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Stories of horror from Myanmar's Rakhine State

The UN's Special Rapporteur to Myanmar tells CNN's Kristie Lu Stout about horrific claims of indiscriminate killings and gang rapes against the Rohingya minority






March 19, 2017

A Myanmar government delegation has reached Cox’s Bazar to visit three camps where the Rohingyas, who fled persecution in their own country, are sheltered.

The 10-member team arrived in the tourist town in the morning on Sunday and met the Cox’s Bazar deputy commissioner at around 11am.

From there they set off for Kutupalong camp in Ukhia, their first destination for a visit, according to Md Ali Hossain, DC of Cox’s Bazar.

Investigation Commission Secretary of Myanmar U Zaw Myint Pe is leading the 10-member team. Five of the members of the team are from the committee Myanmar government constituted on the face of an international outcry to resolve the Rohingya issue.

The refugees from Rohingya Muslim community fled Myanmar in the face of an army crackdown that began in October last year following an attack by unidentified miscreants on a security check post.

According to the International Organization for Migration, some 70,000 refugees have so far taken shelter inside Bangladesh since then.

“They are here to see the plight of the Rohingyas. We also discussed possibilities of economic and cultural cooperation between the two neighbours,” Ali added.

He said the delegation would visit one camp in Balukhali in Ukhia and another in Letah in Teknaf on Monday.
Hard-line Buddhists walk through a street during a protest march, led by Rakhine State's dominant Arakan National Party, against the government's plan to give citizenship to some members of the persecuted Rohingya Muslim minority community in Sittwe, Rakhine state, Myanmar, Sunday, March 19, 2017. Many Rohingya lived in Sittwe, the state capital, before an outbreak of inter-communal violence in 2012 forced them to flee their homes. (AP Photo/Esther Htusan)

By Esther Htusan
March 19, 2017

SITTWE, Myanmar — Hundreds of hard-line Buddhists in a Myanmar state wracked by religious violence protested Sunday against the government's plan to give citizenship to some members of the persecuted Rohingya Muslim minority community.

Rakhine state's dominant Arakan National Party led the protest in Sittwe, the state capital, where many Rohingya lived before an outbreak of inter-communal violence in 2012 forced them to flee their homes.

"We are protesting to tell the government to rightfully follow the 1982 citizenship law and we cannot allow the government giving citizenship cards to these illegal migrants," said Aung Htay, a protest organizer.

The Rohingya face severe discrimination in Buddhist-majority Myanmar, with many in Rakhine and elsewhere considering them to be illegal migrants from neighboring Bangladesh, even though Rohingya have been in Myanmar for generations. The 2012 violence killed hundreds and drove about 140,000 people — predominantly Rohingya — from their homes to camps for the internally displaced, where most remain.

Rakhine, one of the poorest states in Myanmar, is home to more than 1 million stateless Rohingya.

Sunday's protest took place three days after the Rakhine Advisory Commission, led by former U.N. chief Kofi Annan, urged Myanmar's government to reconsider a failed program to verify Rohingya for Myanmar citizenship and to remove restrictions on freedom of movement.

"We also look at the question of citizenship, and we also call for all those who have been recognized as citizens to have all the rights attached to that citizenship," Ghassan Salame, a member of the commission, said last week.

Myanmar's new civilian government, led by Aung San Suu Kyi, welcomed the commission's proposal. Suu Kyi's office said that most of the commission's recommendations would be "implemented promptly."

The government withdrew the Rohingya's so-called white cards two years ago as part of a plan to expel them from the country and cancel their citizenship under the 1982 law.

A Rohingya refugee girl wipes her eyes as she cries at Leda Unregistered Refugee Camp in Teknaf, Bangladesh, February 15, 2017. © Reuters/Mohammad Ponir Hossain

March 19, 2017

Statement to the Tom Lantos Human Rights Commission Hearing

Co-Chairmen Representatives McGovern and Hultgren and members of the committee, thank you for the opportunity to submit a written statement for today’s hearing on the Human Rights of the Rohingya People.

Human Rights Watch has conducted research on the human rights situation in Burma for more than 25 years, focusing on abuses against political dissidents and media, laws-of-war violations in the armed conflicts in ethnic minority areas, and longstanding violenceagainst Burma’s Muslim population, including rampant and systemic violations against the ethnic Rohingya.

About 120,000 Rohingya are currently displaced in camps in Rakhine State as a result of violence in 2012, and nearly 100,000 displaced persons live in squalid, prison-like conditions in camps within Sittwe, the capital of Rakhine State. The humanitarian situation for both remaining internally displaced persons (IDPs) and newly resettled persons remain dire due to restrictions on movement and lack of access to livelihoods and basic services. The Burmese government refuses to use the term Rohingya, which the group self-identifies as but is rejected by ultra-nationalist Buddhists in favor of the term “Bengali,” implying illegal migrant status in Burma. Burma’s de facto leader Aung San Suu Kyi refers to the group as the “Muslim Community in Rakhine State.”

Renewed violence broke out after an October 9, 2016 attack by Rohingya militants on border guard posts in northern Rakhine State. In the wake of the attack, the Burmese military initiated a series of “clearance operations,” locking down the area and denying access to humanitarian aid groups, independent media, and rights monitors. The United Nations estimates that more than one thousand people died in the crackdown. More than 450 Rohingya are being held in Buthidaung prison on charges linked to the attacks on the border posts. 

Human Rights Watch documented numerous abuses associated with the military operations, including widespread arson, extrajudicial killings, and systematic rape and other sexual violence.

Satellite imagery analyzed by Human Rights Watch identified at least 1,500 buildings that were destroyed in Maungdaw township in October and November. The burn scars were consistent with arson attacks, while the pattern of destruction strongly suggested that the buildings were destroyed as part of a military operation. Eyewitness accounts placed accountability for the burnings squarely with the military.

In late 2016 and early 2017, Human Rights Watch researchers in Bangladesh interviewed 40 Rohingya refugees who had fled Rakhine State. The villagers described to Human Rights Watch seeing Burmese military personnel burn their homes, drag family members outside and shoot them, and rape women and girls. Human Rights Watch documented 28 incidents of rape and other sexual assault, some of which involved several victims. Burmese army and Border Guard Police personnel took part in rape, gang rape, invasive body searches, and sexual assaults in at least nine villages in Maungdaw district between October 9 and mid-December. Survivors and witnesses, who identified army and border police units by their uniforms, kerchiefs, armbands, and patches, described security forces carrying out attacks in groups, some holding women down or threatening them at gunpoint while others raped them. Many survivors reported being insulted and threatened on an ethnic or religious basis during the assaults. The sexual violence did not appear to be random or opportunistic, but part of a coordinated and systematic attack against Rohingya, in part because of their ethnicity and religion. A report by the UN Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights also provided detailed accounts of atrocities and concluded that the abuses “seem to have been widespread as well as systematic, indicating the very likely commission of crimes against humanity.”

Massive displacement has been an enduring product of the recent violence and deteriorating conditions. As of January 31, the UN estimates that at least 92,000 have fled their homes—69,000 to neighboring Bangladesh, while 23,000 remain displaced within Maungdaw township.

The humanitarian crisis in northern Rakhine State is worsening each day that access to highly vulnerable and food insecure populations is not fully restored. It is crucial that international stakeholders such as the US government publicly press for the resumption of regular and uninterrupted aid deliveries. The Burmese government has failed to fulfill its promise to allow for the full resumption of aid to impacted areas, deepening the crisis for an already vulnerable population. The World Food Programme (WFP) reported on December 29 that “severe food insecurity appears highly widespread.” On January 13, the delivery of emergency food assistance was permitted to 158 affected villages in Maungdaw township, with some 35,000 reportedly reached by January 30. International staff has not been allowed to conduct distributions. Neither the WFP nor the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) has been able to conduct a comprehensive needs assessment across the impacted areas in Maungdaw, and thus can only estimate the number of people currently in need of humanitarian assistance.

The Burmese government has failed to adequately or effectively investigate abuses against the Rohingya, and has not acted on recommendations to seek UN assistance for an investigation into the violence. It established various committees to investigate the situation in Rakhine State, but the investigations have consistently lacked independence and credibility. The government’s national investigation commission has announced that the military clearance operations were conducted “lawfully,” denied all rape allegations, and rejected evidence of serious abuses and religious persecution.

Burma’s government should immediately allow unfettered humanitarian access to all parts of northern Rakhine State as the United Nations and others have urged, in order to reach people without adequate access to food, shelter, health care, and other necessities. The US government and others with influence in Burma should press the military and civilian authorities to urgently end abuses and grant access to the area.

In light of the Burmese government’s failure to carry out credible investigations of its own, it is clear that the UN Human Rights Council in Geneva, which is currently in session, should create an independent, international investigation body to look into recent abuses. Yanghee Lee, the UN special rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar, has called for the establishment of a commission of inquiry at the session.

The US government should work with the European Union, the Organization of Islamic Cooperation, and others to support a Human Rights Council resolution creating an independent, international fact-finding mission to investigate abuses in Rakhine State, and press the Burmese authorities to cooperate with the probe and provide investigators access to key areas. The US government, which has contributed significant development aid to Burma throughout its democratic transition, should signal that unchecked abuses of the Rohingya will impair the growing US-Burma relationship.

Beyond addressing immediate human rights and humanitarian concerns, the US government should also call on Burma’s union and state governments to cease persecution of the Rohingya population. The 1.2 million Rohingya in Burma have long been targets of government discrimination, facilitated by their effective denial of citizenship under the 1982 Citizenship Law, which should be amended to meet international standards or repealed. The Rohingya have faced enduring rights abuses, including restrictions on movement; limitations on access to health care, livelihood, shelter, and education; arbitrary arrests and detention; and forced labor. Travel is severely constrained by authorization requirements, security checkpoints, curfews, and strict control of IDP camp access. Such barriers compound the health crisis caused by poor living conditions, severe overcrowding, and limited health facilities. The extension and long-term maintenance of curfew orders in northern townships such as Maungdaw and Buthidaung are also a matter of significant concern, and should be rescinded. 

Written Testimony of John Sifton, Asia Advocacy Director

Illegal Rohingya migrants wait at a temporary detention centre in Langkawi, Malaysia after being taken into custody by officials. (Photo: AFP: Manan Vatsyayana) Posted on May 12, 2015 on abc.net.au

March 19, 2017

NARATHIWAT: Thai authorities detained 27 ethnic Rohingya in the Salamai sub-district of Tak Bai early Saturday for allegedly trying to enter Malaysia. 

Narathiwat Regional Immigration chief Col Noppadol Rakchart said those detained — 22 men, three women and two children — were arrested in a lorry at 1.30am. 

"The lorry driver, identified as Somrak, disclosed that he had driven the Rohingya from Ban Mod, Thung Krut in Bangkok to Narathiwat before handing them over to a syndicate which would smuggle them to Malaysia," he told reporters here. 

Noppadol said the driver had done the same with two other groups of Rohingya before this and was paid Baht 30,000 (RM3,800) for each trip.

Meanwhile, one of the ethnic Rohingya, via an interpreter, said they had entered Thailand through the Mae Sot border after paying Baht 15,000 (RM1,900) to the syndicate.

“… or live long enough to see yourself become the villain


By Mary Scully
March 17, 2017

Aung San Suu Kyi rose to the stature of human rights goddess in 2012 when she was finally able to leave Myanmar for Norway to pick up the Noble Peace Prize awarded her in 1991. That was also the year the military junta unleashed a wave of terror and ethnic cleansing against Rohingya Muslims in Arakan state.

The 2012 campaign forced tens of thousands of Rohingya to flee for their lives to Bangladesh or across the Andaman Sea to Thailand. The Rohingya genocide became internationally infamous when Bangladesh closed its borders and refused entry and when Thailand took unsound boats of refugees out to sea and abandoned them. When again in 2015 thousands of Rohingya were stranded in boats off Thailand and Indonesia, not allowed to land, the plight of Rohingya became an international human rights cause.

Through all this, Suu Kyi remained in silent collusion or spoke in equivocations but now openly sides with the junta against the Rohingya.

State-sponsored sexual violence as a weapon of war with impunity has been an issue for decades in Burma. There are many activists and organisations that have done consistent and extensive work on the issue, mostly working from exile in other countries. Documentation goes back as far as 1993 but just between 2005 and 2016, eleven women’s organisation from Myanmar published 33 separate reports on military sexual violence against women in ethnic groups or in groups the military is at war with. Although it is Rohingya who are sustaining what has been called the “final states of genocide,” many other ethnic groups are also targeted with systematic mass rape, conscription of child soldiers, forced labour, massacres, and deliberate destruction of villages and fields. Myanmar could be called a hellhole of ethnic persecution by the army of the Buddhist ethnic majority.

Suu Kyi never had much to say on the issue—or on any issue other than electoral politics—until 2011 when she made a video statement to a Nobel Women’s Initiative ceremony saying: “Rape is used in my country as a weapon against those who only want to live in peace, who only want to assert their basic human rights, especially in the areas of the ethnic nationalities. Rape is rife. It is used as a weapon by the armed forces to intimidate the ethnic nationalities and to divide our country.”

Human rights seems to be a ceremonial gesture to Suu Kyi rather than a commitment because in December 2014, after she was elected to parliament as a renowned human rights figure, she was asked about military impunity for sexual violence which had just been documented in a report titled “If they had hope, they would speak: the ongoing use of state-sponsored sexual violence in Burma’s ethnic communities” from the Women’s League of Burma, a coalition of women’s groups. Suu Kyi’s response was to defend the military by saying the ethnic armed groups also use sexual violence in conflict. Probably – but what does that have to do with impunity for the military committing human rights crimes? It is a non-sequitur meant to dodge the issue of impunity.

During the current offensive against the Rohingya, Suu Kyi has been running interference for the military out of two of her cabinet offices: the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the State Counsellor’s Office. Staff members in those offices claim Rohingya are torching their own homes to get sympathy; they respond to every media report of rape or complaints by victims and witnesses of rape and torture that it’s all made-up and exaggerated to get international sympathy or “fabricated in collusion with terrorist groups.” Her representatives block every attempt to have formal or independent investigations of the allegations by blocking journalists and human rights monitors from entering the Arakan state. Most deplorably, in December, Suu Kyi’s State Counsellor’s staff posted a meme on their website with the words “Fake Rape,” and accused Rohingya women of making up rape allegations. There are also videos of Suu Kyi laughing and ridiculing the accusations during speeches in other countries.

Perhaps nothing shows up the political bankruptcy of Suu Kyi more than contrasting her ridicule and denial of accusations by Rohingya women with the public expression of solidarity from the Karen Women’s Organisation (KWO). Karen are a people within the state of Myanmar engaged in conflict with the army and paramilitary forces since the 1940s with the same human rights issues, including systematic mass rape. The KWO issued a strong statement of solidarity with Rohingya saying: In honour of the courage of women in Myanmar, we ask Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and the NLD government today, to make a simple nation-wide announcement: “Sexual violence is prohibited to members of the Myanmar Army. Any Myanmar soldier found to have committed this crime, and his commanding officers, will be severely punished.”

In the long run, ending state-sponsored violence against men, women, and children in Myanmar will require dismantling the state apparatus and thoroughgoing revolutionary change since the Myanmar military has become inextricable from the ruling elite. That class connection is what Suu Kyi most resonates with more than she does human rights or solidarity with those suffering injustice. It has nothing to do with Buddhism so much as with accepting and justifying inequality. What is needed is for the vision of the 8888 movement, for which so many freedom fighters died, to be fulfilled.

This article was not intended to vilify Suu Kyi personally but to expose her politically as the cynical human rights face of the military which continues to rule Myanmar with an iron fist, denies democratic and civil rights to millions of its ethnic minorities, and is committing genocide against Rohingya Muslims.

The heartfelt purpose is to build international solidarity with Rohingya who have fought long enough alone.

A Rohingya abandoned house is seen at U Shey Kya village outside Maungdaw, in Rakhine state, Myanmar October 26, 2016. REUTERS/Soe Zeya Tun

March 17, 2017

China, backed by Russia, blocked a short U.N. Security Council statement on Myanmar on Friday, diplomats said, after the 15-member body met to discuss the situation in Rakhine state, where the country's military is conducting a security operation.

The U.N. human rights office last month accused the military of mass killings and rapes of Rohingya Muslims and burning their villages since October in a campaign that "very likely" amounts to crimes against humanity and possibly ethnic cleansing.

U.N. political affairs chief Jeffrey Feltman briefed the council behind closed doors. Britain requested the meeting.

"We did put forward ... some proposed press elements but there was not consensus in the room," British U.N. Ambassador Matthew Rycroft, president of the council for March, told reporters after the briefing. 

Such statements have to be agreed by consensus. Diplomats said Myanmar neighbor China, backed by Russia, blocked the statement.

The short draft press statement, seen by Reuters, would have "noted with concern renewed fighting in some parts of the country and stressed the importance of humanitarian access to all effected areas."

Some 75,000 people have fled Rakhine state to Bangladesh since Myanmar's military began a security operation last October in response to what it says was an attack by Rohingya insurgents on border posts in which nine police officers were killed.

The European Union called on Thursday for the United Nations to send an international fact-finding mission urgently to Myanmar to investigate allegations of torture, rapes and executions by the military against the Rohingya Muslim.

Following a closed-door council meeting in November and as Western nations became increasingly concerned about how Aung San Suu Kyi's government was dealing with violence in the divided northwest, Suu Kyi told diplomats in the capital, Naypyitaw, that her country was being treated unfairly.

(Reporting by Michelle Nichols)

In this Feb. 28, 2016, photo, Ko Ni, a legal adviser for Myanmar's ruling National League for Democracy and a prominent member of Myanmar's Muslim minority, is photographed in Naypyitaw, Myanmar. Ko Ni was shot in the head as he waited for taxi outside the Yangon’s international airport in January. The alleged killer of Ko Ni, appeared briefly in court in Yangon on Friday, March 17, 2017. (AP Photo/Aung Shine Oo)

March 17, 2017

YANGON, Myanmar — Four men accused of involvement in the murder of a top legal adviser to Myanmar leader Aung San Suu Kyi's ruling party appeared in a Yangon court on Friday to hear the charges against them.

The alleged hired gunman, Kyi Lin, and three accused plotters were read the murder charge against them for the Jan. 29 shooting of lawyer Ko Ni. A fifth suspect is on the run.

Ko Ni was noted for criticizing army interference in politics and advised Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy on ways to get around articles in the army-imposed constitution that give the military wide powers even after Myanmar's transition to democracy last year.

Three of the suspects are former army officers, fueling speculation the military was involved with the crime — an accusation it denies.

Ko Ni was also an advocate for the Muslim minority in the overwhelmingly Buddhist country, a position that earned him the enmity of ultra-nationalist Buddhist monks and their allies. Myanmar has been gripped by anti-Muslim sentiment in recent years after deadly communal violence in the western state of Rakhine, home to many Rohingya Muslims.

Police have said the motive for the killing was "extreme nationalism" and personal rancor against Ko Ni's politics.

It was the first public appearance of the suspects since their arrests. Kyi Lin is accused of shooting Ko Ni at a taxi stand at Yangon's airport and then fatally shooting a taxi driver who chased him before he was captured. He and one of the other suspects are also charged with possession of unregistered firearms.

"Losing Ko Ni is a big loss for the country and for our party, with which he stood together for many years, and it was an honor to have him in our party," Suu Kyi said in a speech a month after Ko Ni's death.

Military or military-dominated governments ruled Myanmar from 1962 until Suu Kyi's party took power in 2016 after an overwhelming election victory. But the constitution passed during army rule ensures that the military retains great power in government, including a virtual veto over constitutional change.

A relative holds a picture of detained Rohingya fisherman Mohammed Enus, 18, in Sittwe in the state of Rakhine, Myanmar March 2, 2017. REUTERS/Soe Zeya Tun

By Wa Lone, Simon Lewis and Krishna N. Das
March 17, 2017

SITTWE, Myanmar/COX'S BAZAR, Bangladesh -- Children as young as 10 years old are among hundreds of Rohingya Muslims detained on charges of consorting with insurgents, according to a police document seen by Reuters that sheds new light on Myanmar's security campaign in the country's northwest.

Thirteen juveniles are among more than 400 people arrested since Oct. 9, when insurgents attacked three police border posts in northern Rakhine State near the frontier with Bangladesh, the March 7 dated document shows.

Police said some of the children had confessed to working with insurgents and that they were being detained away from adult suspects.

A government spokesman confirmed children were detained in the operation, but said authorities had followed the law. He said he knew of only five juveniles currently being held.

Myanmar's leader and Nobel laureate Aung San Suu Kyi, who took power almost a year ago, is under international pressure over alleged abuses including killings, gang rapes and mass detentions against the stateless Rohingya, about 1.1 million of whom are prevented from traveling freely and accessing basic services in Myanmar.

The government has released few details about the hundreds detained in the Rakhine operation or the charges they face.

The document seen be Reuters lists 423 people held under the colonial-era Unlawful Associations Act. All appear from their names to be male. Their average age is 34, but the youngest is 10 and the oldest 75. One has been crossed out and marked "dead".

Two police captains in Maungdaw, the district at the center of the violence, confirmed the veracity of the 11-page document.

"We police have to arrest those related with the attackers, children or not, but the court will decide if they are guilty, we cannot decide," said Police Captain Than Shwe.

CONTROVERSIAL LAW

Myanmar has ratified international conventions that require additional protections for children accused of crimes.

Reuters was unable to establish whether all those provisions, such whether they have been able to communicate with their families or have legal representation, were being followed.

All 13 juveniles below the age of 18 were sent to be detained outside of prison at a Border Guard Police (BGP) facility in the town of Buthidaung, and were not shackled, said the second police captain, who did not want to be identified.

"Some of the children already confessed that they are involved with the attackers group during interrogation," the police captain said. They were not beaten during questioning, he said.

Domestic law says children aged between seven and 12 are only criminally responsible if mature enough to understand the consequences of their actions. Two listed detainees are under 12, while two more are 13.

Zaw Htay, director general of Suu Kyi's office, told Reuters he was only aware of five children currently detained at the Buthidaung BGP camp.

Authorities were under strict orders not to violate detainees' rights, Zaw Htay said, adding: "We will not forgive anyone who does."

Cases had been opened against all 423 people on the list under the Unlawful Associations Act, said the second police captain. Many on the list, which is not a complete record of all those detained in the operation, were also charged with additional crimes, including murder, he said. 

"We suspect that these people joined the attackers' training or supported them with funding, or they cooperated during the attacks or were involved in the attacks," he said.

Rights groups such as Amnesty International say the Unlawful Associations Act has long been used to arbitrarily arrest and detain ethnic and religious minorities in Myanmar.

SPECIAL COURTS

In a statement to the U.N. Human Rights Council in Geneva, Myanmar said 526 people were "under interrogation" relating to the conflict. Eight detainees had died in custody, the government said.

The government has set up two "special courts" in Buthidaung, said Rakhine's senior state judicial official, advocate general Kyaw Hla Tun. The government would not block the accused from accessing lawyers, he added.

"We want to process them quickly. There are security concerns with the prison being over capacity," he said.

U.N. human rights envoy Yanghee Lee visited Buthidaung prison, where most detainees are being held, in January. Most did not have lawyers, were not informed of the charges against them and had not been able to contact their families, she said.

Reuters also spoke to people who had been released from detention and later fled across the border to Bangladesh, a journey made by about 75,000 refugees since the conflict began.

Di Dar, 22, said he spent 10 days in a military camp after his village was burned in mid-November. The 300 or so people detained with him were constantly handcuffed and beaten during interrogations, and he witnessed two men killed, he said.

Reuters was unable to corroborate his account, or similar accounts from three other former detainees.

"The soldiers would come three times a day and would beat us for about an hour at a time," Di Dar said. "They asked, 'Did you fight us?' 'Were you involved in the insurgency?'"

Click tmsnrt.rs/2n4lsXE for graphic on Rohingya detainees

(Reporting by Wa Lone and Simon Lewis in Sittwe, Myanmar and Krishna N. Das in Cox's Bazar, Bangladesh; Editing by Alex Richardson)




RB News
March 17, 2017


The International Conference of Rohingya (ICR), an event with the theme of “The Plight of the Rohingya: Searching for Solutions,” was held on 14-16 March 2017 at Putrajaya Marriott Hotel, Malaysia. The idea of organising the ICR was initiated by YAB Dato’ Seri Dr. Ahmad Zahid Hamidi, the Deputy Prime Minister of Malaysia, when he was addressing the United Nations General Assembly (UNGA) in New York on the Rohingya issue in September 2016. The ICR is jointly organised by the Institute of Public Security of Malaysia (IPSOM), Amal Foundation of Malaysia (YAM), International Union for Muslim Scholars (IUMS) and the International Federation for Relief and Development Malaysia Chapter. The objective of the conference is to discuss the Rohingya issue, its impact on world geopolitics and to find the best innermost solutions to resolve said issue. 

The ICR presented 6 renowned international and local speakers and moderators with vast experience and expertise on the Rohingya issue. They spoke on the multi-dimensional complexities of the Rohingya crisis, focusing on thoroughly selected topics that cover history, racial equality and religion. This included insights from the perspectives of international bodies such as UNHCR and OIC. More than 250 participants from 13 countries attended. The audience included international and local delegations of diverse background, and the participation of humanitarian activists, academicians, researchers from various Non-Governmental Organisations (NGOs), as well as civil servants. 

The three-day conference marks a landmark effort by Malaysia in its pursuit of a humanitarian mission moving toward ending the atrocities and crimes against the Rohingya. 

Deputy Prime Minister Dato' Seri Dr. Ahmad Zahid Hamidi gave the closing speech of the event and stated that efforts and actions will continue to stop the Rohingya crisis. Malaysia’s Foreign Minister, Dato Sri Anifah Aman, also gave a speech during the dinner at the conference. 

BROUK President Tun Khin said "It was a great honour to speak at the International conference on Rohingya 2017.” He expressed many thanks to Prime Minister Najib Tun Razak and all the people of Malaysia for showing their solidarity to stop the Genocide of the Rohingya. He strongly urged the following points during the meeting with Deputy Prime Minister Dato' Seri Dr. Ahmad Zahid Hamidi and Foreign Minister Dato Sri Anifah Aman. 


1. To support UN Commission of Inquiry. 

2. To bring the Rohingya genocide issue to the Security Council or any other UN assemblies and demand justice and accountability. 

3. To put stronger pressure on The Myanmar government to end the Rohingya Genocide. 

4. To call an ASEAN meeting to call for effective action to end genocide against the Rohingya in Myanmar. 










Published by Rakhine State Advisory Commission on March 16, 2017





Let me make a few introductory remarks on our report.

First, we should accept that the nature of the crisis facing Rakhine state has changed due to the attacks of 9 October and the subsequent security operations.

This has led to investigations and reports by the United Nations and human rights agencies. However, we as the Advisory Commission are guided by our mandate to focus mainly on long-standing obstacles to peace and development in Rakhine State.

We recognise that the challenges facing Rakhine State and its peoples are complex and the search for lasting solutions will require determination, perseverance and trust. Nevertheless, there are steps that


Let me make a few introductory remarks on our report.

First, we should accept that the nature of the crisis facing Rakhine state has changed due to the attacks of 9 October and the subsequent security operations.

This has led to investigations and reports by the United Nations and human rights agencies. However, we as the Advisory Commission are guided by our mandate to focus mainly on long-standing obstacles to peace and development in Rakhine State.

We recognise that the challenges facing Rakhine State and its peoples are complex and the search for lasting solutions will require determination, perseverance and trust. Nevertheless, there are steps that can be taken immediately, which we put forward in this report.
The report proposes a series of measures to address the situation in Rakhine State.

These recommendations include a renewed call for unimpeded access for humanitarian actors and journalists to the affected areas in Northern Rakhine and for independent and impartial investigation of the allegations of crimes committed on and since 9 October 2016.

We strongly believe that perpetrators of these crimes must be held to account.

Our recommendations, of course, go beyond the current situation in Northern Rakhine and include proposals relating to: the protection of rights, freedom of movement, enhanced economic and social development and the edification of Rakhine’s cultural heritage.

The Commission is aware of a number of unresolved concerns surrounding the verification of citizenship and recommends that they be clarified and resolved without delay.

We also stress that inclusive access to healthcare and education for the all the people in Rakhine requires attention and improvement.

In this context the Commission makes some interim recommendations for early remedial measures.

In the Commission’s view, creating conditions conducive for inter-communal dialogue, representation and participation in public life are essential to ensure that Rakhine state is spared from recurring cycles of violence and destruction. We make some recommendations in that regard.

In developing these interim recommendations, my fellow Commissioners and I have undertaken numerous consultations and discussions with a wide range of stakeholders in Rakhine, Yangon, and Naypyitaw.

As part of that consultative process, a Commission team visited Bangladesh. We have also held consultations with officials from Indonesia, Thailand and organisations based in New York and Geneva.

We believe that bilateral cooperation with Bangladesh on security and economic matters is critical, as is the outreach to ASEAN members.

The recommendations in this report are not exhaustive and do not address all of the issues covered in our mandate.

These are early proposals for action. The main body of our recommendations will be presented in a final report later this year.

In closing I want to commend my fellow Commissioners and members of our office in Yangon, who have worked tirelessly to fulfil the important task, set for us by the State Counsellor.

Our consultations will continue as we work to produce our final report, and we look forward to further exchanges with communities and stakeholders across Rakhine State.





Rohingya Exodus