A democracy only in name
By Nancy Hudson-Rodd
Myanmar is celebrating the United Nations' International Day of Democracy 2011, according to the regime's state newspaper, The New Light of Myanmar. "The People's Voice is the Hluttaw's [parliament's] Voice. The People's Will is the Hluttaw's Will. The People's Expectation is the Hluttaw's Implementation," the government mouthpiece stated.
Myanmar is celebrating the United Nations' International Day of Democracy 2011, according to the regime's state newspaper, The New Light of Myanmar. "The People's Voice is the Hluttaw's [parliament's] Voice. The People's Will is the Hluttaw's Will. The People's Expectation is the Hluttaw's Implementation," the government mouthpiece stated.
The new elected government fulfilled "the people's aspirations and the wishes of the international community who wanted to see a democratic, stable and prosperous Myanmar", Myanmar's ambassador informed the United Nations Human Rights Council
in Geneva in March. Despite strenuous resistance by "internal elements", the regime has by its own estimation succeeded in transforming traditionally military-run Myanmar into a "democracy".
The regime has often justified its suspension of civil liberties in the name of fighting against "foreign interference" in its internal affairs. For instance, when the International Labor Organization (ILO) urged its 175 member governments to impose sanctions against Myanmar for its use of forced labor, outgoing junta leader General Than Shwe explained to the UN special rapporteur on human eights and the ILO that these moves greatly hindered "democratic development".
Thus Myanmar's citizens have been urged by state media to be "true patriots" and "honest with good attitude for the motherland" during the country's still uncertain political transition. "National people are to build a peaceful and prosperous society through full strength of solidarity" and support the "government in carrying out tasks of public well being, bringing economic benefits to the people after being elected by the public [and] enabling rural farmers to enjoy the benefits" state mouthpiece media recently trumpeted.
The sober reality of life under both the old and new governments, particularly for rural farmers, is the antithesis of the regime's declarations. Indeed, farmers' survival in Myanmar is increasingly threatened by the state as the military and their business partners engage in rampant land-grabbing.
Tay Za, a 47-year-old self-professed billionaire, runs a network of companies that have historically done the military's bidding, often at odds with the interests of the country's impoverished agrarians. In one of his first interviews with the foreign press (June 2011, La Republica), Tay Za boasted about being the richest man in Myanmar.
Part of those riches have come from his Htoo Construction Company, which recently cleared land for a PVC factory site that has reportedly destroyed farmers' paddy dykes and embankments. When farmers complained, Major Win Myint, of the army-owned joint partner company, threatened them, according to those involved.
A Myanmar court eventually dismissed the case, stating that the factory was a "government" project and that the Htoo Company was "legally" entitled to forcibly take farmers' land. Army officials severely assaulted farmers who complained at a higher court; allegedly bribed police laid charges against the farmers.
In the upside down world of Myanmar, ordinary citizens and their lawyers who make complaints against officials and companies are attacked and charged with false counter-claims. Farmers have no title to land in "democratic" Myanmar. The 2008 constitution declares the state as the "ultimate owner of all lands and all natural resources above and below the ground, above and beneath the water and in the atmosphere in the Union".
Discipline over rights
But the power of tyrannical rule to control individuals comes not only through terror but through ideas that seek to destroy the human spirit. "Only when everybody abides by disciplines will they all be disciplined persons and will family and society and nation develop," goes a government motto.
Over 2,000 poets, artists, comedians, teachers, students, labor activists, lawyers, journalists, politicians and Buddhist monks who threatened military discipline by speaking truth to power are currently languishing in prison. Many have been tortured. Khun Tun Oo, the 75-year-old chairman of the Shan Nationalities League for Democracy, for one, has been sentenced to 95 years in prison for violating the "5/96 Law Prohibiting People From Criticizing the Constitution". The regime has steadfastly denied holding prisoners of conscience, claiming that all those held committed crimes against the state.
There has been optimistic speculation concerning President Thein Sein's new government. False claims of democratic governance and reform promises have been willing accepted in countries keen to engage the regime. Struggle against repression is a difficult, long term project and many now see short term gains in working with the de facto military rulers.
Seeing no prospect of achieving democracy any time soon, some have concluded it is better to come to terms with what seems to be permanent military rule. Through negotiations, they apparently hope, positive developments will arise and fewer brutalities will be committed.
But why is there a readiness to accept brutal terroristic rule now for a supposedly better hypothetical future? Some cling to illusions - including the notion the military will fade from the political scene - when they have nothing else to grasp. Illusion also makes conducting business with repressive regimes easier for foreign corporations to deny their business ventures support the regime or that they are complicit in human rights abuses.
According to an August 19 state media report, the US-based Caterpillar Global Construction Company signed new agreements to sell heavy machinery and engine parts to the regime at a time its land-grabbing is rampant.
The regime's offer of peace through negotiations is ultimately disingenuous. Current brutalities would end immediately if the regime stopped waging war against its own citizens. They could restore human dignity and rights, free prisoners of conscience, end torture, stop military operations against ethnic minority groups, withdraw from government and apologize to the people if their claims to democracy were genuine.
But Myanmar's junta continues to lie, denying that it holds prisoners of conscience, brutally attacks ethnic minority villages, uses forced labor and child soldiers, and confiscates farmers' lands. Disorder and violence are institutionalized in Myanmar's military rule, and little has changed just because soldiers have switched from army khakis to civilian garbs. Indeed, their culture of denial encourages turning collective blind eyes, leaving abuses unexamined and normalized as part of everyday life.
But not everyone is blinded by the junta's lies. Tomas Ojea Quintana, the UN special rapporteur for human rights in Myanmar, has recommended establishing a UN commission of inquiry into crimes against humanity and war crimes in Myanmar. Fourteen Nobel Peace Laureates, the world's leading jurists and 16 countries have supported the inquiry. These clarion voices make it clear that there is still nothing to celebrate and little to hope for in "democratic" Myanmar.
A Myanmar court eventually dismissed the case, stating that the factory was a "government" project and that the Htoo Company was "legally" entitled to forcibly take farmers' land. Army officials severely assaulted farmers who complained at a higher court; allegedly bribed police laid charges against the farmers.
In the upside down world of Myanmar, ordinary citizens and their lawyers who make complaints against officials and companies are attacked and charged with false counter-claims. Farmers have no title to land in "democratic" Myanmar. The 2008 constitution declares the state as the "ultimate owner of all lands and all natural resources above and below the ground, above and beneath the water and in the atmosphere in the Union".
Discipline over rights
But the power of tyrannical rule to control individuals comes not only through terror but through ideas that seek to destroy the human spirit. "Only when everybody abides by disciplines will they all be disciplined persons and will family and society and nation develop," goes a government motto.
Over 2,000 poets, artists, comedians, teachers, students, labor activists, lawyers, journalists, politicians and Buddhist monks who threatened military discipline by speaking truth to power are currently languishing in prison. Many have been tortured. Khun Tun Oo, the 75-year-old chairman of the Shan Nationalities League for Democracy, for one, has been sentenced to 95 years in prison for violating the "5/96 Law Prohibiting People From Criticizing the Constitution". The regime has steadfastly denied holding prisoners of conscience, claiming that all those held committed crimes against the state.
There has been optimistic speculation concerning President Thein Sein's new government. False claims of democratic governance and reform promises have been willing accepted in countries keen to engage the regime. Struggle against repression is a difficult, long term project and many now see short term gains in working with the de facto military rulers.
Seeing no prospect of achieving democracy any time soon, some have concluded it is better to come to terms with what seems to be permanent military rule. Through negotiations, they apparently hope, positive developments will arise and fewer brutalities will be committed.
But why is there a readiness to accept brutal terroristic rule now for a supposedly better hypothetical future? Some cling to illusions - including the notion the military will fade from the political scene - when they have nothing else to grasp. Illusion also makes conducting business with repressive regimes easier for foreign corporations to deny their business ventures support the regime or that they are complicit in human rights abuses.
According to an August 19 state media report, the US-based Caterpillar Global Construction Company signed new agreements to sell heavy machinery and engine parts to the regime at a time its land-grabbing is rampant.
The regime's offer of peace through negotiations is ultimately disingenuous. Current brutalities would end immediately if the regime stopped waging war against its own citizens. They could restore human dignity and rights, free prisoners of conscience, end torture, stop military operations against ethnic minority groups, withdraw from government and apologize to the people if their claims to democracy were genuine.
But Myanmar's junta continues to lie, denying that it holds prisoners of conscience, brutally attacks ethnic minority villages, uses forced labor and child soldiers, and confiscates farmers' lands. Disorder and violence are institutionalized in Myanmar's military rule, and little has changed just because soldiers have switched from army khakis to civilian garbs. Indeed, their culture of denial encourages turning collective blind eyes, leaving abuses unexamined and normalized as part of everyday life.
But not everyone is blinded by the junta's lies. Tomas Ojea Quintana, the UN special rapporteur for human rights in Myanmar, has recommended establishing a UN commission of inquiry into crimes against humanity and war crimes in Myanmar. Fourteen Nobel Peace Laureates, the world's leading jurists and 16 countries have supported the inquiry. These clarion voices make it clear that there is still nothing to celebrate and little to hope for in "democratic" Myanmar.
Nancy Hudson-Rodd, PhD, human geographer, former director of the Centre for Development Studies, honorary research fellow, Edith Cowan University, Western Australia, has conducted research in Myanmar for the past decade on the arbitrary confiscation of farmers' land by the military regime. She may be reached at n.hudson_rodd@ecu.edu.au
Credit :Asia Times
Credit :Asia Times
