပ္ႏွံမႈေတြလုပ္ပါတယ္။ ဖီဖာ ဥကၠဌကုိေတာင္ ၿမန္မာနုိင္ငံ ေရာက္ေအာင္ ေခၚနုိင္ခဲ့တယ္။

ေငြကုိေကာင္းေကာင္းသုံးခဲ့တယ္။ ၿပည္ပေဘာလုံးသမားေတြ ဌားရမ္းပီး ေဘာလုံးေလာက တုိးတက္ေရးဆုိၿပီး လုပ္ကုိင္ခဲ့တယ္။

သူသုံးစြဲခဲ့တဲ့ ေငြဘယ္ေလာက္မ်ားမလဲ ေဒၚလာ ၂ သန္းဟု ခန္႔မွန္းမည္ဆုိလွ်င္ သူပုိင္ေငြရဲ့ မေၿပာပေလာက္တဲ့ ရာခုိင္ႏႈံးသာ ရွိပါမယ္။ေဘာလုံး ေလာကကုိ အေႀကာင္းၿပၿပီး နုိင္ငံႀကီး တုိးတက္ေနသေယာင္ နအဖရဲ့ ဟန္ၿပေတြကုိ ပူးေပါင္းဖန္တီးေနသူၿဖစ္ပါတယ္။


နအဖကုိလည္းဖား ၿပည္သူကုိလည္း လွည့္စားေနၿခင္းမွ်သာ။ ဒီလုိလုပ္လုိ႔လည္း တဖက္လွည့္ ၿပန္ရခဲ့တဲ့ အက်ဳိးအၿမတ္ ပေရာဂ်က္က သူကုန္က် ေငြထက္ မ်ားဖုိ႔ပဲရွိပါတယ္။

ဒီေငြေတြ အားလုံးဟာ ၿပည္သူေတြရဲ့ အသက္ေတြ အေသြးေတြ ၊ သူ႔ရဲ့ မတရားမႈကရတဲ့ ခ်မ္းသာမႈဟာ ၿပည္သူ႔ဘ႑ာ လုယူခုိးစားေနမႈမ်ားသာလွ်င္ၿဖစ္ပါတယ္။ သူရဲ့ တကြက္ေကာင္း အမ်ားအၿမင္လွေအာင္ နအဖကုိ ဖားတဲ့ လုပ္ရပ္ဆုိတာကုိ လူေတြ ထည့္မတြက္မိႀကဘူး။ ဒီလုိနဲ႔ ၿပည္သူေတြမွာ သူတုိ႔ရဲ့ လုပ္ရပ္ေတြအေပၚမွာ ထင္ေယာင္ထင္မွားနဲ႔ မွန္သလုိထင္လာၿပီး စစ္အစုိးရကုိ မသိစိတ္က အလုိလုိ ေထာက္ခံေနေအာင္ ဖန္တီးထားတဲ့ လုပ္ကြက္သက္သက္ပါ။ ကြ်န္ေတာ္တုိ႔ ဘက္က ၿမင္ေအာင္ႀကည့္နုိင္ဖုိ႔ လုိပါတယ္။ ဒီလူေတြဟာ အမ်ဳိးမ်ဳိး လွည့္စားၿပီး အာဏာကုိဆုပ္ကုိင္ထားဖုိ႔ ႀကံစည္ေနသူမ်ားသာ။

ငါမရွိလဲၿဖစ္တယ္

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ဒီေနရာမွာ လူေတြရဲ့ အရုိးစြဲေနတဲ့ အေတြးအေခၚေဟာင္းတခုကုိ ေဆြးေႏြးလုိပါတယ္။ တခ်ဳိ.သူေတြဟာ ဒီအဖြဲ.မွာငါရွိမွ ၿဖစ္မွာ။ သူရွိမွ ၿဖစ္မွာ ဆုိတဲ့ အေတြးအေခၚေတြဟာ ေတာ္ေတာ္ကုိ ဒုကၡၿဖစ္ေစပါတယ္။ ခုိင္မာတဲ့ လူ႔အဖြဲ.အစည္းတရပ္ သုိ႔မဟုတ္ အမ်ားလက္ခံနုိင္ေသာ စည္းစံနစ္ေတြရွိေနတဲ့ လူ႔အဖြဲ.အစည္းမွာ "သူ", "ငါ" ဆုိတာေတြ မလုိေတာ့ပါဘူး။ ဥပမာ ယေန႔ အေမရိကန္သည္ အုိဘားမား ေႀကာင့္မဟုတ္ အုိဘားမား ဆုိသူ သမၼတ မၿဖစ္လည္း အေမရိကန္ကေတာ့ ဆက္လက္ခ်ီတက္ေနမွာပါ။

အေမရိကန္ အတြက္ သူ ရွိမွ ငါ ရွိမွ ဆုိတဲ့ အေတြးအေခၚ မလုိပါဘူး။ အုိဘားမား မရွိလည္း အေမရိကန္ကုိ အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္နုိင္ေသာ သမၼတေတြ အမ်ားႀကီးရွိေနပါေသးတယ္။

ကြ်န္ေတာ္ ေဆြးေႏြးလုိတာက ယေန႔ ေဘာလုံးေလာက တုိးတက္ေနတာဟာ ေဇာ္ေဇာ္ေႀကာင့္ ၊ သူဖန္တီးခဲ့လုိ႔ ။ ကြ်န္ေတာ္ လက္မခံပါ။ ဒါေပမဲ့ နုိင္ငံေတာ္ အစုိးရတရပ္အေနနဲ႔ နုိင္ငံရဲ့ ေဘာလုံးေလာကကုိ တုိးတက္ေစခ်င္ရင္ တုိးတက္ဖုိ႔ ေစတနာအမွန္ရွိရင္ ေဇာ္ေဇာ္ဆုိတာမလုိေတာ့ပါဘူး။ သူ႔ေနရာမွာ အၿခားသူ႔လုိ လုပ္နုိင္သူေတြ ရွိမွာပါ။ အၿခားတဖက္ကေတြးရင္လည္း စည္းပြားေရးသမားတေယာက္က ေဘာလုံးေလာကကုိ ေငြစုိက္ၿပီး တုိးတက္ေအာင္ လုပ္ေနတယ္။ ဘာေႀကာင့္ပါလည္း။ သူ႔အတြက္ အက်ဳိးအၿမတ္ ၿပန္မရနုိင္ေသာ ေနရာ၌ ေငြေႀကးအေၿမာက္အမ်ား သုံးစြဲလွ်က္ရွိေနတယ္။ ဘာေႀကာင့္လည္း။ ေမးစရာေတြ ၿဖစ္လာပါၿပီ။

ကြ်န္ေတာ့ အၿမင္ကေတာ့ အၿခားတဖက္လွည့္ နအဖကုိ ပေရာ့ဂ်က္မ်ားရေအာင္ ဖားေနၿခင္း နုိင္ငံေတာ္ႀကီး တုိးတက္ေနသေယာင္ နအဖ လွည့္ကြက္အား အားၿဖည့္ေနၿခင္းသက္သက္သာ ၿဖစ္ပါတယ္။ နအဖ အလုိေတာ္ရိ စားဖား တေယာက္အတြက္ "ေစတနာနဲ႔ လုပ္ေနတာပါ" ဆုိတဲ့ စကားလုံးဟာ ထုိက္တန္ပါရဲ့လား။ နအဖနဲ႔ စားဖားေတြဟာ ၿပည္သူေတြရဲ့ အေသြးအသားကုိ စားေသာက္ေနႀကေသာ ဘီလူးမ်ားသာ။


တံလွ်ပ္ကုိေရထင္

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နအဖ စစ္သက္ဆုိးကုိ တုိက္ထုတ္တဲ့ေနရာမွာ အေရးအပါဆုံး ေဒါက္တုိင္ေတြကို ၿဖဳိဖုိ႔လုိပါတယ္။ ေဇာ္ေဇာ္ ဟာ ဒီအထဲက တေယာက္ဆုိတာ ဘယ္လုိမွ ၿငင္းလုိ႔မရတဲ့အခ်က္ပါ။ သူဟာ နအဖလုိ အာဏာရူးေတြကိုေတာင္ လက္ထဲထည့္ကစားနုိင္ရင္ က်န္ၿပည္သူေတြကုိေတာ့ ေအးေအးေဆးေဆး ပင္ လွည့္စားနုိင္သူပါ။ သူ႔ကုိေထာက္ပံ့ေနတဲ့ ဂ်ာနယ္ေတြကေရာ သူ႔လုိ နအဖစားဖားေတြ ၊ နအဖ ထုတ္ဂ်ာနယ္ေတြပါ။

ဒီေနရာမွာ တံလွ်ပ္ကုိ ေရထင္ေနေအာင္ သူတုိ႔ကုိ သူရဲေကာင္းေတြ အၿဖစ္ၿမင္လာေအာင္ ဖန္တီးေနၿခင္းသက္သက္မွ်သာ။ အခ်ိန္ဆြဲ ေသြးေအး ေအာင္လုပ္တဲ့နည္းဗ်ဴဟာ ေတြသာၿဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ႀကာလာရင္ ဒီလူေတြဟာ နအဖနဲ႔ လက္၀ါးရုိက္ၿပီး ဘြဲ.တံဆိပ္ေတြ မ်ဳိးစုံေအာင္ယူ ၊ နုိင္ငံေတာ္ရဲ့ ကယ္တင္ရွင္ႀကီးေတြၿဖစ္ၿပီး အတိုက္အခံေတြကေတာ့ အဖ်က္သမားေတြၿဖစ္ကုန္ေတာ့မွာပါ။

ယခုပင္လွ်င္ ေစာင့္ႀကည့္ပါအုံး ေစာင့္ႀကည့္တာေပါ့ ဆုိသူေတြ ဘာေတြမ်ား ထူးထူးၿခားလာတာေတြ.ေနရပါသလည္း။

အားလုံးဟာ နအဖရဲ့ စုံလင္ေသာလွည့္ကြက္ေတြကုိ တံလွ်ပ္ ေရထင္သကဲ့သုိ႔ ေမ့ေၿမာေနႀကပါၿပီ။ ဒီလုိနဲ႔ပဲ စစ္မ်ဳိးဆက္တခုကေတာ့ ဆက္လက္ ရွင္သန္ေနအုန္းမည္ဟု ထင္ၿမင္မိပါေႀကာင္း။

ရွက္သင့္တာကုိ ရွက္တတ္ႀကပါေစေႀကာင္း ႏွင့္အားလုံးပဲ မွန္မွန္ကန္ကန္ သုံးသပ္ရင္း ၿမင္ေအာင္ႀကည့္နုိင္ႀကပါေစေႀကာင္း ဆႏၵၿပဳအပ္ပါတယ္။

ရဲသူရိန္မင္း

04.08.2011

GMT : 22.35
ေဇာ္ေဇာ္ဆုိတာ ဘယ္လုိလူစားမ်ဳိးလဲ သိနုိင္ရန္ ၀ီကီလိတြင္ ေဖၚၿပခဲ့ေသာ 2009 ခုႏွစ္က အေႀကာင္းထည့္သြင္းေဖာ္ၿပလုိက္ပါတယ္။

အေၾကာင္းအရာ။ ။ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံ - (စစ္အစိုးရ) အေပါင္းပါ ေဇာ္ေဇာ္၏ လႈပ္ရွားမႈမ်ားအေၾကာင္း ေနာက္ဆံုးရရွိေသာ သတင္းမ်ား 

(၂ဝဝ၉) ခုႏွစ္၊ ဇြန္လ (၁၆) ရက္။


လွ်ဳိ႔႔ဝွက္မွတ္တမ္း ျဖည့္သြင္းသူ - စီးပြားေရးအရာရွိ ဆမန္သာ ေအ ကားလ္-ယိုဒါ (Samatha A. Carl-Yoder) for Reasons 1.4 (b and d)


အက်ဥ္းခ်ဳပ္

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(၁) စစ္အစိုးရ၏ အေပါင္းအပါတဦးျဖစ္သူ ေဇာ္ေဇာ္ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံရွိ သူ၏ လုပ္ငန္းမ်ားကို တိုးခ်ဲ႔လ်က္ရွိသည္။ ေဇာ္ေဇာ္သည္ မက္စ္ ျမန္မာကုမၸဏီစု (Max Myanmar Group of Companies) အျပင္ အေဖ်ာ္ယမကာ ပုလင္းသြပ္ ကုမၸဏီ၊ ဘိလပ္ေျမစက္႐ုံ တ႐ုံ၊ ကူးသန္းေရာင္းဝယ္ေရး ကုမၸဏီတခု၊ ဖားကန္႔ရွိ ေက်ာက္စိမ္းတြင္း တတြင္း၊ မြန္ျပည္နယ္ ရွိ ရာဘာၿခံတၿခံႏွင့္ ေၾကးစား ေဘာလံုးသင္း တသင္းတို႔ကိုလည္း ပိုင္ထားသည္။ ရန္ကုန္ရွိ သံ႐ုံးက ႏိုင္ငံျခားအရင္းအႏွီး မ်ားထိန္းခ်ဳပ္ေရး႐ုံး (OFAC) ၏ ဒဏ္ခတ္မည့္ စာရင္းတြင္ ေဇာ္ေဇာ္၏ ေနာက္တိုး ကုမၸဏီမ်ားႏွင့္ ထိုကုမၸဏီမ်ား၏ ထိပ္တန္းမန္ေနဂ်ာမ်ား (စာပိုဒ္ ၅ တြင္ ေဖၚျပထားသည္) ကို ထည့္သြင္းရန္ အၾကံျပဳထားသည္။ (အက်ဥ္းခ်ဳပ္ ၿပီးဆံုး)

ေနာက္တိုး စီးပြားေရးလုပ္ငန္းမ်ား 

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(၂) ေဇာ္ေဇာ္သည္ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံစစ္အစိုးရ၏ ေနာက္တက္လာေသာ အေပါင္းပါမ်ားအနက္ တဦးျဖစ္ၿပီး သူ၏ စီးပြားေရး လုပ္ငန္းမ်ားကို ဆက္လက္တိုးခ်ဲ႔လ်က္ရွိသည္။ သူ၏ ေဆာက္လုပ္ေရးွႏွင့္ ခရီးသြားလာေရး လုပ္ငန္းကို ၾကီးၾကပ္ေသာ မက္စ္ ျမန္မာကုမၸဏီစုကုိ ဘ႑ာေရးဌာန၏ ဒဏ္ခတ္မႈစာရင္းတြင္ ထည့္သြင္းၿပီးျဖစ္သည္ (ရည္ညႊန္းခ်က္ -က)။ ေဇာ္ေဇာ္သည္ ျပည္တြင္းသံုးအတြက္ မက္စ္ကိုလာ အပါအဝင္ အေဖ်ာ္ယမကာမ်ား ထုတ္လုပ္ေသာ ပင္းယ ထုတ္လုပ္ ေရးကုမၸဏီ လီမိတက္ကိုလည္း ပိုင္ဆိုင္ေၾကာင္း ကြၽႏ္ုပ္တို႔ အတည္ျပဳၿပီးျဖစ္သည္။ ပင္းယ ထုတ္လုပ္ေရး ကုမၸဏီ သည္ က်ပ္ေငြ(၁၂. ၅) သန္း (၁၉၉၈ က အေမရိကန္ေဒၚလာ ၄၁, ဝဝဝ ေဒၚလာ) ရင္းႏွီး ျမႇဳပ္ႏွံမႈျဖင့္ စတင္ခဲ့ၿပီး ယခုအခါ အလုပ္သမား (၇ဝ) ေက်ာ္ကို ခန္႔ထားသည္။ ပင္းယ ထုတ္လုပ္ ေရး ကုမၸဏီသည္ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံတြင္း၌ ျဖန္႔ခ်ိေရးဌာနခြဲေပါင္း (၁၃) ခုရွိသည္။

ေဇာ္ေဇာ္သည္ မက္စ္ျမန္မာ ကုမၸဏီ၏ ကြပ္ကဲမႈေအာက္မွာ သူ၏စီးပြားေရးလုပ္ငန္းမ်ားကို တိုးခ်ဲ႔ေနေၾကာင္း၊ ၎ တိုးခ်ဲ႔လုပ္ငန္းမ်ားတြင္ အာရွေလဆိပ္ စီမံကိန္းအတြက္ စတီဗင္ေလာထံ ဘိလပ္ေျမသြင္းရန္ဟု ၾကားသိရေသာ ေနျပည္ေတာ္ရွိ ဘိလပ္ေျမစက္႐ုံ (ရည္ညႊန္းခ်က္ -ခ)၊ ေနျပည္ေတာ္ရွိ ကြန္ကရစ္အုတ္ စက္႐ုံ၊ ဖားကန္႔ရွိ ေက်ာက္စိမ္း တြင္းႏွင့္ မြန္ျပည္နယ္ရွိ ရာဘာၿခံတို႔ ပါဝင္ေၾကာင္း သံ႐ုံး၏ စီးပြားေရး အဆက္အသြယ္ (----) က အတည္ျပဳေပးခဲ့သည္။ စီးပြားေရးအဆက္အသြယ္ (---) ၏ သတင္းေပးခ်က္အရ ေဇာ္ေဇာ္သည္ သတၱဳတြင္းဝန္ၾကီးဌာနႏွင့္ ပူးေပါင္းကာ လံုးခင္း ေက်ာက္စိမ္းတြင္းကို လုပ္ကိုင္ေနေၾကာင္း၊ မၾကာေသးမီကပင္ ေက်ာက္စိမ္းလုပ္ငန္း အတြက္ ဖားကန္႔မွာ ေနာက္ထပ္ေျမ ဧက (၅ဝ) ကို ရထားေၾကာင္း သိရသည္။ ေဇာ္ေဇာ္သည္ ၂ဝဝ၉ မတ္လက အစိုးရ၏ ေက်ာက္စိမ္းႏွင့္ ေက်ာက္မ်က္ရတနာ ေလလံတင္ေရာင္းခ်ပြဲမွာ ေက်ာက္စိမ္းအေျမာက္အမ်ား ေရာင္းခ်ခဲ့ေၾကာင္း သိရသည္ (သတင္းေပးသူ အမည္ကို ျဖဳတ္ထားသည္)။ 

(၄ ) ေဇာ္ေဇာ္သည္ ယခုေလာေလာဆယ္၌ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံ ေဘာလံုးအဖြဲ႔ခ်ဳပ္၏ ဥကၠ႒ျဖစ္ၿပီး ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံေဘာလံုး အဖြဲ႔ခ်ဳပ္ ဝင္ ေၾကးစားေဘာလံုးအသင္း တသင္းျဖစ္ေသာ ဒယ္လ္တာယူႏိုက္တက္ အသင္း၏ ပိုင္ရွင္လည္း ျဖစ္သည္။ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္မႉး ၾကီး သန္းေရႊ၏ေျမးကို အသင္းမွာကစားရန္ ငွားထားသည္ဟု အဆက္အသြယ္မ်ားက အတည္ျပဳသည္ (ရည္ညႊန္း ခ်က္ -ဃ)။ ေဇာ္ေဇာ္သည္ ဒယ္လ္တာ ယူႏိုက္တက္အသင္း၏ ဌာေနျဖစ္လာမည့္ ဧရာဝတီတိုင္း၊ ပုသိမ္ၿမိဳ႕တြင္ ေဘာလံုးကြင္း အားကစား႐ုံ အသစ္တ႐ုံ တည္ေဆာက္ရန္လည္း စီမံကိန္း စတင္ေရးဆြဲလ်က္ရွိေၾကာင္း၊ အေမရိကန္ ေဒၚလာ (၁) ဘီလ်ံေက်ာ္ေက်ာ္ ကုန္က်မည္ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္းႏွင့္ ၂ဝ၁၁ တြင္အၿပီး တည္ေဆာက္လိမ့္မည္ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း (---) ႏွင့္ (---) တို႔က ခန္႔မွန္းၾကသည္။



(၅) ေအာက္ပါတို႔သည္ ေဇာ္ေဇာ္ပိုင္ ေနာက္တိုး ကုမၸဏီမ်ားႏွင့္ပတ္သက္ေသာ သတင္းအခ်က္အလက္မ်ား ျဖစ္သည္။

ရန္ကုန္

-- ဒယ္လ္တာ ယူႏိုက္တက္ ေဘာလံုးအသင္း၊ ဧရာဝတီတိုင္း၊ ပုသိမ္ၿမိဳ႔။ အမည္ပါ ပိုင္ရွင္- ဦးေဇာ္ဝင္းရွိန္၊ ဧရာ ဟသၤာ ကုမၸဏီ လီမိတက္ ပိုင္ရွင္။

-- လံုးခင္း ေက်ာက္စိမ္းတြင္း၊ ဖားကန္႔၊ ကခ်င္ျပည္နယ္။

-- မက္စ္ျမန္မာ ဘိလပ္ေျမစက္႐ုံ၊ ေတာင္ဖီလာ ထံုးေက်ာက္တြင္း အနီး၊ လယ္ေဝးၿမိဳ႔နယ္၊ ေနျပည္ေတာ္။

-- မက္စ္ျမန္မာ ကြန္ကရစ္အုတ္စက္႐ုံ၊ ေနျပည္ေတာ္။

-- မက္စ္ျမန္မာ ရာဘာၿခံ၊ ဘီးလင္း၊ မြန္ျပည္နယ္။

-- ပင္းယ ထုတ္လုပ္ေရး ကုမၸဏီ လီမိတက္ ဗန္းေမာ္ အတြင္းဝန္ လမ္း၊ စက္မႈဇံု (၃)၊ လႈိင္သာယာ၊ ရန္ကုန္၊ ဖုန္း- ၉၅-၁-၆၈၁-၇၄၅။ ၉၅-၁-၆၈၅-၇၅။ ဖက္စ္ - ၉၅-၁-၆၈ဝ-၆၆၉။ မန္ေနဂ်ာခ်ဳပ္ ဦး ၾကည္လြင္ (ေခၚ) ဦးၾကံခင္း။ 

သံ႐ုံး၏ အၾကံျပဳတင္ျပခ်က္

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(၆) ေဇာ္ေဇာ္သည္ စစ္အစိုးရကို မ်က္ႏွာလို မ်က္ႏွာရလုပ္ရန္ ၾကိဳးစားေနၿပီး အစိုးရအဆက္အသြယ္ျဖင့္ သူ၏ စီးပြားေရး လုပ္ငန္းမ်ားကို တိုးခ်ဲ႕ေနေသာ အလယ္အလတ္အဆင့္ အေပါင္းပါတဦးျဖစ္သည္။ ၎၏ မိသားစုႏွင့္တကြ ၎၏ ကုမၸဏီ အေတာ္မ်ားမ်ားသည္ ႏိုင္ငံျခားအရင္းအႏွီးမ်ားထိန္းခ်ဳပ္ေရး႐ုံး (OFAC) ၏ ပစ္မွတ္ထားေသာ ဒဏ္ခတ္စာရင္းတြင္ ပါၿပီး ျဖစ္သည္။ (OFAC) အေနႏွင့္ အထက္ေဖၚျပပါ ကုမၸဏီမ်ားႏွင့္ ထိပ္တန္းမန္ေန ဂ်ာတို႔ကိုလည္း စစ္အစိုးရ၏ ဒီမိုကေရစီ ဆန္႔က်င္ေရး လုပ္ရပ္မ်ား အက္ဥပေဒ (JADE Act) အရ အေရးယူေပးပါရန္ ရန္ကုန္သံ႐ုံးက အၾကံျပဳတင္ျပသည္။

(၆) ျမန္မာအစိုးရသည္ ဘ႑ာေရးႏွစ္ကုန္ၿပီးေနာက္တြင္ အသံုးစားရိတ္ ၾကီးၾကီး ျပထားေသာ ေနာက္ဆက္တြဲ ဘတ္ဂ်က္ ကို ထုတ္ျပန္ေလ့ရွိသည္။ ၎၏ ႏွစ္စဥ္ စုစုေပါင္း လိုေငြသည္ ေရးဆြဲထားေသာ တရားဝင္ဘတ္ဂ်က္ထက္ မ်ားစြာပို သည္။ သာဓကအားျဖင့္ (၂ဝဝ၈-ဝ၉)ဘ႑ာေရးႏွစ္ သံုးေငြသည္ ဘတ္ဂ်က္ထက္ က်ပ္ေငြ (၇၄၃. ၉)ဘီလ်ံ(လက္ရွိ ေပါက္ေစ်း အေမရိကန္ ေဒၚလာ ၇၄၃ ဘီလ်ံ) ပိုေနၿပီး စုစုေပါင္း သံုးေငြသတ္မွတ္ခ်က္ထက္ ၁၅ ရာႏႈန္းပိုသည္။

(၇) “အစိုးရ”သည္ လြန္ခဲ့ေသာႏွစ္မ်ား၌ အပိုသံုးေငြ ခြင့္ျပဳခ်က္ အမ်ားဆံုး (အေမရိကန္ေဒၚလာ ၂၈၂ သန္း) ရရွိခဲ့ၿပီး ၎ ပမာဏသည္ (၂ဝဝ၈-ဝ၉) ဘ႑ာေရးႏွစ္ အပိုသံုးေငြ၏ ထက္ဝက္နီးပါးရွိသည္။ ေငြမ်ားကို ေနျပည္ေတာ္ရွိ ေဆာက္လုပ္ ဆဲ လုပ္ငန္းမ်ားႏွင့္ အစိုးရ၏ အျခားအေျခခံအေဆာက္အအံုလုပ္ငန္းမ်ားအတြက္ သံုးစြဲသည္ဟု ယူဆရေၾကာင္း စီးပြား ေရး လုပ္ငန္းရွင္တဦးကေျပာျပခဲ့သည္။ အစုိးရပိုင္ လုပ္ငန္းမ်ားသည္ ခြင့္ျပဳေငြအမ်ားဆံုးရရွိသည္။ က်ပ္ေငြ (၁၈၅) ဘီလ်ံ (အေမရိကန္ေဒၚလာ ၁၈၅ သန္း)ရရွိျခင္းျဖစ္ၿပီး ဘတ္ဂ်က္၏ ၆၅ ရာႏႈန္း တိုးသြားခဲ့သည္။ ကာကြယ္ေရးဝန္ၾကီးဌာနက က်ပ္ေငြ (၉) ဘီလ်ံ (အေမရိကန္ေဒၚလာ ၉ သန္း) တိုး၍ ရရွိခဲ့ၿပီး ဘ႑ာေရးဝန္ၾကီးဌာနက က်ပ္ေငြ (၅၃) ဘီလ်ံ (အေမရိကန္ ေဒၚလာ ၅၃ သန္း) တိုး၍ ရရွိခဲ့သည္။ ဆိုင္ကလံုး မုန္တိုင္းကို အေၾကာင္းျပဳ၍ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံအစိုးရသည္ လယ္ယာစိုက္ပ်ဳိးေရး ဝန္ၾကီးဌာနအတြက္ က်ပ္ေငြ (၇၇)ဘီလ်ံ (အေမရိကန္ေဒၚလာ ၇၇ သန္း) တိုး၍ ခြင့္ျပဳေပးခဲ့ၿပီး လူမႈဝန္ထမ္း ဝန္ၾကီးဌာနကိုမူ က်ပ္ေငြ (၄၄) ဘီလ်ံ (အေမရိကန္ေဒၚလာ ၄၄ သန္း) တိုးခြင့္ျပဳခဲ့သည္။

အခြန္ေတာ္ဝင္ေငြ ရရွိမႈနည္းျခင္း 

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(၈) လြန္ခဲ့ေသာႏွစ္ ႏိုင္ငံတကာ ေငြေၾကး ရန္ပံုေငြအဖြဲ႔၏ ပုဒ္မ (၄) ေဆြးေႏြးပြဲမ်ား၌ အဖြဲ႔ ကိုယ္စားလွယ္မ်ားက ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံအစိုးရ၏ အခြန္ စီမံအုပ္ခ်ဳပ္မႈစနစ္ကို တိုးတက္ေကာင္းမြန္ေအာင္ ျပဳျပင္သြားရန္ႏွင့္ လိုလွ်င္ လိုသလို အခြန္လြတ္ျငိမ္းခြင့္ေပးေနမႈမ်ားကို ျပဳျပင္သြားရန္ လိုအပ္ေၾကာင္း ေထာက္ျပခဲ့သည္။ ႏိုင္ငံတကာ ေငြေၾကး ရန္ပံုေငြအဖြဲ႔ အရာရွိမ်ား၏ ေျပာျပခ်က္အရ ျမန္မာစစ္အစိုးရသည္ အဓိက အေၾကာင္းမ်ားျဖစ္သည့္ အခြန္ေကာက္ခံေရး အားနည္းခ်က္၊ အစိုးရပိုင္ စီးပြားေရးလုပ္ငန္းမ်ားႏွင့္ အစိုးရဝန္ထမ္းမ်ား၏ ထိေရာက္မႈမရွိျခင္းေၾကာင့္ ဆံုးရႈံးရမႈမ်ား၊ အစိုးရ၏ အထိန္းအခ်ဳပ္မဲ့ သံုးစြဲမႈ၊ ကာကြယ္ေရးႏွင့္ ေဆာက္လုပ္ေရးကဲ့သို႔ေသာ ဝင္ေငြမရႏိုင္သည့္ လုပ္ငန္းမ်ားအတြက္ ဘတ္ဂ်က္ အသံုးစရိတ္ ျပႆနာတို႔ကို ေျဖရွင္းျခင္းျဖင့္ ဘတ္ဂ်က္လိုေငြျပမႈကို ေလွ်ာ့ခ်ရန္မွာ ၎တို႔၏ ရည္မွန္းခ်က္ တခုျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း အေၾကာင္း ျပန္ခဲ့သည္ဟု သိရသည္။ သို႔ရာတြင္ ျမန္မာအစိုးရသည္ ၎၏ အခြန္ေကာက္ခံေရးစနစ္ကို ၂ဝဝ၈ အတြင္း မျပဳျပင္ခဲ့ေၾကာင္းႏွင့္ သို႔ျဖစ္၍ (၂ဝဝ၉-၂ဝ၁ဝ) ဘ႑ာေရးႏွစ္ အတြင္းမွာ အခြန္ ဘ႑ာဝင္ေငြ ၂၇ ရာႏႈန္းတိုးရမည္ဟူေသာ အစိုးရ၏ ၾကိဳတင္တြက္ကိန္းမွာ ေမးခြန္းထုတ္စရာျဖစ္ေနေၾကာင္း ကြၽႏ္ုပ္တို႔၏ စီးပြားေရး အဆက္အသြယ္မ်ားက ဆိုပါသည္။

(၉) လြန္ခဲ့ေသာ ႏွစ္အနည္းငယ္အတြင္း အာဏာပိုင္မ်ားက ဝင္ေငြခြန္ကို ပိုမိုတိက်စြာေကာက္ခံျခင္း၊ ကုန္ပစၥည္းႏွင့္ မူလ ကုန္ၾကမ္းအေပၚမူတည္လ်က္ ရာျဖတ္ႏႈန္းကို က်ပ္ (၄ဝဝ)၊(၁)ေဒၚလာမွေန၍ က်ပ္(၈ဝဝ)၊ (၁၂ဝဝ)က်ပ္အထိ တိုးျမႇင့္ျခင္းအားျဖင့္ အခြန္ေတာ္ဝင္ေငြတိုးလာေစရန္ ၾကိဳးပမ္းခဲ့သည္။ ဤသို႔ ရာျဖတ္ႏႈန္းကို တိုးျမႇင့္ျခင္းသည္ အမ်ိဳးမ်ိဳးကြဲေနေသာ ေငြေၾကးလဲလွယ္ႏႈန္းမ်ားကို ညွိယူရန္ ၾကိဳးပမ္းသည့္ သေဘာျဖစ္ေသာ္လည္း ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံ၏ နဂိုမူလကတည္းက ရႈပ္ေထြးေနေသာ တရားမဝင္ ေငြလဲစနစ္ကို ပို၍ ရႈပ္ေထြးသြားေစသည္ဟု ျမန္မာအစိုးရအရာရွိမ်ားက အလြတ္သေဘာ ေျပာျပၾကသည္။

(၁ဝ) (၂ဝဝ၉-၂ဝ၁ဝ) ဘ႑ာေရးႏွစ္ ဘတ္ဂ်က္ပါ အခ်က္အလက္မ်ားအရဆိုလွ်င္ အစိုးရပိုင္ စီးပြားေရးလုပ္ငန္း အမ်ားစု သည္ အရႈံးႏွင့္ စခန္းသြားရမည္ျဖစ္သည္။ အျမတ္ၾကီးၾကီးရမည္ဟု ယူဆရေသာ သယံဇာတ ထုတ္ယူေရး လုပ္ငန္းမ်ားမွာ ပင္လွ်င္ အစိုးရပိုင္ စီးပြားေရးလုပ္ငန္းမ်ား၏ အသားတင္ အရႈံးသည္ အၾကမ္းဖ်င္းအားျဖင့္ က်ပ္ေငြ (၄၈၄) ဘီလ်ံ (အေမရိကန္ ေဒၚလာ ၄၈၄ သန္း)ရွိလိမ့္မည္ (သို႔ရာတြင္ ဤခန္႔မွန္းခ်က္သည္ အလြန္နိမ့္ေသာ ခန္႔မွန္းခ်က္ ျဖစ္ႏိုင္ပါ သည္)ဟု ၾကိဳတြက္၍ ရသည္။ အစိုးရပိုင္ စီးပြားေရးလုပ္ငန္းမ်ားသည္ (၂ဝဝ၈-၂ဝဝ၉) ဘ႑ာေရးႏွစ္တြင္ က်ပ္ေငြ (၆ဝ၁) သန္း အရႈံးျပခဲ့ၿပီး ျမန္မာအစိုးရ မူလက ခန္႔မွန္းထားေသာ အရႈံး က်ပ္ေငြ သန္း(၄၅ဝ) ထက္ မ်ားစြာပိုေနပါသည္။ တရားဝင္ထုတ္ျပန္ေသာ ဘတ္ဂ်က္စာရင္း ဇယားမ်ားအရ အစိုးရပိုင္ စီးပြားေရးလုပ္ ငန္းမ်ားသည္ (၂ဝဝ၇-၂ဝဝ၈) ဘ႑ာ ေရးႏွစ္တြင္ က်ပ္ေငြ သန္း(၈ဝဝ)၊ (၂ဝဝ၆-၂ဝဝ၇) ဘ႑ာေရးႏွစ္တြင္ က်ပ္ ေငြ (၄၃၆) သန္းႏွင့္ (၂ဝဝ၅-၂ဝဝ၆) ဘ႑ာေရးႏွစ္တြင္ က်ပ္ေငြ (၅၄၉)သန္း အရႈံးေပၚခဲ့သည္။

(၁၁) ရာထူးအဆင့္တိုင္းမွာ အက်င့္ပ်က္ ျခစားမႈရွိေနျခင္းသည္ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံမွာ ျပႆနာတခုအျဖစ္ ရွိေနၿပီး အစိုးရ၏ အခြန္ေငြ ေကာက္ခံႏိုင္မႈစြမ္းရည္ကို ထိခိုက္ေနေစရွိသည္။ ကြၽႏ္ုပ္တို႔၏ စီးပြားေရးအဆက္အသြယ္မ်ား၏ ေျပာျပ ခ်က္အရဆိုလွ်င္ အစိုးရသည္ ၂ဝဝ၆ အတြင္းက မသမာေသာ အေကာက္ခြန္ အရာရွိမ်ားကို ႏွိမ္နင္း အေရးယူမႈ မ်ားလုပ္ခဲ့ေသာ္လည္း နယ္စပ္မ်ား၌ လာဘ္ေပး လာဘ္ယူမႈမ်ား ဆက္လက္၍ ရွိၿမဲရွိေနသည္။ အက်င့္ပ်က္ျခစားမႈသည္ ျပည္တြင္းအခြန္ဦးစီးဌာန၊ လူဝင္မႈၾကီးၾကပ္ေရးဌာန၊ ရန္ကုန္ၿမိဳ႔ေတာ္ စည္ပင္သာယာေရး ေကာ္မီတီတို႔ အပါအဝင္ အစိုးရ၏ အျခား ေသာ အဖြဲ႔အစည္းမ်ားထဲမွာလည္း ထူေျပာေနသည္။

ထင္ျမင္သံုးသပ္ခ်က္

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ထုတ္ေဝထားေသာ ဘတ္ဂ်က္ စာရြက္စာတမ္းမ်ား၌ ျမန္မာအစိုးရက ၎၏ ရန္ပံုေငြမ်ားကို မည္သို႔ ခြဲေဝသတ္မွတ္ေပး မည္ ဟူေသာ ေယဘုယ် လမ္းညႊန္ခ်က္ ေပးထားေသာ္လည္း (ေယဘုယ်အားျဖင့္ ျမန္မာအစိုးရ၏ ကိန္းဂဏန္းမ်ားသည္ ယံုၾကည္စိတ္ခ်ရေလာက္စရာမရွိသျဖင့္) ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံ၏ ဘ႑ာေရးအေျခအေနကို အတိအက် ပံုေဖၚၾကည့္ရန္ မျဖစ္ႏိုင္ ေခ်။ ဤသို႔ျပႆနာ ရွိေနရသည့္အထဲ ထိပ္တန္းေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ားမွာ သံုးစြဲေရးမူ ဟူ၍ မရွိဘဲ မိမိတို႔ မ်က္ႏွာသာေပး ထားေသာ လုပ္ငန္းမ်ားအတြက္သာ ရန္ပံုေငြမ်ားကို သတ္မွတ္ခြဲေဝေပးကာ စီမံကိန္းလုပ္ငန္းမ်ားကို ၾကီးၾကပ္ျခင္း၊ အေလးထားျခင္း မရွိၾကသျဖင့္ ဤျပႆနာသည္ ပို၍ ဆိုးသြားေလသည္။ ျမန္မာအစိုးရက ဘတ္ဂ်က္လိုေငြ ေလွ်ာ့ခ်ေရးကို ရည္ရြယ္ထားသည္ဟု ထုတ္ေဖၚေၾကညာထားေသာ္လည္း အထိန္းအခ်ဳပ္မဲ့ သံုးစြဲမႈ၊ အစိုးရပိုင္ စီးပြားေရးလုပ္ငန္းမ်ား၏ အရႈံးေပၚမႈႏွင့္ အခြန္စနစ္ ျပဳျပင္ေရး မရွိမႈတို႔ေၾကာင့္ ေနာက္ထပ္ အပံုၾကီး ပို၍ တိုးလာစရာ ရွိသည္။ ျမန္မာ့စီးပြားေရး၏ အနာဂတ္သည္ ဆိုးရြားေနဆဲပင္ ရွိသည္။

http://www.mizzimaburmese.com/special/burma-related-leaked-us-cables/6608-2010-12-17-07-46-21.html

Credit : WFW
W

by Oleg Nikishenkov 

Russia is set to build a new metro line – not in Moscow, but in Myanmar, the southeast Asian military dictatorship notorious for persecuting Nobel prize winner Aung San Suu Kyi.
The contract to build the 50-kilometer metro line, reportedly won by a Russian firm, will be built deep underneath Naypyidaw, the new military capital of Myanmar, also known historically as Burma.

Voice of Russia radio, which broke the news, cited an unnamed “projects chief architect” who said the metro venture is already at the stage of surveying and designing. The line will be three times longer than Moscow’s circle line.
Local projects stalled
Svetlana Vorontsova, who heads Moscow’s Transport Infrastructure Institute, said that since Russia’s metro projects – particularly in Moscow – are proving slow to get going, plenty of Russian specialists and construction workers would be available to build Myanmar’s new metro line. Moscow, St. Petersburg, Kazan and Novosibirsk are all waiting for metro building projects to get under way, she said.

“Those cities have an urgent need for new lines, but city authorities haven’t funded them enough,” Vorontsova said. “There is a strong need for federal budget [cash] and the issue hasn’t been resolved yet.”

Geopolitical factors
A tunnel of a new Moscow metro line
A tunnel of a new Moscow metro line
The Democratic Voice of Burma, an independent media organization, is seeing a geopolitical angle to Myanmar’s metro project.
“Russia has yet to embark on any major infrastructural projects in Burma, where bids for such developments are often quickly snapped up by China,” the media outlet said.
International sanctions against the military dictatorship in Myanmar, which has ruled the country since declaring Aung San Suu Kyi’s election victory 20 years ago invalid, limit the choices for Burma’s government, which is highly depend upon its giant neighbor, China.

Balancing China
Dmitry Mosyakov, who heads the southeastern department of the Russian Academy of Sciences’ Institute of Oriental Studies, said that Myanmar was trying to counterbalance Chinese inf luence with the help of Russia.

Sanctions were imposed on Myanmar in 2007 by the United States, the EU, Canada and a group of Pacific countries, including Japan, Australia and New Zealand. The UN also condemned the military junta, which took over in the late 1980s through a coup.
In 2007 the regime put opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi under house arrest. The subsequent riots and repression led to a constitutional referendum in 2008 and elections two years later, but the military still keeps control through a loyal ruling party.

Western sanctions
Sanctions remain in place, as the West sees the military as still in charge, and reports on human rights abuses are still f looding in from the country.

Clashes with opposition protesters and separatists, who have formed rebel armies in some regions, indicate that the regime is quite unstable, Mosyakov said.

This means that security concerns count for a lot, even in something as basic as awarding a contract to build a metro system, he said.

Mosyakov said he doubted Myanmar was ready for a full transition to democracy, due to intense conflicts between the military, the democratic opposition and the separatists.

Deep concerns
Mayakovskaya stattion during the WWII was a bomb shelter
Mayakovskaya stattion during the WWII was a bomb shelter
There’s also the issue of how deep the Naypyidaw metro will be.
Vorontsova said that Russia had been chosen to build the metro due to the similarity between Moscow’s deep underground system, built deep to act as a bomb shelter during World War II, and the one Myanmar’s paranoid military want in Naypyidaw, which is often dubbed the “hideaway city.”

The Democratic Voice of Burma reports that the planned metro system is close “to a vast underground command center on the outskirts of Naypyidaw, which witnesses said was being built to house thousands of personnel.”

Vorontsova said that it’s Russia’s experience, not the speed of Chinese construction, that’s important. (China currently builds 6,000 kilometers of new roads per year.)
“We are talking about a complicated project, which can be started in not less than two years, when all research on the ground is finished,” Vorontsova said.

Historical links
Trust in Russia, a historical ally of Burma’s, also plays a part, Mosyakov said.
“Khrushchev was the first leader who visited Burma when the Way to Socialism, a pro-Communist movement, took over the country,” he said.
Concerns over Burma’s ties with North Korea and China have prompted the US to sit up and take notice of the country. But it needs a road map.
The last time Burma really mattered to the United States, Imperial Japanese forces were marching on Asia. Vinegar Joe Stillwell built a road through the Burmese jungle to resupply China during the Pacific War, a backbreaking project that cost the lives of some 1,100 US soldiers before its completion in 1944. The Stillwell Road was pivotal then, but just like American interest in Burma, it soon fell into disrepair. 

Burma matters to US strategy again. Human rights concerns about the military grip on the region’s poorest country are overshadowed by geostrategic concerns about the regime’s ties to China and North Korea. China’s desire for strategic real estate and hunger for natural resources are turning Burma into a proxy state, while North Korea’s weapons export business shifts Burma into a potential nuclear weapon state. Beijing has recently reconstructed the old British and American Burma Road.

The Obama administration has responded by naming an ambassadorial-level coordinator: Derek Mitchell, presently acting assistant secretary of defence. But what’s next? US Burma policy is notoriously feckless. Well-intentioned support for the iconic Aung San Suu Kyi, the last democratically elected leader, makes for a photo opportunity, but is failing to affect Burmese bad behaviour or constrain Chinese encroachment. In the past, an almost exclusive focus on human rights has done little to change Burma, but a great deal to isolate the United States from its allies and friends in South and East Asia.

A new approach is needed. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton took the essential first step last month in Bali by giving further definition to the policy of principled engagement.  She demanded compliance with UN Security Council resolutions, a reference to the regime’s nuclear ambitions. She also called for releasing 2,200 political prisoners and opening dialogue with the opposition and ethnic minorities. But given the administration’s determination to reenergize US influence in a vibrant region, it’s noteworthy that Clinton put the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) on notice not to bestow chairmanship on Burma chairmanship for 2014 unless it earns it. At the same time, she in effect dangled the carrot of international legitimacy should Burma embrace change.

The gap between Burma and the United States yawns. We therefore need a road map for navigating between the Scylla of human rights and Charybdis of realpolitik. The original Burma Road overcame gnarly mountainous terrain; a new road map must traverse seemingly intractable machinations emanating from the new palatial capital in Naypyidaw. The first road linked Burma to China; this pathway must provide both an alternative to Chinese domination, as well as greater freedom for all Burma’s people.  Gen. Stillwell built the first road; Clinton must connect this one.

There’s precedent for building US ties with an adversarial, autocratic state: Vietnam. In fact, some of the same voices who would like to test Burma’s seriousness about a new relationship have experience with this kind of challenge. Senators John McCain and John Kerry helped to convert a former enemy into a flourishing economic and security partner, despite nagging differences over human rights. If a US Navy destroyer can make a port visit to Da Nang, Vietnam (as USS John S. McCain did last year), then finding a gradual opening to Burma must be possible.  

While the administration’s policy of talking with sanctions in place has achieved no breakthrough, experts on the ground see a glimmer of hope. Although the National League for Democracy was proscribed from competing in elections last autumn, Suu Kyi has been released from house arrest and a nominally civilian government has opened the dialogue beyond a single general. And recently, the Labour and Social Welfare Minister of Myanmar met face to face with Suu Kyi and suggested a new dialogue with the opposition. In addition, although few prisoners have been released, the regime has allowed International Red Cross basic sanitation inspections of jails, while nongovernmental organizations are being permitted to expand some of their presence. Indeed, the US Agency for International Development is starting to fund indigenous civil society programmes that could establish influential new voices in Burma. 

The next step for the administration should be to back a track two process to help draft a workable road map. As part of the road map, we should harness the power of our business community in gradually opening up Burma. Rather than simply allow Chinese state owned enterprises to monopolize the market on Burmese oil and gas, timber, and gems, as well as new infrastructure projects, the United States should hold out the incentive of US business investment in exchange for political reforms. One day, after many small steps and future reforms, coupled with close coordination with key allies and partners, the United States could be in a far better position to normalize relations with Burma.   
The roadmap may fail. Further revelations about a nuclear weapon programme or future attempts by North Korean cargo ships to deliver missile warheads should trigger some of the penalties that Clinton intimated in Bali. This isn’t the first time Burma has hinted at reform, but in light of shifting geostrategic circumstances it’s critical to test the veracity of what Burmese leaders are telling top US officials about desiring better relations. Even an out-of-touch regime may have heard of the Arab Spring. As McCain said after his visit last month, ‘Governments that shun evolutionary reforms now will eventually face revolutionary change later.’

This much is clear: as with Vietnam, ultimately Burmese must take the first step. If they mean what they say, then a road map may well be the solution. It would allow bipartisan support for any administration’s desire to do what every American should want: effective responses to human misery and geostrategic interests.

Dr. Patrick M. Cronin directs the Asia-Pacific Security Programme at the Center for a New American Security in Washington, D.C. 
အသစ္ထပ္မံရရွိေသာ ဟဂ်္ခရီးခြဲတမ္း ၁၂၀၀ အတြက္ ဟဂ်္ခရီးသြားအက်ိဳးေဆာင္လုပ္ငန္းကုမၸဏီမ်ား
ေဆာ္ဒီအာေရးဗီးယားနိဳင္ငံ၊ ဟဂ်္ဝန္ႀကီးဌာနသို့ ေလွ်ာက္ထားနိဳင္ေၾကာင္း ေၾကျငာျခင္း
ျပည္ေထာင္စုသမၼတျမန္မာနိဳင္ငံေတာ္
သာသနာေရးဝန္ႀကီးဌာန
(ဝန္ႀကီးရုံး)
ေၾကညာခ်က္(၃/၂၀၁၁)
ေနျပည္ေတာ္၊ ၁၃၇၃ခုနွစ္၊ နယုန္လျပည့္ေက်ာ္ ၇ ရက္
(၂၀၁၁ခုနွစ္၊ ဇြန္လ ၂၃ရက္)

၁။ သာသနာေရးဝန္ႀကီးဌာနအပါအဝင္ မူလဟဂ်္အက်ိဳးေဆာင္လုပ္ငန္းကုမၸဏီမ်ားအတြက္ ဟဂ်္ခြဲတမ္း ၃၈၀၀ ရရွိခဲ့ရာမွ ၂၀၁၁ခုနွစ္တြင္ ျမန္မာနိဳင္ငံသားဟာဂ်ီေလာင္းမ်ားသြားေရာက္ရန္ ဟဂ်္ခြဲတမ္း ၅၀၀၀ အထိတိုးျမွင့္ေပးမည္ျဖစ္ေသာေၾကာင့္ ယခုနွစ္အတြက္ ဟဂ်္ခြဲတမ္း ၁၂၀၀ ပိုမိုရရွိမည္ျဖစ္ပါသည္။

၂။ ထို့​ေၾကာင့္ ၂၀၁၁ခုနွစ္၊ ဟဂ်္ဘုရားဖူးရာသီအတြက္ ပိုမိုရရွိထားေသာ ဟဂ်္ခြဲတမ္း ၁၂၀၀ ကို ျမန္မာနိဳင္ငံရွိ မည္သည့္ဟဂ်္ခရီးသြားလုပ္ငန္းကုမၸဏီမ်ားမဆို အေရအတြက္ကန့္သတ္ခ်က္မရွိ ေဆာ္ဒီ အာေရးဗီးယားနိဳင္ငံ၊ ဟဂ်္ဝန္ႀကီးဌာနသို့ တိုက္ရိုက္ေလွ်ာက္ထားနိဳင္ၿပီး ေလွ်ာက္ထားမည့္ ခရီးသြား ကုမၸဏီမ်ားအေနျဖင့္ ဟာဂ်ီမ်ားေခၚေဆာင္ခြင့္ျပဳမိန့္ကဒ္(မိုနာဇင္)ရရွိေရးကိုလည္း တစ္ပါတည္းရယူ ေဆာင္ရြက္ရန္လိုအပ္ပါသည္။

၃။ သို့ျဖစ္ပါ၍ အသစ္ထပ္မံရရွိေသာဟဂ်္ခြဲတမ္း ၁၂၀၀ အတြက္ေလွ်ာက္ထားလိုေသာ မည္သည့္ ဟဂ်္ခရီးသြားကုမၸဏီမ်ားမဆို အေရအတြက္ကန့္သတ္ခ်က္မရွိ ေဆာ္ဒီအာေရးဗီးယားနိဳင္ငံ၊ ဟဂ်္ ဝန္ႀကီးဌာနသို့ ဟဂ်္သြားေရာက္ရမည့္အခ်ိန္ကာလအမီ အခ်ိန္တြက္ခ်က္၍ ေလွ်ာက္လႊာမ်ားေပးပို့ ေလွ်ာက္ထားနိုင္ပါေၾကာင္း ေၾကညာအပ္ပါသည္။
credit :mmsy
source : http://www.mora.gov.mm/newsview.ASPX?nid=19

Rohingya Exodus