RB News 

January 21, 2017 

Rathedaung, Arakan – Rohingya IDPs (internally displaced people) living in two camps in Rathedaung Township of Arakan State are at risk of starvation and have not had access to healthcare for years. The refugees are suffering inadequate clothing for the cold season as well. 

187 families from Koe Tan Kauk village and 255 families from Chain Khali village in Rathedaung Township have been living in IDP camps since June of 2012. 

In both camps the total number of IDPs is 2,467 people who have not received any rations from the World Food Programme since November of last year. Moreover, the local authorities ordered those inside the camps not work beyond the boundaries of the camp. Now the IDPs are facing a food shortage and have no ability to earn any income at all, according to IDPs in the camp. 

Additionally, the IDPs are lacking clothing warm enough for the cold season and the people in the camps are developing colds, coughing and there are reports of complications for individuals with blood pressure problems. 

Since June of 2012 the IDPs received healthcare a total of 5 times that was provided by an NGO called MHAA in 2015. The NGO visited the camp once a month for five months. Since then no other healthcare has been provided and those living in the camps are unable to seek treatment outside the camp due to the restrictions of movement. 

The IDPs said they believed the government was intentionally keeping them without rations and access to healthcare so they will die from starvation so the security forces won’t need to use bullets to kill them. Whether their suspicions are correct is impossible to confirm, but without proper access to aid and healthcare the effects may ultimately be the same and motives will be irrelevant. 

While facing these difficulties the authorities conducted a population count two months ago. Since January 18th, 2017 the camp leader, Abdul Rokim, has been collecting 1000 Kyat from each family as a fee for photographing them during the authorities population count. 

End of Mission Statement by Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar

Yangon, 20 January 2017

Thank you for the opportunity to address you this evening. As you know I have just completed a 12-day visit to Myanmar and have visited parts of Kachin, Rakhine and Mon States as well as Yangon and Nay Pyi Taw. In Kachin, I stayed one night in Myitkyina as I was not allowed to go to Laiza and Hpakant. In Rakhine, I went to Koe Tan Kauk in Rathedaung; Buthidaung prison; and four villages in Maungdaw north. I met with IDPs in Myitkyina , and in Koe Tan Kauk, and Maungdaw, – I also visited Sittwe prison. During this trip, I visited for the first time a hard labour camp, in Mon State. In Nay Pyi Taw, I met with the State Counsellor as well as Government ministers of all the ministries I had asked to meet except for two. One was away and another ministry declined to see me as did the Commander-in-Chief. I also met with the Attorney General, as well as Governmental and Parliamentary Committees. I will elaborate further on the issues I touch upon in this statement in my report to the Human Rights Council in March. For now, let me share with you my immediate impressions and observations.

There is one word that has hung heavily on my mind during this visit – reprisals. In every one of my visits and in every one of my meetings, I ask the Government of Myanmar to ensure that the people I speak to and even work with, do not suffer reprisals for speaking out on rights issues or expressing their opinions. Yet, distressingly several people I met during this visit would say to me, “I don’t know what will happen to me after our meeting.” In one case, an individual directly told me they thought they would be arrested following our conversation. In another village, where there were more than two communities living separately but side by side, I asked if that person was comfortable talking to me. The response: “I am afraid I will not give the right answer.”

I recall during my preparations before arriving, the news broke of a man having been beheaded – his only crime was apparently to have an opinion and to voice that opinion out loud. In fact, we still do not know the full circumstances leading to that man being beheaded. But the message is clear. Do not express yourself. Do not speak your mind if your opinion or position does not fit or support the narrative and agenda of those who have no qualms in how you live or die. Sadly, this is not an isolated incident. Reportedly, there are at least four more cases of beheadings.

Knowing that by talking to directly affected community members, I could in fact place them and their family’s lives at risk. Yet even more distressing is that many of those I speak to tell me they are willing to take the risk – they see speaking out as their only hope for change and want desperately for the rest of the world to be aware of the situation that they are in. As such I feel a greater responsibility to listen and give a voice to potential victims of human rights violations. It is also a stark indicator that, whilst there have been positive developments in Myanmar, there is still a long way to go to achieve a society where individuals are free to share what has happened to them, to speak their mind, and to live peacefully without fear.

I know many of you here want to hear from me about the situation in Rakhine state, and several of these examples are from this state. I will of course get to Rakhine in more detail. However, I want to start, as I started my visit this time, with the extremely worrying situation in Kachin State, as well as in the north of Shan State. The plight of people in this area is too often overlooked, but sadly, here too, people are suffering and the hope generated by the outcome of the 2015 elections is starting to wane. As you know, for the last three visits I have asked to go to Rakhine, Kachin and northern Shan without fail. Due to time constraints imposed, I made the decision to limit my visit to Kachin and Rakhine.

I pushed hard to go to Laiza and Hpakant. In the past, I had always asked to go to Laiza but access was never granted. My predecessor in his last country visit had gone to Laiza area as had a high-ranking UN official more recently. Yet I was denied access for the fifth time due to security reasons. I also pushed hard to go to Hpakant. This is a Government-controlled area, but like Laiza, the Government did not confirm or deny access until the last minute. The reasons given for the refusal by the State government did not match those given by the Union Government. Furthermore, later that day, I met local interlocutors who had travelled all the way from Hpakant – a 5-6 hour journey to Myitkyina – to share with me their concerns and fears. The explanation I was given by the Government was that, as a ‘special guest,’ the Government was concerned about my security; and as a special guest, I would be apparently particularly targeted.

It is evident that the situation in Kachin and at the northern borders is deteriorating. Those in Kachin State tell me that the conditions have deteriorated – that the situation is now worse than at any point in the past few years. Whilst I was not able to travel to the areas most severely affected, the situation is now such that even in Myitkyina, the capital of the state and home to over 300,000 people, residents are afraid – and now stay home after dark.

I have heard that in active conflict areas the situation is far worse. I met a family who was displaced from Zai Awng IDP camp after shells fell nearby – they had fled in terror and resorted to digging a hole in the forest to stay in at night for six days whilst they tried to gather the funds needed to escape the area – six days in a hole with four children, the youngest a few months old and another only two. I heard after my visit, that some of those from the Zai Awng camp were displaced for a third time. These people have done nothing wrong, yet they suffer, merely because they live in an area, where others fight. When I raised this case with the State Government, and by state government meaning the military side, the response was again denial – I was told the IDP camp did not exist, as I was told before that in Kutkai there were no IDPs either.

Like I always do during my visits to Myanmar, I made a point of going to several places of detention during this trip; and when I was not allowed access to Laiza and Hpakant, I asked to make a day trip from Yangon to a hard labour camp [officially called a production camp] in Zin Gyaik, Mon State. And as I always do in places of detention, I asked to meet those who are being held there in addition to making a site visit and observing the conditions of detention.

Some whom I met at the hard labour camp said they were afraid of what would happen to them after speaking to me. And a few described how they had the previous three days “off” from their usual hard labour work to clean their living and sleeping quarters as a “VIP was coming.” While some of the facilities appeared better than other prisons I have visited, major concerns from that visit to the hard labour camp are the use of shackles as a form of additional punishment (including while working in the quarry) as well as the lack of transparency and information shared with the prisoners regarding their selection and transfer from another prison to the hard labour camp. I also have a concern about the lack of an independent complaint system for the prisoners at this hard labour camp but unfortunately this is the case in all prison camps in Myanmar.

Besides the hard labour camp, I also visited Insein prison in Yangon, and Buthidaung and Sittwe prisons in Rakhine State. In these prisons, I met prisoners and detainees who were charged (and convicted) for criticising high-level Government or military officials, for raising human rights issues, for filing court cases against the Government and for not meeting the rules for peaceful assembly in attempts to express their concerns for the Government’s attention. I have received reports that over 40 people are now facing prosecution for defamation under section 66 (d) of the Telecommunications law – many of them merely for speaking their minds. In other meetings, lawyers taking on sensitive cases, reported harassment and even prosecution. I visited a Chin community in Sittwe. This community had raised an issue about limited drainage with their local authority, and in response an adjacent community built a road block at the entrance of the 11 Chin households. For nine months, the main access road for these 11 households was blocked despite complaints brought by the Chin community to the relevant authorities.

In Rakhine State, I asked to meet with some of those who had been arrested and detained for allegedly playing a role, active or supporting, in the armed attacks against the security forces in early October and mid-November. Except for one suspect whose family knew that the detainee had rights and sought a lawyer for him, the other prisoners did not have legal representation. They did not seem informed of the charges, if any, against them apart from being aware that they could be suspected of being associated with the attackers against the Border Guard posts on 9 October. Some had not been in communication with their family for the 2-3 months since they had been arrested. I further noted that their families – were not informed of their arrest or the location of where they were detained causing untold distress for families members. One suspect was certain that his family would think that he was dead and during my visit to villages in Maungdaw, I met women whose husbands were in their words ‘taken away’ whom they believed would never come back. The prison officials told me that there are more than 450 individuals detained in Buthidaung in relation to the attack – meaning many families unaware and uninformed of this detention fearing that they will never see their loved ones again.

What has been said to me over and over by Government representatives regarding the 9 October attacks is that this was not an inter-communal violence or crisis; that this was a calculated attack against the sovereignty of Myanmar and that the Government rightly launched a security response. The Government described to me how the attacks occurred and I saw the three Border Guard posts concerned. I deplore these attacks carried out in a brutal manner and I convey my deepest condolences to the families of those killed.

Whilst authorities are required to respond to such attacks – the response must be carried out within the parameters of the rule of law and in full compliance with human rights. I saw with my own eyes the structures that were burnt down in Wa Peik, and it is hard for me to believe that these are consequent to actions taken in a hurry or haphazardly. I was told by Government officials – as had been reported – that it was the villagers who had burnt down their own houses. And the reason they would burn down their own houses was because these houses were of poor quality; and by burning down their own houses, they can expect to get international actors to come in and help build them better houses. The authorities offered no evidence for this, and I find this argument quite incredible.

Considering the policy of systematic and institutionalised discrimination against the Rohingya with limited access to education and healthcare services – basic services that the international actors have been ready to supply but blocked from providing, it would be quite far-fetched for them to suddenly think that the authorities would allow international actors to help build them better houses. The alternative argument given by the authorities were that this was part of the Rohingya villagers’ propaganda campaign to put the security services in a bad light. Again, I find it quite incredible that these desperate people are willing to burn down their own houses (where they may have lived for generations) to be without a home, potentially displaced, for five years or more like those in Sittwe, just to give the Government a bad name.

I must remind again that these attacks took place within the context of decades of systematic and institutionalised discrimination against the Rohingya population. Desperate individuals take desperate actions. And while such desperate actions in this case are not justified in any way, I do believe if the affected population had felt that the new Government would start addressing their situation and grievances, then extreme elements would not have easily been able to hijack their cause.

When the allegations of human rights violations consequent to the security operations started surfacing, the Government’s immediate response was to deny them. Even when a scientifically-based analysis of the burning and destruction of houses was presented, the immediate response was dismissal. Perhaps some of the portrayal of the situation may have been sensationalised. In fact at least one media outlet had reported that my access was blocked in Rakhine when this was not entirely true. But for the Government to continue being defensive when allegations of serious human rights violations are persistently reported, that is when the Government appears less and less credible. This perception is then reinforced when a video clip of the Myanmar Police personnel beating men – and children – who were rounded up during the security operations went viral. While the authorities may have swiftly responded in this case by arresting some of those captured in the video it highlights the possibility that such treatment of the local population by the security personnel may not be an isolated incident but rather a more common practice.

Over and over it has been said that trust needs to be built between the two communities in Rakhine State; that they need to learn to live together, as they had done for decades before. But I believe another important relationship that requires trust building is the relationship between the people and the Government, particularly with the security forces in this instance. By conducting a security operations with seemingly little regard for the rights and dignity of the majority population residing in the affected areas, the security forces have further weakened the trust the Muslim population had cautiously put into the new Government. It should not be a surprise, in this context, that many from among the Rohingya population have not welcomed the announcement of the resumption of the citizenship verification exercise and resumption of the issuance of the Identity Card for National Verification subsequent to the expiry of the TRC. The timing of this announcement while security operations are still on-going is concerning. Furthermore there has been no progress on the fundamental issues which have plagued previous attempts at conducting a citizenship verification exercise under the 1982 Citizenship law. It is evident that clear, timely and accessible information needs to be provided and further consultation undertaken. A fundamental problem still remains however when individuals who received citizenship in the last verification exercise are still not able to enjoy their rights as citizens. The situation in Myebon, where those granted citizenship remain subject to limitations, is a case in point.

Data and evidence is important here, and in order to assess, evaluate and respond to those needs, we need technical experts to help provide the most feasible response. We cannot make a broad assumption for example that there is no malnutrition in an area as the government-appointed investigation commission did – simply because the conditions for fishing or farming are favourable there. When there are available relevant data which had been obtained through a rigorous method by experts in their field, then the government should consult such data. We cannot simply dismiss data that it does not accept or fully understand.

Humanitarian actors are mandated to use their expertise to help suffering individuals but are currently being prevented from doing so by the Government. In Kachin and Shan States as well as in the north of Rakhine, humanitarian access is worse now than it was when I last visited, with access shrinking month on month and is allowed is subject to ever increasing bureaucratic hurdles. Access is slowly starting to improve in the North of Rakhine state, but it remains mostly limited to national staff, with international staff stuck in towns unable to do their jobs.

The government’s response to all of these problems seems to currently be to defend, dismiss and deny. And this response is not only counterproductive but is draining away the hope that had been sweeping the country. But I do believe it is not too late to reverse this trend, and during my visit, I also met many people who are doing their best in very difficult situations. I met groups working tirelessly to bring communities together. I was pleased to see many new public servants growing into their roles despite the constraints of an institutional structure that is far from perfect. Several ministry and local officials were keen to discuss the problems they face and were open to considering new ideas. This sense of openness and adaptability needs to be nurtured and spread.

It pains me to see when talking to the ordinary people of Myanmar during this visit their feelings of optimism and hope slowly fading just after one year when the whole country was elated with the outcome of the last general elections. From my meetings and conversations with the State Counsellor and the various officials, I can see their genuine commitment and dedication in improving the lives of all in Myanmar. Somehow this commitment has yet to translate into real actions that are felt on the ground. I encourage the Government to appeal to all communities in the country to be more open and understanding of each other, to respect each other instead of scapegoating others for the sake of advancing their own self-interests. It would be particularly important for the security forces to always act within the parameters of the rule of law and in compliance with human rights. It would be crucial for the Government to combat the apparent climate of impunity that seem to have emboldened certain extreme elements by taking the law into their own hands and meting out their own justice. There must be accountability and justice must be done and seen to be done to reassure the ordinary people that no one is above the law.

I would like for the Government, the military side including, to be open and accepting of the offer of assistance from other international actors, particularly the UN that always stand ready to support the successful democratic transition of Myanmar. I take this opportunity to thank the Government for its invitation and for maintaining cooperation with my mandate. I particularly would like to note with appreciation the efforts made to ensure my safety and that of my team. I would also like to thank the United Nations Country Team for their support and assistance.

As I have repeatedly said in the past, I stand ready to assist in the journey towards a more free and democratic Myanmar.

Originally published on UNIC Yangon website.

The Honorable António Guterres

The Secretary General

United Nations 

United Nations Headquarters, 

New York, USA.

16th January, 2017 

Your Excellency, 

On behalf of the Rohingya Community and the oppressed people around the world I would like to extend the warmest congratulation to you for your new role as the Secretary General of the United Nations. Moreover, I would like to stress my deepest appreciation to you for your vigorous and robust advocacy for the plight of Rohingya people. I am Zaw Min Htut and I am the Executive Director of Rohingya Advocacy Network in Japan (RANJ). In addition, I am well recognized human rights and Rohingya activist in Japan. I met you during your visit to Japan whilst your tenure as the High Commissioner of UNHCR in the year 2007.

I would like to raise the appalling situation of the Rohingyas into your kind attention. The plight of Rohingya itself is not new and it`s been an outstanding issue for at least for six decades. There are around 1.3 million Muslim Rohingya in Myanmar and more than 1.5 million Rohingya has had to flee as refugees from their motherland to escape persecution and discrimination by the successive Myanmar Military regimes. The Rohingyas are among the world’s most persecuted minorities, who for decades have been subjected to a campaign of marginalization and dehumanization. In 1982, their rights to citizenship were removed, and they were rendered stateless, despite living in the country for centuries. They have endured severe restrictions on movement, marriage, education and religious freedom. Yet despite the claims by government and military and many in society that they are in fact illegal Bengali immigrants who have crossed the border, Bangladesh does not recognize them either.

Their suffering intensified dramatically in 2012 when the majority Rakhine Buddhist’s violence attacked on Rohingya erupted, resulting more than 200 death, several villages burnt into ashes and more than 150 thousands forced to flee their homes to be internally displaced persons. Since then, there has been periodic violence attacked on Rohingya by the extremists Buddhist’s Rakhine backed by government armed forces. 

Since 9th October 2016, a massive military operation was executed under the pretext of hunting down the perpetrators of the border post attack, but a collective punishment is underway. We are shocked by the deafening silent from the world leaders on current mass atrocity on the Rohingya community executed by the Myanmar military backed regime lead by Aung San Suu kyi. 

The Myanmar government, ruled essentially by the military, has cordoned all access into the operation killing zones, leaving the Rohingya at the mercy of the army and the Rakhine Buddhist militias. This development, if not halted may very well be the final stage of the complete wiping out of the Rohingya ethnic in Myanmar. The situation is very appalling. The people are totally defenseless. Women, children and the elderlies are targeted with the intention of forcing the men that had to take refuge in the forest to surrender. Hundreds of young and adult men are rounded up to be taken in, tortured to confess and most of them facing extra judiciary murder. Women and girls have given testimonies of being gang raped by the militias and the army. Dozens of villages are now burned to ashes, more than 65 thousands had fled to Bangladesh, hundreds have been killed and more will be targeted. 

The NLD government’s response to the unfolding crisis has been decidedly hypocritical, denying well documented atrocities by the international Human Rights Organizations such as UN Human Rights Council, HRW, AI. As a result of the lack of intervention by any state party and organs such as the United Nations Security Council, the Rohingya are subject to death and destruction as a group because of silence and rampant impunity. 

In light of above fact we would like to appeal to the UN for Intervention as a matter of urgency as the authorities on the ground are not willing to protect the Rohingya population in Nothern Arakan State. I am very confident that you would endeavor your utmost to protect the Rohingyas from persecution and mass atrocity crimes by using every resource at your capacity as the Secretary General of the UN.

Yours Sincerely,

Zaw Min Htut

Executive Director 

Rohingya Advocacy Network in Japan (RANJ)

By Patrick Wintour

The Guardian

January 19, 2017

British MPs call on foreign secretary to take a tougher line on Myanmar military’s persecution of Muslim minority group

The British foreign secretary, Boris Johnson, will make a delicate visit to Myanmar on Friday to try to press Aung San Suu Kyi to end the persecution of religious minorities and allow aid workers full access to areas of conflict.

The two-day trip, the most high-profile UK visit to the country since David Cameron visited in 2012, is highly sensitive because the British government has been reluctant to blame Myanmar’s de-facto leader and Nobel peace prizewinner for the persecution of the Rohingya people.

A military crackdown in Rakhine province has cast a pall over the government of Aung San Suu Kyi, who spent much of the past two decades under house arrest before winning elections in November 2015 that ended decades of military rule. 

Myanmar’s armed forces, the Tatmadaw, retain significant power and Johnson will also be looking to raise the Rohingya issue with the army’s commander-in-chief, Min Aung Hlaing. Under the country’s constitution, which was drafted by the Tatmadaw, the military controls the three most powerful government ministries: home, defence and border affairs.

The UN estimates that 66,000 members of the predominantly Muslim Rohingya community have fled to Bangladesh since October. 

Johnson is due to travel to Yangon and the country’s capital, Naypyidaw. 

The UK Foreign Office minister Alok Sharma said on Tuesday that the military was largely responsible for the human rights abuses in Rakhine. “Clearly it is the army that is acting in the areas where there are humanitarian issues,” he told the House of Commons. 

He said Johnson would be making strong representations while in Myanmar, but refrained from calling for a UN-led inquiry into the persecution of the Rohingya, saying he did not think there was international consensus for such a step.

In a sign of the concern about the conflict, the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation’s special envoy to Myanmar, Syed Hamid Albar, has said the UN should intervene to avoid another Cambodia or Rwanda. 

Min Aung Hlaing was defiant this week, saying his troops would continue to engage in military action because leaders of some ethnic armed organisations in the country were narrow-minded” in their approach to peace.

Aung San Suu Kyi, whose National League for Democracy won the 2015 election convincingly, has criticised the Tatmadaw, but her detractors say she has been reluctant to recognise the plight of ethnic minorities. 

She is barred by law from the presidency, which is held by her close aide Htin Kyaw. She is the foreign minister and a state counsellor.

In the Commons, MPs from all sides called on Johnson step up the UK government’s criticism of the persecution. A former Foreign Office minister, Sir Hugo Swire, urged it to consider withdrawing any further military training to the Myanmar army.

He also said Johnson should to travel to Sittwe, in Rakhine, to talk to the Rohingya and report back on any evidence that outside forces were stirring up unrest.

Sharma, Swire’s successor, said the Ministry of Defence did not provide combat training, and aid instead focused on English-language tuition and policing in a modern democracy.

The shadow Foreign Office minister Catherine West said she was deeply concerned about a “raft of human rights violations have taken place in recent months, including cases of torture, rape and sexual assault, summary executions and the destruction of mosques and homes.”.

1. The Ministers of Foreign Affairs of the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) convened an Extraordinary Session on the Situation of the Rohingya Muslim Minority in Myanmar, in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia on 19 January 2017, under the Chairmanship of Malaysia.

2. The Meeting expressed grave concern at the recent eruption of violence in northern Rakhine that resulted in the loss of innocent lives and displaced tens of thousands of Rohingya people, and called upon the Government of Myanmar to take decisive steps to restore calm to the affected areas. The Government of Myanmar should ensure that the security forces act in accordance with the rule of law and that all perpetrators of acts of violence be held accountable.

3. The Meeting also urged the Government of Myanmar to abide by its obligations under international law, international humanitarian law and human rights covenants, and take all necessary measures to stop the violence and discrimination against the Rohingya Muslim Minority and continued attempts to deny their culture and identity. 

4. The Meeting further urged the Government of Myanmar to eliminate the root causes affecting the Rohingya Muslim Minority. In this regard, the Meeting renewed its call upon the Government of Myanmar to restore the citizenship of the Rohingya Muslims which was revoked in the Citizenship Act of 1982.

5. The Meeting urged the authorities of Myanmar to take effective measures to prevent the worsening of the humanitarian crisis in Rakhine State. The Meeting also expressed appreciation to OIC Member States that have extended humanitarian assistance to the affected communities and urged the international community and OIC Member States to do so. 

6. The Meeting called upon the Government of Myanmar to take all necessary measures to restore peace and inter-communal harmony through dialogue and a comprehensive national peace and reconciliation process involving all segments of society in Myanmar. In this regard, the importance of moderation was underlined as a core value in countering extremism and terrorism in all their aspects.

7. The Meeting invited OIC Member States to continue to share the substantial costs incurred by those countries that have provided temporary shelter and protection to Rohingya refugees, in accordance with the principles of burden-sharing and shared responsibility, and in the spirit of Islamic solidarity.

8. The Meeting called on the Government of Myanmar to ensure an inclusive and transparent policy towards ethnic and religious communities, by including the Rohingya Muslim Minority as an integral part of this process and considering them as an ethnic minority, as called for by relevant UN General Assembly and Human Rights Council resolutions. 

9. Having deliberated on the situation of the Rohingya Muslim Minority in Myanmar, the Meeting decided on the following:

• To request the Secretary General to coordinate with the Government of Myanmar for a high level delegation from the OIC Contact Group to visit Rakhine State to meet with local officials and the affected Rohingya Muslim Minority. In this regard, the Meeting further requested the cooperation of the Government of Myanmar to receive this visit.
• To further request the Secretary General to explore joint initiatives with his counterparts in the UN and ASEAN , that can support the Government of Myanmar to develop and implement inter-faith and inter-communal dialogues in the country and in the wider Southeast Asian region.
• To request the OIC Groups in New York, Geneva and Brussels to regularly review the evolving situation and explore sustained engagement strategies with Myanmar, the United Nations, the European Union, and other international organizations.
• To encourage the OIC Independent Permanent Human Rights Commission (IPHRC) to continue examining the situation of the Rohingya Muslim Minority in Myanmar as a priority issue on its agenda. 

10. The Meeting expressed its deep appreciation and gratitude to the Government of Malaysia for its hospitality and excellent arrangements in hosting the meeting.

Bismillahir rahmanir Rahim.

His Excellency Dato’ Seri Dr. Ahmad Zahid Hamidi,

Deputy Prime Minister of Malaysia;

His Excellency Dato’ Sri Anifah Hj. Aman,

Minister of Foreign Affairs of Malaysia,

Chair of the Extraordinary Session of the OIC Council of Foreign Ministers on the Situation of the Rohingya Muslim Minority in Myanmar;

His Excellency Dr Yousef bin Ahmed Al-Othaimeen,

Secretary-General of the OIC;

Excellencies, Distinguished Guests,

Ladies and Gentlemen,

Assalamu’alaikum warahmatullahi wabarakatuh – and good afternoon.

1. Let me begin my expressing my deep appreciation to all of you for joining us here, in Kuala Lumpur, for this Extraordinary Session of the OIC Council of Foreign Ministers.

2. The circumstances that have brought us together are tragic, but it is my hope that this gathering will help find a way to alleviate the suffering of our brothers and sisters, the Rohingya Muslim Minority, in Myanmar.

3. This is of one of the first major meetings being held under the auspices of the OIC since the appointment of His Excellency Dr Yousef bin Ahmed Al-Othaimeen as Secretary General.

4. Your Excellency; I am delighted you have been able to join us today and am confident that, under your stewardship, this noble organisation will continue to achieve even greater heights in the cause of Islam and the Ummah.

5. Malaysia has always been amongst the staunchest of supporters of the OIC, as far back as its founding, when our first Prime Minister, Tunku Abdul Rahman, was elected the organisation’s first Secretary General.

Excellencies, Ladies and Gentlemen,

6. The humanitarian crisis in Myanmar’s Rakhine State is a cause of great and immediate concern to us all. The loss of life cannot be disputed. And in Islam the Right to Life is the first and foremost basic right, as stated in Verse 32 of Surah Al Maidah: “…whoever kills a soul…it is as if he had slain mankind entirely. And whoever saves one – it is as if he had saved mankind entirely…”

7. Far too many people have lost their lives in Myanmar. Many have suffered appalling deaths, and those that have lived through the atrocities have witnessed or endured unspeakable cruelty. That in itself is a reason why we cannot keep silent.

8. At the same time, those of us who are based in this region have learned from history. And I believe I speak for all neighbouring countries when I say that we want to avoid a repeat of the 2015 “boat people” crisis.

9. This not only caused untold suffering to the people who were forced to flee their homes, but had the potential to impact the security and stability of the broader region.

10. In recent years, Malaysia has been on the frontline when it comes to the irregular movement of people. As it is, we are hosting around 56,000 displaced Rohingya men, women and children who have had to flee from Rakhine State.

11. The Government, and indeed the people of Malaysia are willing to shoulder the financial and social responsibility of providing shelter and basic necessities to our Rohingya brothers and sisters. It is the morally right thing to do. However, the fact that they have been forced to flee is a tragic indictment of the situation they faced at home.

12. To make matters worse, the Rohingyas have become easy targets for human trafficking networks. In many cases, they are held for weeks while smugglers extort more money from families back home. During their perilous journeys, they risk abuse by smugglers, and worse, death by drowning.

13. We fear that if the situation of the Rohingya Muslim minority in Rakhine State is not properly addressed, militant elements could infiltrate and possibly radicalise this oppressed community.

14. OIC Member States are well aware that terrorist organisations such as Daesh could seek to take advantage of this situation. This should concern the international community as a whole, as the threat of a new home for terrorist groups has the potential to cause death and destruction well beyond this region.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

15. Myanmar has no firmer friend than Malaysia. We supported our near neighbours when they were alone and friendless. We fought for their inclusion in ASEAN. We resisted efforts to punish and isolate them.

16. We did so because we recognised that Myanmar is too large, too important and too significant to be left out in the cold. It is part of our region and a part of our community of nations.

17. We recognised the unique characteristics that it possesses – its people, its natural resources, and of course its strategic location. Among the member states of ASEAN, it is alone in sharing land borders with both China and India.

18. Just as significantly, we recognised and continue to recognise the resilience and commitment of the Myanmar people which enabled them to shake off the chains of dictatorship in a peaceful, moderate and mature manner.

19. The political progress that they have made since then is testimony to our faith in Myanmar, its government and its people. It is a source of pride and hope for all those who believe in peace over violence, and indeed, democracy over dictatorship.

20. So, as a true and long-standing friend to Myanmar, I say this from the bottom of my heart: It is time to end this crisis.

21. How should it be resolved?

22. For a start, the killing must stop.

23. The burning of houses must stop.

24. The violation of women and girls must stop.

25. The persecution of your fellow men and women, simply on the grounds that they are Muslim, must stop.

26. The denial of basic rights to your fellow human beings must stop.

27. I say to our friends in Myanmar: Prove yourselves worthy of your great traditions and history again. Be equal to the words your father of independence, General Aung San, delivered in 1946:

28. “Nowadays, all the world over, we cannot confine the definition of a nationality to the narrow bounds of race, religion and others. Nations are extending their rights of their respective communities even to others who may not belong to them, except by their mere residence amongst them, and their determination to live and be with them…”

Ladies and gentlemen,

29. While we have been compelled to take a public position on the situation in Myanmar, I wish to make clear that there is no stronger supporter of the principle of non-interference in the internal affairs of sovereign countries than Malaysia.

30. Having said that, I wish to emphasise that if the domestic affairs of a country results in instability which affects other countries in the region, they cannot be expected to remain silent, or hope for the best and pray that it does not get worse.

31. Surely they should be given the latitude to express their concerns effectively and in a manner that would help address the pressing humanitarian situation. Should it not be within the rights of the affected countries to mobilise support from the international community to this end?

32. ASEAN has every right to raise this issue, and I was therefore glad that this was recognised by the Foreign Ministers meeting on the subject in Yangon last month.

33. At that meeting, our Foreign Minister, Dato’ Sri Anifah Aman, called for an independent group of eminent ASEAN persons to address the crisis, and quite correctly said that we – as ASEAN – must do so collectively.

34. The ASEAN Human Rights Declaration could not be clearer. It states that every person has an inherent right to life protected by law. A right to personal liberty and security. A right to freedom of religion. A right not to be subjected to cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment.

35. No one could say that these rights are currently being adequately defended in Rakhine State. It is not just about the Rohingyas being Muslim. We want them to live, as Muslims are instructed to do, as a responsible minority, fully respecting the laws of the country, in a non-Muslim state.

36. But the current situation is a stain on ASEAN itself, and on the Community we declared established at the end of 2015, under Malaysia’s chairmanship.

37. We in ASEAN must live up to what the Community stands for – otherwise it would be a Community in name only, a disgrace to the visionaries who came together to found ASEAN 50 years ago.

38. We will have failed them if we do not do our utmost to avert the catastrophe that has been unfolding for the Rohingyas.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

39. In the same spirit of openness, it is important to note that there have been some positive developments and some efforts by the Government of Myanmar to tackle this issue.

40. We are encouraged by the establishment of the Ministry of Ethnic Affairs, the Central Committee for the Implementation of Peace, Stability and Development in Rakhine State, and the Rakhine State Advisory Commission.

41. However, we believe that much more can and needs to be done to resolve the problems in Rakhine State.

42. We strongly urge the Government of Myanmar to provide unimpeded access for the delivery of humanitarian aid to the affected areas. At the same time, we call on the Government of Myanmar to facilitate the safe and dignified return of refugees to their homes and communities.

43. The root causes of this problem must be addressed urgently in their entirety, with a view to finding mutually favourable, long-term and comprehensive solutions for all the parties involved.

44. We call on the Government of Myanmar to cease all discriminatory actions and attacks against the Rohingyas immediately, and for the perpetrators to be brought to justice.

45. This must happen now. Not in a few months’ time, when Kofi Annan’s committee is due to report. No people, who are being persecuted, should be expected to endure months of committee meetings before they are afforded protection.

46. The Government of Myanmar disputes the terms “genocide” and “ethnic cleansing”. But whatever the terminology, the Rohingyas CAN NOT wait.

47. Not when they and their families risk being burned alive in their own homes.

48. Not when their wives and daughters are being violated.

49. Not when their communities are being destroyed, their people left destitute and dispersed.

50. Not when the future of their young people – their education, and what should be the hopeful dawn of their adult lives – is being destroyed before their very eyes.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

51. Malaysia has consistently voiced its concern about the plight of the Rohingyas. Furthermore, we have and will continue to provide humanitarian assistance through our NGOs, as well as temporary shelter for Rohingya migrants currently in Malaysia, pending their resettlement by UNHCR or eventual return to Myanmar.

52. And our assistance in Myanmar is not only for Muslims, but for all who need it in the affected areas.

53. Presently, MERCY Malaysia has successfully established static and mobile clinics in Sittwe, Rakhine State, in collaboration with local NGOs, as part of its ongoing efforts to render healthcare services to Internally Displaced Persons in Myanmar.

54. I am also pleased to be able to announce that Malaysia will contribute a sum of 10 million ringgit to assist in humanitarian efforts and social rehabilitation projects in Rakhine State.

55. The fund will be used to build infrastructure, such as educational and medical institutions, that will contribute to development there and improve the quality of life of its people.

56. Malaysia will also continue to extend our support to human resource development through the Malaysia Technical Cooperation Programme (MTCP). Currently, Myanmar is the largest recipient of the MTCP among ASEAN countries, and the capacity-building initiatives it provides are an important part of striving for a viable long-term solution.

57. I encourage and welcome any pledges of assistance from other Member States.

58. Indeed, I call on the OIC, in the name and spirit of Islamic solidarity, to recognise that it is our collective responsibility to assist our brothers and sisters in Rakhine State.

59. It is incumbent upon us to do all we can to save them from the humanitarian tragedy they are suffering; and to help provide them with a future that is safe, sustainable, and characterised by the dignity that should be the birth right of every human being.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

60. Malaysia has always subscribed to the concept of wasatiyya, or moderation, which espouses the values of mutual respect, understanding and tolerance. In line with this, we believe that any discord should be resolved peacefully, in accordance with the principles of Islamic teachings.

61. As a multi-ethnic and multi-religious nation, we hold on to these values dearly, as we have done throughout our journey of nationhood. We believe that wasatiyya can and should contribute to building a more peaceful, secure and equitable world.

62. Accordingly, we call on the Government of Myanmar to promote interreligious and intercultural dialogue to stem the spread of discrimination and prejudice against Muslims, and members of ethnic, religious and linguistic minorities across the country.

63. I hope that, through our deliberations in these halls, we will collectively be able to propose actions and measures to address the situation of the Rohingya Muslim minority in Myanmar.

64. It is the duty of the OIC to keep the international community focused on the plight of the Rohingyas, and I thank you all for accepting Malaysia’s invitation to urgently discuss this today.

Ladies and Gentleman,

65. We fight for the rights of the Rohingyas, just as we continue to do so for our Palestinian brothers and sisters. The adoption of Resolution 2334, which was promoted and co-sponsored by Malaysia at the United Nations Security Council, echoed around the world.

66. Although Malaysia’s term as a non-permanent member of the Security Council has ended, Malaysia will continue to play an active role as a UN member state in efforts towards finding a peaceful solution to the Palestinian-Israeli conflict.

67. We will continue to support the legitimate rights of the Palestinian people for an independent State of Palestine with the realisation of two states, Palestine and Israel, living side by side, based on the 1967 borders, with East Jerusalem as the Palestinian capital.

Ladies and gentlemen,

68. Today, we have a new struggle that we must all come together to support – for the Rohingyas, and for an end to the pain, deprivation and death they have suffered for too long.

69. We cannot stand by and do nothing. We represent 57 countries and a combined population of over 1.6 billion.

70. Our charter enjoins us specifically “to assist Muslim minorities and communities outside the Member States to preserve their dignity, cultural and religious identity”.

71. We must be equal to this challenge. We must show that this organisation is truly the friend and guarantor of Muslims everywhere. We must show that while we may have our differences, the Ummah will come together in defence of our brothers and sisters in their time of need.

72. Let us hope that Allah will bless our noble endeavour – for the sake of the Rohingyas, for the sake of the Ummah, and for the sake of all humanity.

Thank you.

By The Star Online

January 18, 2017

PETALING JAYA: Malaysia is pushing hard for a solution to the Rohingya crisis as it can ill afford another flood of illegal immigrants from Myanmar.

Tomorrow, Kuala Lumpur will play host to foreign ministers from the Organisation of Islamic Coope­ration (OIC) for an emergency meeting to discuss the crisis.

According to the latest report from the United Nations, more than 60,000 Rohingya have already crossed the border into Bangladesh since October last year to flee the violence against them.

Deputy Home Minister Datuk Nur Jazlan Mohamed, when asked about the possibility of another wave of Rohingya fleeing to Malaysian shores, said authorities were keeping a close eye on human traffickers who may try to bring them in.

He said the Rohingya were not encouraged to come to Malaysia, adding that normal immigration laws would prevail to assess those who came into the country, to see if they qualified as legitimate refugees or economic migrants.

“The Home Ministry also cautions the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) to exercise restraint and not issue their cards to ineligible persons,” he added.

There are reportedly about 50,000 Rohingya in Malaysia. In May 2015, 1,158 illegal immigrants, including Rohingya, were dumped by human traffickers on the shores of Langkawi.

The United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) said that as at Jan 12, 66,000 new arrivals from Myanmar have been recorded in Cox’s Bazar in Bangladesh since October 2016.

“In terms of boats, we haven’t heard of any significant maritime movements during this dry season so far,” said OCHA’s public information and advocacy officer Pierre Peron when contacted.

Malaysian Maritime Enforcement Agency (MMEA) director-general Datuk Seri Ahmad Puzi Ab Kahar said the agency had been on alert in monitoring Malaysian waters for the possible arrival of more Rohingya refugees.

“We are also in constant contact with our Thai counterpart as any boats of refugees heading to Malaysia must pass Thai waters first. 

“We are keeping a lookout in case they do arrive, to prevent any mishap, including overloading,” he said yesterday.

The OIC’s Special Envoy to Myanmar Tan Sri Syed Hamid Albar said as the biggest recipient of the Rohingya in Asean, Malaysia was justified in taking a strong position on the issue.

“We don’t want any country to be given a licence to chase their people out and we end up being forced to accept them.

“We want Myanmar to solve the problem so that the Rohingya who are here can return to their country in peace,” said Syed Hamid.

Penang Stop Human Trafficking Campaign spokesman James Lochhead said the Rohingya understood that they had no rights or legal status in Malaysia.

“Until that situation changes, they will think twice about coming,” he said.

Majlis Ulama Rohingya president Mohd Jaber Mohd Subahan said most of the Rohingya who came to Malaysia hoped to be able to return home one day.

“We are appreciative of the countries that take us in, but the ultimate dream is to be able to go back to Myanmar, and be recognised as citizens with basic rights,” he said.

Myanmar: Civil Society Calls for International Investigation in Rakhine State

More than 40 Diverse Groups Call for a “Truly Independent” Commission of Inquiry

(YANGON, January 18, 2017)—More than 40 Myanmar-based civil society organizations today called for a “truly independent” international investigation into the situation in Rakhine State, where state-sponsored attacks against Rohingya Muslim civilians have escalated in recent months. Muslim and Buddhist communities in Rakhine State have faced human rights violations with impunity for decades.

Today’s statement recommends the establishment of a “commission of inquiry to fully assess the totality of the situation in Rakhine State and provide clear recommendations for the current government to effectively address and prevent further problems.”

“This initiative is important for the entire country," said Matthew Smith, chief executive officer at Fortify Rights. “It’s time for the government to get on board and support the establishment of an impartial and independent inquiry.”

The statement comes a day before Foreign Ministers of the Organization for Islamic Cooperation (OIC)—an intergovernmental body of 57 member states—will meet in Kuala Lumpur to discuss the situation of Rohingya in Rakhine State.

The diverse signatories to the statement include women-led organizations, human rights groups, academic institutions, and development organizations working throughout the country and with various ethnic communities.

Today’s statement follows an open letter to the United Nations Security Council on December 28 by a group of Nobel Laureates and global leaders—including Kerry Kennedy, President of Robert F. Kennedy Human Rights and member of the international advisory board of Fortify Rights—calling for “an independent, international inquiry to establish the truth about the current situation” in Rakhine State. A Burmese language version of the statement was circulated widely in Myanmar.

The call for an international commission of inquiry also gained momentum in the country following the recent publication of the preliminary findings of an investigation led by Vice President Myint Swe—a former military general and known “hardliner”—into the situation in northern Rakhine State. The government established the commission after militants attacked three police outposts, killing nine and prompting the Myanmar military to initiate an indiscriminate “clearance operation.” 

Tens of thousands of civilians have since fled attacks by the Myanmar military in Maungdaw Township. In an ongoing investigation, Fortify Rights documented how the Myanmar military razed villages, killed unarmed civilians, and raped Rohingya women, among other abuses in several villages in Maungdaw Township.

On January 3, state-run media published the interim findings of the government-appointed, 13-member commission led by Myint Swe, which reported no human rights violations and denied allegations of the crime of genocide. The commission cited the presence of “the Bengali population” as well as religious leaders and mosques as “proof that there were no cases of genocide and religious persecution in the region.”

Myint Swe’s commission also denied allegations of malnutrition among the local Rohingya population, apparently based on visual observations of “the area’s favorable fishing and farming conditions.” The commission failed to note available empirical data and internal U.N. reports that suggest malnutrition rates in Maungdaw Township have long been at crisis level and are worsening.

Since October, Myanmar authorities have blocked access to affected areas in Maungdaw Township, denying life-saving humanitarian aid to tens of thousands of Rohingya while also restricting access for human rights monitors and journalists. Despite Myanmar authorities’ repeated promises to diplomats and others to open humanitarian access to the area, aid operations remain extremely limited.

More than 65,000 Rohingya men, women, and children have fled to Bangladesh since October, joining a longstanding Rohingya refugee population of an estimated half a million people.

In August 2016, before the most recent violence in Rakhine State, State Counselor Aung San Suu Kyi appointed a nine-member “advisory commission” chaired by former U.N. Secretary General Kofi Annan to provide recommendations to the government on “challenges identified jointly by the Commission and the Government of Myanmar” with regard to Rakhine State. The commission comprises six Myanmar nationals and three foreigners.

In September 2016, Mr. Annan publicly clarified that his commission would not conduct a “human rights investigation” in Rakhine State. Fortify Rights confirmed the Annan Commission is not collecting evidence of human rights violations in Rakhine State.

In late October 2016, the Rakhine State Parliament also appointed its own “investigative commission,” comprising 11 state-level legislators who purported to look into the situation in Maungdaw Township with a view to “help the indigenous people who fled from the clashes”—a reference to ethnic-Rakhine Buddhists affected by the situation. On December 27, it issued its findings, reporting no abuses by state security forces.

“In three months, we’ve seen the formation of an advisory commission, a whitewash commission, and a discriminatory commission,” said Matthew Smith. “None of these bodies are conducting a serious, impartial investigation into ongoing human rights violations. The international community needs to wake up to the fact that domestic remedies have been exhausted and the situation of the Rohingya is worsening by the day.” 

In October, state-run media in Myanmar alluded to Rohingya as “thorns,” and in November as “detestable human fleas.” The office of State Counselor Aung San Suu Kyi has also waged a propaganda campaign, denying wrongdoing by the state and explicitly denying rape and other human rights violations against Rohingya, despite mounting evidence.

The Government of Myanmar revoked Rohingya citizenship in 1982 and now denies them the right to self identify, instead labeling the population of approximately one million as “Bengali” interlopers from Bangladesh.

Fortify Rights called on Yanghee Lee, the U.N. Special Rapporteur on the Situation of Human Rights in Myanmar, OIC member states, and members of the U.N. Human Rights Council to support the establishment of a U.N.-mandated independent investigation when the Human Rights Council convenes in March.

In October 2015, Fortify Rights and the Allard K. Lowenstein International Human Rights Clinic at Yale Law School called on the U.N. Human Rights Council to adopt a resolution mandating an international commission of inquiry to assess the totality of the situation in Rakhine State, including human rights violations against Rohingya Muslims and Rakhine Buddhists. The clinic at Yale Law School found “strong evidence” to establish the elements of the crime of genocide in Rakhine State.

The U.N. Human Rights Council, Security Council, General Assembly, Secretary General, and Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights all have authority to establish independent international investigations, also known as commissions of inquiry.

The U.N. has established inquiries into serious human rights violations in Libya, the occupied Palestinian territory, Syria, North Korea, Sri Lanka, and the Central African Republic, among others.

A U.N.-mandated investigation in Rakhine State could objectively evaluate the facts, identify perpetrators, and provide clear recommendations for action. Potential commissioners could include professional investigators, legal practitioners, forensics experts, and gender specialists from Asian countries and internationally. Fortify Rights recommends that such a commission also conduct fact-finding outside Myanmar, in countries such as Bangladesh and Malaysia, to ensure a complete and comprehensive investigation into abuses that took place in Rakhine State.

“If there were ever a situation in which an independent investigation is needed, it's now in Rakhine State,” said Matthew Smith. “The international community has an opportunity to take up the call of Myanmar civil society, and it should act without delay.”

For more information, please contact:

Matthew Smith, Fortify Rights, Chief Executive Officer, +66 (0) 87.795.5454,

matthew.smith@fortifyrights.org; Twitter: @matthewfsmith, @fortifyrights

A Rohingya abandoned house is seen at U Shey Kya village outside Maungdaw in Rakhine state, Myanmar, October 26, 2016. Picture taken October 26, 2016. REUTERS/Soe Zeya Tun

By Joseph Sipalan and Ebrahim Harris
Reuters
January 18, 2017

KUALA LUMPUR -- The United Nations should intervene in Myanmar's Rakhine State to stop further escalation of violence against Rohingya Muslims and avoid another genocide like in Cambodia and Rwanda, said the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation's special envoy to Myanmar.

The conflict which has left at least 86 dead and an estimated 66,000 people fleeing into Bangladesh since it started on Oct. 9, 2016, is no longer an internal issue but of international concern, said Syed Hamid Albar, Organisation of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) Special Envoy to Myanmar.

Syed Hamid said the OIC should seek U.N. intervention. His comments come ahead of a special OIC meeting called by Malaysia on Thursday to discuss measures to deal with the conflict affecting the Rohingya minority, who are predominantly Muslim.

"We don't want to see another genocide like in Cambodia or Rwanda," Syed Hamid told Reuters in an interview ahead of the meeting in Kuala Lumpur.

"The international community just observed, and how many people died? We have lessons from the past, for us to learn from and see what we can do," he said.

The OIC represents 57 states and acts as the collective voice of the Muslim world.

Refugees, residents and human rights groups say Myanmar soldiers have committed summary executions, raped Rohingya women and burned homes since military operations started in the north of Rakhine State on Oct. 9.

The government of predominantly Buddhist Myanmar, led by Nobel Peace Prize winner Aung San Suu Kyi, has denied the accusations, saying many of the reports are fabricated, and it insists the strife in Rakhine State, where many Rohingya live, is an internal matter.

The military operations were in response to attacks on security posts near Myanmar's border with Bangladesh that killed nine police officers. The Myanmar government has said that militants with overseas Islamist links were responsible.

A Myanmar government spokesman said it will not attend the OIC meet as it is not an Islamic country, but that it had already made its actions clear to ASEAN members at their last meeting in December, and that U.N. intervention would only end up facing "unwanted resistance from local people".

"So that's why the international community should have a positive approach and understand widely our country's conflict situation," said Zaw Htay, a spokesman for the office of Myanmar President Htin Kyaw.

About 56,000 Rohingya now live in Muslim-majority Malaysia having fled previous unrest in Myanmar.

Malaysia, which is Southeast Asia's third-largest economy, broke the tradition of non-intervention by members of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) by speaking out on the conflict, calling on the 10-member bloc to coordinate humanitarian aid and investigate alleged atrocities committed against the ethnic group.

Zaw Htay criticised Malaysia for its outspoken position on the conflict, saying the country should manage "its own political crisis" and "avoid encouraging extremism and violence" in Myanmar.

“Our new government is working seriously and carefully on the situation in Rakhine. We are working on a very complicated and tough problem with this internal conflict, so we need time to prevent it happening again," Zaw Htay said. 

(Additional reporting by Wa Lone in Yangon; Editing by Michael Perry)