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Joint Statement 
5th December 2016

Rohingya Thank Malaysia – Request to Promote UN Inquiry Next

On behalf of Rohingya people worldwide, we, the undersigned Rohingya organizations, strongly express many thanks to the Malaysian Prime Minister Najib Razak for standing with us and showing solidarity to stop "Genocide of Rohingyas in Myanmar". We would like to extend our thanks to the opposition Parti Islam SeMalaysia (PAS) President Abdul Hadi Awang, other top leaders from both Malay Muslim-based parties and all the Malaysian People. 

We Rohingya people feel a great moral encouragement. Prime Minister Najib Razak has become the first head of state to speak up for the justice of Rohingya since the latest crisis began. 

Malaysian Prime Minister Najib Razak led a protest rally on Sunday against what he called a "genocide" of Myanmar's Muslim Rohingya minority, as he urged Asian neighbors and the world to step up the pressure to stop the violence.

We also very pleased that Deputy Prime Minister Datuk Ahmad Zahid Hamidi has urged the International Criminal Court to take action against the Myanmar army for atrocities committed against Rohingya in Rakhine State.

Meanwhile, as the situation worsens day by day, we are receiving information that Rohingyas are being killed, including children and women.

We request the Malaysian government to take the following practical steps to stop the genocide of our people:

· Support the establishment of a UN Commission of Inquiry into the totality of the situation in Rakhine State, including violence and human rights violations since 2012.

· Call an emergency meeting of ASEAN Foreign Ministers to request Myanmar/Burma end human rights violations, abides by international law and lifts all restrictions on aid.

· Work with members of the Organization For Islamic Co-operation, securing the support of the OIC for a UN Commission of Inquiry.

· Work internationally for the establishment of a UN Commission of Inquiry to be included in the next Human Rights Council Resolution on Burma in early 2017.

· Work with other countries to ensure that as long as human rights violations continue, the UN General Assembly Resolution on Burma will once again be tabled every year.

Signatories;

1. Burmese Rohingya Organisation UK
2. Bradford Rohingya Community in UK
3. Burmese Rohingya Community in Denmark
4. Burmese Rohingya Association Japan 
5. Burmese Rohingya Community Australia
6. Rohingya Community in Germany
7. Rohingya Community in Switzerland
8. Rohingya Organisation Norway
9. Rohingya Community in Finland
10. Rohingya Community in Italy
11. Rohingya Community in Sweden
12. Rohingya Society Netherlands
13. Rohingya Society Malaysia
14. Rohingya Arakanese Refugee Committee 

For more information, please contact:

Tun Khin: Mobile +44 7888714866
Nay San Lwin:Mobile +49 69 26022349



December 4, 2016

The Secretary General of the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation, Dr. Yousef A. Al-Othaimeen, stated that in view of the worsening crisis in Rakhine state, Myanmar that has resulted in the loss of innocent life and displaced tens of thousands of Rohingya people, it is imperative that the Myanmar government takes clear and decisive steps to stem the violence and restore calm to the region.

The Secretary General expressed his support for the recent statements issued by OIC Member States, which highlighted concern over the violence and the deteriorating humanitarian situation facing the Rohingya. The Secretary General emphasized that it is a charter obligation of OIC Member States to “safeguard the rights, dignity and religious and cultural identity of Muslim communities and minorities in non-Member-states”.

He further called upon Member States to raise the plight of the Rohingya with the Myanmar Government at every opportunity and to remain seized with the issue.

The Secretary General reiterated the OIC’s call upon the Myanmar authorities to ensure that the security services act in full compliance with the rule of law and allow humanitarian aid agencies access to the affected region to provide needed relief to the victims.

Original here.
December 4, 2016

Malaysian prime minister urges foreign intervention to stop what he calls the genocide of Rohingya Muslims in Myanmar.



Pressure on government leaders in Myanmar is being ramped up - as Malaysia accused its neighbour of committing genocide against the Rohingya Muslim minority.

Government leaders in Buddhist majority Myanmar deny the ethnic cleansing of people they consider illegal immigrants – and "terrorists".

Rohingya gunmen are blamed for the killing of nine policemen in October. Since then, dozens of Rohingya have been killed and tens of thousands forced from their homes in a military crackdown.

Some soldiers are accused of gang rape, torture and destroying entire villages in Rakhine state.

The Myanmar government denies the allegations but has banned journalists from visiting Rohingya areas.

Why has there been little international action so far? And why hasn't Nobel Peace Prize winner Aung San Suu Kyi spoken out?

Presenter: Sami Zeidan

Guests:

Tun Khin - President of the Burmese Rohingya Organisation in the UK


Maung Zarni - Genocide Documentation Centre of Cambodia and human rights activist

Myanmar Foreign Minister Aung San Suu Kyi, pictured during a visit by US Secretary of State John Kerry in May 2016. - AFP

By Bunn Nagara
December 4, 2016

THE Myanmar of today was ruled by the aggressive and expansionist Konbaung Dynasty from the mid-18th to the late 19th century.

Konbaung kings attacked India’s Assam and Manipur Kingdoms, the Mon Kingdom to the south, and the Siamese Kingdom next door. They even irritated Qing Dynasty China, but despite battlefield victories they were no match for the Middle Kingdom.

After repeated attacks on Siam in the final decades of the 18th century destroying the capital of Ayutthaya, Siamese General (later King) Taksin drove the intruders back and built the new capital of Thonburi in today’s Bangkok.

Defeated and disoriented by the Siamese on its eastern border, Myanmar turned to raiding Laos – and attacking Arakan on its western border fronting the Bay of Bengal.

King Hsinbyushin defeated Arakan’s Kingdom of Mrauk U in 1785, driving 35,000 local people into Chittagong in today’s Bangladesh as refugees to escape persecution.

Myanmar’s dominant Bamar ethnic group killed many native Arakanese, and deported many of the survivors to central Myanmar. Arakan was renamed Rakhine, meaning “land of the dark-skinned beings,” believed in reference to the dark-complexioned people there.

Throughout history, many Myanmar Muslims living in Rakhine have been exploited and abused while being left powerless. In the 16th century, those of Bengali lineage were conscripted, enslaved or shunted elsewhere like chattel.

However, Myanmar’s expanding territorial ambitions rubbed against the interests of British India. British firepower defeated the Myanmar army in all three Anglo-Burmese Wars throughout the 19th century, ending the country’s dynastic rule.

The result was a subdued British Burma. But that did not extinguish the independent country’s ambitions from 1948.

While Myanmar Muslims were generally victims of discrimination, the Rohingya community in particular still suffer the most. Deprived of basic human, civil and political rights, they are denied citizenship and face daily restrictions on movement, marriage and childbirth.

Since 2012 and especially in the last quarter of this year, the Rohingyas have been subjected to genocide. 

Documentary and witness evidence shows widespread, systematic and state-sponsored murders, arson of whole villages, rapes, torture, forced labour, arbitrary arrests and detention, and deportation – or simply being pushed out to sea.

In the process, the Rohingyas often become victims of human traffickers. Thus Myanmar authorities also actively and wilfully contribute to a regional problem.

After Rohingya homes had been burnt down by agitators, starving families were denied food rations in the hands of the authorities.

Rohingya children cannot attend schools, and the sick cannot access clinics, hospitals or other medical services.

By killing the Rohingya population, Myanmar is conducting Stage One genocide.

By restricting Rohingya marriages and childbirths to stop future generations, state authorities are practising biological genocide.

And by insisting Rohingyas are non-persons and rejecting even the name “Rohingya”, extremist private and government groups are undertaking comprehensive genocide.

It amounts to a calculated policy of extinguishing the Rohingya people permanently, including their deletion from history.

Anti-Rohingya propaganda is strong and outrageous. And genocide depends on erasing a people’s very being.

The Rohingyas themselves lack education and are preoccupied with survival. To right the wrongs, it is vital to learn about Rohingya history and culture – and document and popu­larise them.

The fact that the majority of the Bamar perpetrators are “Buddhist” and the Rohingya are Muslim creates an impression of inter-faith conflict. That is a fiction that only compounds the tragedy and assists in the genocide.

By making the conflict look like a battle of “us” versus “them”, more Buddhists who form the country’s majority may be susceptible to anti-Rohingya propaganda, made to feel threatened, and be recruited to the cause.

Talk of such a Rohingya threat is an outright lie. At its height, the mostly penniless and uneducated Rohingya population was no more than 2% of Myanmar’s 50 million, and even that meagre proportion has dwindled through killings, forced deportations and voluntary migration.

For centuries before, the Burmese state was actively killing people and desecrating sites in other Buddhist countries in the region. Its lust for power and material gain has been enough motivation to overcome any sense of common religious identity or interests.

Meanwhile, although discrimination of other Muslim groups in Myanmar also exists, their plight is not as severe as the Rohingyas’.

The reasons seem simple enough, and they relate to the Rohingya community’s very vulnerability. Being mainly farmers, the people lack strong political organisation and effective coordination for defence.

Their land is also on the cusp of Myanmar and Bangladeshi territory, allowing for the convenient excuse that they are no more than illegal immigrants from Bangladesh.

And ironically, their victimisation has also resulted from their passivity. Unlike many of Myanmar’s 135 other ethnic groups that had waged war against the government, Rohingyas have not been fighting back.

Only lately have there been reports of a few sporadic outbursts against isolated police outposts. But even these are minor and uncoordinated.

A legal excuse of Myanmar officials is a 1982 law banning citizenship for Rohingyas. They may claim to be only observing that law, but nobody has been able to justify the law itself.

Since Myanmar is a Buddhist-majority country, what of Buddhist law itself? By any measure, every act against the Rohingyas clearly violates Buddhist teaching.

The militant Ashin Wirathu, in a monk’s robe, has been recruiting monks released from jail after the 2007 “saffron revolution” when the monkhood took to street protests against the military government.

Since then, Wirathu has obtained funds to give the released monks supplies, an income and propaganda to turn them against the Rohingyas rather than the government.

Meanwhile, former President Thein Sein has since 2011 showcased some reforms to the sufficient satisfaction of the West to lift sanctions against Myanmar.

In this performance he was helped assiduously by Aung San Suu Kyi, the former opposition leader, “icon” of human rights and democracy, and now supposedly the country’s most powerful politician.

But even after suffering years of persecution herself, she is now parroting the statements of the previous military regime on the Rohingyas.

Even senior members of her party are among the racist extremists targeting Rohingyas. And she is still ineligible for the coveted presidency, being unable to amend the Constitution to allow for that.

So she may still have to toe the line until that day. Meanwhile, Rohingya lives will just have to be collateral damage.

Alternatively, she may be just as hard-hearted as the meanest of her compatriots. When cornered on the subject, she reportedly admitted that she had “always been a politician.”

If so, she certainly had the whole world fooled – even the Nobel Prize Committee itself, although that does not take much nowadays.

She and the rest of the government would then be pushing the Rohingyas to the brink. Islamist militants abroad have tried to infiltrate the community to foment terror attacks against the state but have so far been rebuffed.

That situation may change. Then Myanmar would again be a source of deadly conflict for the entire region.

And a famous nationalist’s daughter would shame the family name and be a blot on the regional landscape.

Bunn Nagara is a Senior Fellow of the Institute of Strategic and International Studies (ISIS) Malaysia.

Malaysian Prime Minister Najib Razak addresses a news conference after talks with German Chancellor Angela Merkel at the chancellery in Berlin, Germany September 27, 2016. REUTERS/Hannibal Hanschke

December 4, 2016

Malaysian Prime Minister Najib Razak called for foreign intervention to stop the "genocide" of Rohingya Muslims in Myanmar on Sunday, as he joined thousands of Rohingya protesters in Kuala Lumpur.

Muslim-Majority Malaysia has been increasingly critical of Myanmar's handling of violence and allegations of state abuses in northern Rakhine state, which has driven hundreds of ethnic Rohingya to flee across the borders to Bangladesh.

It described the violence as "ethnic cleansing" on Saturday.

Najib called on the United Nations, the International Criminal Court and the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation to intervene. 

"The world cannot just sit by and watch genocide taking place," he told the crowd.

Najib's attendance came despite warnings from Myanmar that Malaysia risked violating the Association of Southeast Asian Nations' (ASEAN) principle of non-interference in other members' internal affairs. 

In response, Najib said ASEAN, which agreed to declare itself a single community last year, had also pledged in its charter to uphold basic human rights. 

He also accused Myanmar leader and Nobel Peace Prize winner Aung San Suu Kyi of inaction, saying that she had declared the Rohingya issue off-limits during bilateral discussions. 

"How can this be? We should be allowed to discuss everything," he said. 

The gathering, organised by Najib's ruling United Malay National Organisation (UMNO) and the Pan-Malaysian Islamic Party, attracted around 10,000 people, mostly Rohingya. 

Malaysia summoned Myanmar's ambassador last week to express concern over the crackdown on Rohingya. It also cancelled the national soccer team's friendly under-22 matches with Myanmar in protest.

Rohingya Society in Malaysia president Faisal Islam Muhammad Kassim said he appreciated Malaysia's efforts to find a solution to the crisis. 

"We want the Malaysian government to (send a) message to the Muslim world and the Western countries, to pressure the Myanmar government to solve this Rohingya issue," he said.

The violence in Myanmar is the most serious bloodshed in Rakhine since communal clashes in 2012 that killed hundreds.

Persecution and poverty led thousands of Rohingya to flee Myanmar following the violence between Buddhists and Muslims there four years ago. Many of them were smuggled or trafficked to neighbouring countries, mostly to Thailand and Malaysia.

Najib, who has been buffeted by graft allegations he denies, vowed on Thursday to fight to the end for Malays and Islam, as he called on UMNO to prepare for elections that are "coming soon".



Media Statement for Immediate Release 
4th December 2016

MYANMAR MUST OWE UP TO ITS RESPONSIBILITIES UNDER INTERNATIONAL LAW – CENTHRA

The Centre for Human Rights Research and Advocacy (CENTHRA) deplores the recent protest by Buddhist monks against Malaysia ahead of the Solidarity March scheduled to be held here in Kuala Lumpur today in solidarity with the Rohingya people in Myanmar.

We also condemn in the strongest terms the recent warning by the Myanmar government spokesperson, U Zaw Htay, against the Malaysian government for alleged ‘interference’ by the latter into the former’s internal affairs contrary to the ASEAN principle of non-interference. 

CENTHRA fully supports the stand of the Malaysian Ministry of Foreign Affairs in its reply thereto that the Rohingya in Myanmar are suffering from ethnic cleansing and are being driven out of Myanmar into neighbouring states, including Malaysia, thereby making the same an international concern.

CENTHRA remind Myanmar that quite apart from the ASEAN Charter, which binds members of ASEAN to international principles of human rights, in particular the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR), International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) and the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR), ASEAN also has its own declaration on human rights, namely the ASEAN Human Rights Declaration (AHRD). 

Article 4 of the Declaration states that the rights of vulnerable and marginalised groups, which includes the Rohingya, are an inalienable, integral and indivisible part of human rights and fundamental freedoms while Article 9 of the same states that the principles of impartiality, objectivity, non-selectivity, non-discrimination, non-confrontation and avoidance of double standards and politicisation should always be upheld.

Clearly, the unwarranted warning by the Myanmar government as well as the protest by radical Buddhist monks against Malaysia are an attempt at denying the Rohingya their human rights on the basis of the ethnicity amounting to partiality, non-objectivity, discrimination, confrontation, affirmation of double standards as well as politicisation contrary to the ASEAN Human Rights Declaration as well as and is thus deplorable and unacceptable. 

Myanmar must not scapegoat Malaysia, but owe up to its responsibilities under international law lest it stand accused of committing what can only be described as genocide and crimes against humanity.

CENTHRA calls upon the Myanmar government to implement, on an immediate basis, its responsibilities under the UDHR, ICCPR, ICESCR, the ASEAN Human Rights Declaration as well as the Geneva Conventions towards the Rohingya people, and cease immediately its highly disproportionate response to the Maungdaw border incident last October by imposing and continuing to impose what can only be described as collective punishment of a barbaric magnitude against Rohingyas.

Press Statement by Azril Mohd Amin, lawyer and Chief Executive of CENTHRA



Arakan Rohingya National Organisation (ARNO)

Press release
3 December 2016

ARNO Rejects Government’s Investigation Commission

Arakan Rohingya National Organisation (ARNO) is strongly opposed to the government’s pretension and lack of honesty, and rejects the 13-member investigation commission formed on 1 December, inter alia, for the following reasons:

1. The military and police crackdown on innocent Rohingya civilian population in Northern Arakan since 9 October is state sponsored. It has been carried out with manifest intention of destroying the Rohingya minority community. Not only Myanmar military top brass but also the State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi is morally, officially and wickedly responsible for it.

2. The investigation commission is headed by Vice-President 1 U Myint Swe, who was much feared former Chief of Military Security Affairs. No Rohingya or Muslim is taken in the commission and it fully represents the perpetrators and their interest. It cannot be taken as impartial and independent. 

3. The Myanmar security forces are still indulging in violent killings, rapes and arson attacks in Rohingya villages even when the former UN Secretary-General Mr. Kofi Annan, the head of the Advisory Commission on Arakan, is on his observation tour to Maungdaw District from 2 December.

4. So far, more than 500 innocent Rohingya civilians were killed, many hundreds of women raped, about 3500 houses were burned down, unknown number of people arrested and involuntarily disappeared, and at least 40,000 internally displaced, in addition to systematic destruction of rice, paddy and food products. About 10,000 people fled to Bangladesh. In fact, this level of indescribable criminal atrocities is aimed at forcing the entire community to flee their ancestral homeland of Arakan and make them to wander from place to place with ultimate aims of perishing them.

5. By all legal definition, the Myanmar government is committing genocide and crimes against humanity, including ethnic cleansing, against the Rohingya people. They are international crimes with international jurisdiction. Thus the Rohingya issue is an international issue and it cannot be pleaded as internal affairs of Myanmar.

6. Like all other previously formed inquiry commissions on Rohingya issue, the newly formed Investigation Commission is just for show and impression. It is not trustworthy and we REJECT it totally. 

7. We therefore demand an urgent UN sponsored international commission to investigate into genocide and crimes against humanity and bring the perpetrators to justice.


For more details, please contact: 

U.K.: Ronnie +44-7783118354 
Japan: Zaw Min Htut +81-8030835327
Australia: Dr. Hla Myint +61-423381904
USA: Dr. Mohammed Habib Ullah +1-4438158609
Canada: Nur Hasim +1 (519) 572-5359
Bangladesh: Ko Ko Linn: +880-1726068413


RB News 
December 3, 2016 

Maungdaw, Arakan – Rohingya men who spoke to the Kofi Annan Commission were reportedly detained afterwards. Women and children were reportedly beaten indiscriminately on the same day in Kyet Yoe Pyin village tract in northern Maungdaw Township. 

On the morning of December 3rd 2016, officials from Maungdaw Township came to Kyet Yoe Pyin village and were reported to have forced many villagers to leave or flee. 

At around 11:30am the delegation led by Kofi Annan arrived in the village. Some Rohingya men, women and children were able to meet and talk with them. While there were soldiers escorting the delegation other groups of soldiers were stationed through the village and some were waiting in the mountains of a nearby village. 

Once the delegation’s cars left the village soldiers in the village moved in and began arresting men in the village and beating women and children indiscriminately, according to a local villager. The villager said three of the village elders were detained at this time. 

While the soldiers were beating the women and children a villager ran to catch up to the delegation’s cars and was able to catch up to them near Ngan Chaung village. He reported the incident to a member of the Rakhine State Advisory Commission. A member of the Commission assured him that Commission will inform the authorities and that things would be stable. 

The detainees were released a few hours later. 

In the morning, the soldiers threatened and forced villagers to leave their homes by shooting their guns in the air at Dar Gyi Sar, Yay Khae Chaung Khwa Sone, Myaw Taung and Kyar Gaung Taung villagers, according to locals.

(Photo: Rakhine Commission Twitter)

Supporters rally against attacks on the Rohingya in Myanmar, in Dhaka, Bangladesh [Abir  Abdullah/EPA]
By Katie Arnold 
December 3, 2016

Military uses indiscriminate violence in pursuit of Al Yaqeen fighters who demand equal rights for Rohingya Muslims.

When Faizul* fled the smouldering remains of his village in Myanmar's Northern Rakhine state, he barely noticed the shards of wood that punctured every extremity of his body. He just wanted to escape the bullets raining down from a helicopter above. But by the time he reached Bangladesh, a shrapnel wound on his right leg had grown to the size of a golf ball, and its yellow flesh was festering with signs of an infection.

Two weeks later and the bacteria still threatens to invade deeper into his weakened body. He may have reached a refugee camp, but Faizul still cannot access professional healthcare.

"I am moving house to house every day, as it is illegal for me to be here," he says while beads of perspiration crawl down his face.

The attack on Yay Khaw Chaung Khwa Sone village, where Faizul lived with his pregnant wife and two-year-old child, came in retaliation for the death of a column commander in an ambush by Rohingya fighters a day earlier, as reported by the Center for Diversity and National Harmony (CDNH), an independent non-governmental organisation in Myanmar that has been monitoring and recording such incidents in regular reports. 

"The military came into the village and whoever was in front of them, they started killing. Four people were shot while running away with me. I saw it with my own eyes," says Faizul, who also claims to have seen a number of other atrocities.

"I saw two men hide inside some straw bales. They were burned alive in there … Two girls were also thrown into the fire," he says. 

Government spokesman Zaw Htay questioned the veracity of these claims in a conversation with Al Jazeera.

"Our government is not denying all of the allegations made by the international community … but [it is] very difficult to believe the Muslims in Maungdaw [a city in Rakhine state], as they are setting fire to their own villages, according to our information from ground troops and security forces," he said.

Rohingya refuge in Bangladesh

The latest outbreak of violence comes nearly two months after Rohingya fighters launched their first attack on a Myanmar border guard post. That ambush left nine officers dead and unleashed a brutal counterinsurgency operation which, according to official numbers, has killed more than 100 Muslims from the Rohingya minority. 

Local sources say the death toll is much higher and accuse the military of a litany of human rights abuses including extrajudicial killing, arbitrary arrest, arson and rape. Meanwhile, a UN official has accused the government of pursuing the 'ethnic cleansing' of Rohingya Muslims from Myanmar.

The attack on Yay Khaw Chaung Khwa Sone village was the first to see artillery and airborne ordinance since the counterinsurgency began. Graphic images of bloodied children and charred remains have emerged from the attack. This was the final straw for thousands of Rohingya Muslims, who have fled northern Rakhine state and sought refuge in neighbouring Bangladesh.

Bangladesh is already a reluctant host to more than 300,000 Rohingya Muslims, who have been arriving in the country intermittently for nearly 40 years.

The government has permitted only 30,000 to register as refugees with the UNHCR. The others survive in the shadows, beside the official camps, relying on the registered refugees for food and clean water, and under the constant threat of deportation. 

Like those that preceded them, recent Rohingya arrivals have received a cold welcome in Bangladesh.

According to Amnesty International, the authorities have cracked down on the flow of refugees from Myanmar and, over the past two weeks, the border guards have detained and forcibly returned hundreds of Rohingya. 

The move is a violation of the principle of non-refoulement [PDF] - a prohibition under international law from forcibly returning people to a country or place where they would be at risk of serious human rights violations.

"The Rohingya are being squeezed by the callous actions of both the Myanmar and Bangladesh authorities. Fleeing collective punishment in Myanmar, they are being pushed back by the Bangladeshi authorities. Trapped between these cruel fates, their desperate need for food, water and medical care is not being addressed," said Champa Patel, Amnesty International's South Asia director. 

Torn community 

Faizul travelled to Bangladesh under the cover of night, hoping to evade the border police, who heavily patrol the Naf river which separates the country from its troublesome neighbour. He travelled with seven male companions, leaving his pregnant wife and two-year-old child in a nearby village.

"It would be too dangerous with a small child, as he would cry and draw attention to us," he says, trying to ease his feelings of guilt at leaving them behind.

"When the situation is calm, I will bring over my wife and child," he says. "But I am worried all the time for my wife … the baby is due in two months."

Despite international condemnation, the government campaign continues against the group responsible for the deaths of the military and security personnel in the border attack. 

Faizul explains that he felt he had no option but to leave, as members of that group live in Yay Khaw Chaung Khwa Sone village and he feared he would be mistaken for one if he stayed in Myanmar. 

The group has reportedly identified itself as Al Yaqeen, the movement of faith or hope. Their demands are not religiously motivated. In videos posted to their YouTube website, group members, filmed holding machineguns in a jungle setting, demand that their citizenship - revoked by the military government in 1982 - be reinstated and that they be given equal rights within Myanmar.

In their most recent video, uploaded to YouTube two weeks ago, the group calls on the international community to provide medical support and argues against the labelling of their community as "terrorists". 

According to Faizul, the fighters used Yay Khaw Chaung Khwa Sone to launch an ambush on the Myanmar military. Only four members had guns, he says. The rest were armed with homemade swords.

Faizul admits that his entire village cooperated with the fighters when they launched their attack on the military. "The village is supporting them because some of them are from our village and because they are fighting for our rights," he says. "The military keeps killing people, so we have to defend ourselves."

The UN estimates that up to 30,000 people have been displaced from their homes in northern Rakhine state since the fighting began last month, while 70,000 are in immediate need of food aid. Half of the 3,000 children already diagnosed with severe malnutrition are now considered to be in their final throes of life, as reported by the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs office in Myanmar, at a news conference in mid-November.

But humanitarian assistance to northern Rakhine state has been prohibited by the military. For many of those Rohingya who are vulnerable, isolated and trapped between the Bangladesh and Myanmar governments, Al Yaqeen offers the only alternative.

"There are over 30,000 IDPs [internally displaced persons]. A thousand people who ran away to Bangladesh are now being pushed back; of course, there is the possibility that group membership will now grow," Kyaw Win, director of the Burma Human Rights Network, told Al Jazeera.

"This group is the product of oppression," says Kyaw Win, whose organisation has been researching the fighting groups in Rakhine. "They are people from that area and that location; we do not think they are supported, trained or have any connections to the outside. If they were supported or funded, why don't they have boots to wear in the jungle, why don't they have enough food, or any medicine?"

To counter the alleged threat from Rohingya fighters, the Myanmar government has begun arming and training a "regional police force" comprising non-Muslim residents from the troubled townships in northern Rakhine.

Aung San Suu Kyi

As the crisis deepens, many international observers are turning to State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi to condemn the human rights allegations levelled against the military. 

But she has been silent on the matter. This silence is indicative of the limitations of Myanmar's first democratically elected government in more than half a century. Despite winning last year's landmark election with an overwhelming majority, Aung San Suu Kyi's party, the National League for Democracy, does not have constitutional authority over the military or security forces.

"If you look at the way the military operates," David Mathieson from Human Rights Watch told Al Jazeera, "she has no role and no way of directing them on the ground or governing their behaviour." Mathieson's organisation has been tracking the destruction of Rohingya villages using satellite technology.

"Aung San Suu Kyi has already said that she is no longer a human rights activist or a humanitarian, but a politician ...," says Mathieson.

It is a bitter lesson for the persecuted minority.

"I was ready to give my life for Aung San Suu Kyi, but now she will not speak up for us," says Faizul, as he drags his wounded body in search of another bed. "The world needs to intervene, if they don't help us, then there will be no future for the Rohingya."

*Faizul asked not to use his real name for fear of persecution

For Immediate Release
Date:- 3rd December 2016,

UN led Independent Inquiry Needed to Investigate Rakhine Atrocities 

Rohingya Advocacy Network in Japan (RANJ) vehemently reject the newly established commission led by an ex-general to investigate recent violence in Rakhine State on 1st December 2016 by the Government of Myanmar.

The Commission is neither credible nor impartial as all the commission members are either former military officers who committed several crimes or government officials who have been pre-occupied with false propaganda against victims. We believe this is a new scheme of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi led government to cover up the crimes the Myanmar military forces committed against vulnerable Rohingya Community and to fool again International community as there was nothing happen.

Since 10th October 2016, the Myanmar military and Police forces have killed more than 400 innocent Rohingyas including children and elderly, 250 Rohingya Women have been raped at gun-point ,more than 500 Rohingyas detained, several villages, Religious facilities, Shops and Markets have been burnt down, more than 30,000 Rohingya forced to feel from their homes. The entire community was terrorized by the government forces.

The UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, UNHCR officials and UN Genocide experts are alarming the atrocities against the Rohingya community is “Crimes against humanity, ethnic cleansing or total genocide.” There are several verifiable and credible documents to prove the inhume acts of Myanmar arm forces against Rohingya. But surprisingly the government of Myanmar and state councilor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi is publicly denying all the facts and genuine reports from the ground.

We strongly reject the commission and urgently demand a UN led Independent Commission of inquiry to thoroughly investigate crimes against Rohingya community perpetrated by Myanmar arm forces in Arakan. The International Community including Japan, US, UK, UN,EU and ASEAN have to take immediate step to urge Daw Aung San Suu Kyi led Myanmar government establish credible and impartial UN expert led Independent Commission of Inquiry. 

We also demand the Myanmar government to let the International Humanitarian Organizations unhindered access to the Rohingyas.

For more information, please contact:-

Zaw Min Htut 
Executive Director, Rohingya Advocacy Network in Japan (RANJ)
Tel:- +818030835327
Email:- zawminhtut827@gmail.com

By Intan Baha
December 3, 2016

IPOH: Majlis Perundingan Pertubuhan Islam Malaysia (Mapim) is gathering proof of Myanmar cruelty towards the Rohingya community to bring Myanmar to the International Crime Court (ICC) soonest possible. 

Its president Mohd Azmi Abdul Hamid said this is an effort with the Islamic Human Rights Commission (IHRC) in London, to file the Rohingya case to the ICC. 

“We are gathering proof of murder, rape and genocide and will work together with the IHRC to file the case to the ICC as soon as possible. 

“We are collecting testimonies of killings; proof is being compiled and we have documents fingering the responsible party. 

“IHRC is waiting for Mapim to send reports with Rohingya representatives to fulfil the report standard,” he told a press conference after the launch of the Solidarity Rohingya Fund and 'Solidariti Rohingya dan Kepedulian Ummah' at Sultan Azlan Shah Mosque here today. 

Mapim would file the case under the crime towards humanity committed by Myanmar troops and it has not been done by any party before, Mohd Azmi added. 

He said Mapim also has agreed with several international non-governmental organisations to urge Asean, the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) and United Nations to pressure the Myanmar government to stop its oppression against the Rohingya. 

Meanwhile, Mohd Azmi said Mapim has warned Myanmar to stop the massacre within seven days before Mapim begins an international boycott of the country. 

“Any activity such as trade and sporting events will be boycotted if the killing are not halted. 

“Myanmar still has four days and if the killings still continue, we will launch the boycott in Kuala Lumpur and expose the atrocities to the world so that economic sanctions would be re-imposed on Myanmar,” he said.

Majlis Perundingan Pertubuhan Islam Malaysia (Mapim) is gathering proof of Myanmar cruelty towards the Rohingya community to bring Myanmar to the International Crime Court (ICC) soonest possible. Its president Mohd Azmi Abdul Hamid said this is an effort with the Islamic Human Rights Commission (IHRC) in London, to file the Rohingya case to the ICC. Bernama Photo


By Dina Murad
December 3, 2016

KUALA LUMPUR: Umno president Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak (pic) says he will attend Sunday’s Rohingya solidarity rally despite protests from the Myanmar government.

In his winding up speech at the Umno General Assembly at the Putra World Trade Centre (PWTC) on Saturday, Najib said that he would not heed the call of Myanmar's deputy director general of the President’s Office, U Zaw Htay, for Malaysia to keep out of the Rohingya issue. 

"This is not an issue of meddling in Myanmar's matters. This is us defending humanitarian and universal values," said Najib to a standing ovation and chants of Allahu Akhbar (God is Great). 

"I would like to ask you, what should I do? Attend? Insyallah, tomorrow Umno president Najib Razak will attend," he said to chants of "hadir!" (attend).

"How can we say, this is an internal matter? Because if Myanmar does not solve the problem, they (the Rohingya) will be refugees in Malaysia. And based on our records, Malaysia has 56,000 Rohingya and Myanmar nationals who hold UNHCR cards which we know of," he added.

Najib said there was no way Malaysia could keep quiet when there were people being burned alive and women being raped.

"This is not an Asean community that we can accept," he said. 

Myanmar had warned Malaysia to respect the principle of non-interference after Najib agreed to attend a protest condemning the ongoing military operations in the Rakhine State.

Violence in the past few weeks against the Rohingya has resulted in at least 86 people being killed and with more than 30,000 displaced. Many have tried fleeing to neighbouring Bangladesh.

Myanmar troops poured into the western state of Rakhine in response to coordinated attacks on three border posts on Oct 9 that killed nine police officers.

Human rights groups have accused the military and border guard forces of raping Rohinya women, torching houses and killing civilians, although this has been denied by the Myanmar government and military.

Considered to be stateless and often subjected to arbitrary violence and forced labour in Myanmar, the Rohingya are considered by the United Nations as one of the most persecuted minorities in the world.

In this Nov. 25, 2016, file photo, a Muslim woman wears a mask of Myanmar’s Foreign Minister Aung San Suu Kyi during a rally against the persecution of Rohingya Muslims, outside the Embassy of Myanmar in Jakarta, Indonesia. It’s a scene straight out of Myanmar’s dark past: a military offensive waged beyond world view that forces ethnic minority villagers from the smoldering ruins of their homes. The U.S. government, a key sponsor of Myanmar’s democratic transition, says a security crackdown that has displaced tens of thousands Rohingya Muslims and left an unknown number dead risks radicalizing a downtrodden people and stoking religious tensions in Southeast Asia. (Dita Alangkara, File/Associated Press)

By Matthew Pennington 
December 3, 2016

WASHINGTON — It’s a scene straight out of Myanmar’s dark past: a military offensive waged beyond world view that forces ethnic minority villagers from the smoldering ruins of their homes.

The U.S. government, a key sponsor of Myanmar’s democratic transition, says a security crackdown that has displaced tens of thousands Rohingya Muslims and left an unknown number dead risks radicalizing a downtrodden people and stoking religious tensions in Southeast Asia.

The military moved in after armed attacks by unknown assailants on police posts along the border with Bangladesh in October. The attacks in Rakhine State were a possible sign that a small number of Rohingya were starting to fight back against persecution by majority Buddhists who view them as illegal immigrants although many have lived in Myanmar for generations.

The top U.S. diplomat for East Asia, Daniel Russel, is critical of the military’s heavy-handed approach and says the escalation of violence risks inciting jihadist extremism in the country also known as Burma. He is also calling on neighboring countries, such as Muslim-majority Malaysia and Indonesia, to resist the urge to stage protests that could further stir religious passions.

Assistant Secretary of State Russel told The Associated Press that, “if mishandled, Rakhine State could be infected and infested by jihadism which already plagues neighboring Bangladesh and other countries.”

The plight of the Rohingya, once characterized by the U.N. as the world’s most friendless people, has attracted the attention of Muslim extremists since a spike in intercommunal violence in Rakhine in 2012 that left hundreds dead and forced more than 100,000 into squalid camps.

The Somali-born student who launched a car-and-knife attack at Ohio State University this week reportedly protested on his Facebook page about the killing of minority Muslims in Myanmar. And last weekend, Indonesian authorities arrested two militants who were allegedly planning to attack the Myanmar Embassy in Jakarta.

It has also raised hackles in the political mainstream. Malaysia’s Prime Minister Najib Razak, facing domestic pressure over an investment fund scandal, is reportedly planning to attend a protest in his religiously moderate country this weekend condemning the military operation in Myanmar.

Daniel Sullivan at the advocacy group Refugees International said increasing numbers of Rohingya are fleeing across the land border to Bangladesh, and the spike in violence could set off another exodus by sea.

Tens of thousands of Rohingya have fled by rickety boats in recent years to countries like Thailand, Malaysia and Indonesia, but those routes have been blocked since a crisis in 2015 when thousands were stranded at sea.

The U.S. and other nations have called for an independent investigation into the latest violence in Rakhine. Estimates of the death toll range between dozens and several hundred. Human Rights Watch said Nov. 21 that satellite imagery showed at least 1,250 buildings have been destroyed.

With journalists barred from the affected area, it’s been near-impossible to substantiate reports of rapes and killings by Myanmar soldiers — the kind of conduct that has long blighted the military’s reputation in ethnic conflicts.

Adama Dieng, U.N. special adviser on the prevention of genocide, said this week that if reports of excessive use of force in Rakhine were true, “the lives of thousands of people are at risk.”

Former U.N. Secretary-General Kofi Annan was appointed by Myanmar’s civilian leader Aung San Suu Kyi in August to find ways to help resolve the communal tensions. On a fact-finding visit Friday, he said that security operations must not impede humanitarian access.

That’s been a repeated demand from the international community, including the United States, but it’s made little impact.

The U.N. World Food Program said Friday that since Oct. 9 it has been able to deliver food or cash to only 20,000 of the 152,000 people who usually receive assistance, and to about 7,000 newly-displaced people.

The Obama administration has diminished leverage. It was instrumental in ending the former pariah state’s diplomatic isolation as it shifted from five decades of military rule but the last U.S. sanctions were lifted in October.

The military’s crackdown in Rakhine has also exposed the limits of Suu Kyi’s power. The Nobel laureate’s party won elections a year ago, but the military still controls key levers of government power, including access to sensitive border regions.

Human rights activists who once lionized Suu Kyi now criticize her for failing to defend the stateless Rohingya, but Russel defended her.

“We all should have confidence in her judgment and not fall prey to the idea that she does not get it and she does not care. She does get it, and she does care,” he said.

____

Associated Press writer Michael Astor at the United Nations contributed to this report.

RB News
December 2, 2016

Maungdaw, Arakan – The authorities tell displaced Rohingya villagers to lie to Kofi Annan when he visits their area. 

On the afternoon of December 2nd, Maungdaw District and Township Administration Officials, Border Guard Police along with the Police Force all in ten cars arrived in Dar Gyi Sar village tract in Northern Maungdaw Township. 

They gathered the people who are living in temporary huts in the village. They then pressured them to tell Kofi Annan that they were not persecuted.  To tell him that the houses were burnt down by terrorists and the huts that they are living in currently were built by the authorities. 

The authorities threatened that they would arrest and torture them if any information was given to Kofi Annan, who is possibly visiting the area on December 3rd or 4th.

The authorities tried to take fingerprints from the women who are living in the village but they did not succeed, as per one local reporting to RB News.

The authorities also went to Yay Khae Chaung Khwa Sone and Thu Oo Lar villages and did the same there. 

On November 26th, 2016 the authorities went to the field where the displaced Rohingya are taking shelter and forced them to return to village and build huts by themselves.

Report contributed by MYARF.





JOINT PRESS STATEMENT: URGENT ACTION NEEDED TO END GENOCIDE OF ROHINGYA

(Demonstration at British Foreign Office and Burmese Embassy)

For Immediate Release 
Friday 2nd December 2016

Demonstration held jointly by Restless Beings and Burmese Rohingya Organisation UK

Hundreds of members of public congregated in front of the British Foreign Office and the Burmese Embassy in London calling for an immediate cessation of violence that the Rohingya are facing by the Burmese military in Northern Rakine State. 

The Burmese Military have flooded the Maungdaw region of Rakhine state since early October following the death of some 9 military officials. As a result, more than 2,000 homes have been burned to the ground, with reports of 450+ extrajudicial killings, countless arbitrary arrests and over 200 women raped by Burmese military. 

The Directors of Restless Beings, Mabrur Ahmed and Rahima Begum alongside Tun Khin, President of the Burmese Rohingya Organisation UK handed a petition to the British Foreign Office and the Burmese Embassy with almost 2,000 signatures calling for a cessation of the aggression by the military and also calling on the UK to add international pressure to the Suu Kyi Government of Burma to restore peace and order.

Restless Beings co-Director Mabrur Ahmed urged the demonstrators to ”Use your voices to condemn the Burmese military for the inhumane treatment the Rohingya. To date the Foreign Office has not released any statement regarding the unfolding human tragedy. It is high time for a complete condemnation and stronger political will.” 

Rahima Begum, addressing the audience said “More than 3,000 children will die this week until and unless the blockade against humanitarian assistance is lifted. The Burmese Government needs to allow immediate aid to the region and to allow unfettered access to NGO’s and media to report freely of the crimes against humanity taking place”

Tun Khin, President of Burmese Rohingya Organisation UK said "It has been 7 weeks since the Myanmar military locked down Northern Arakan with mass killings, mass raping, mass arrest taking place. 160,000 Rohingyas are starving to death. How many Rohingya have to be killed and raped to force British government to take action? British Government has to pressure NLD government to stop mass atrocities and we also call on UN for an independent investigation, a UN commission of inquiry into what has been happening in Arakan State.”

Members of the public and the Rohingya expat community in the UK gathered outside the British Foreign Office this afternoon at 330pm and demanded action from the UK Government before marching across to the Burmese Embassy arriving at 445pm and remonstrating the Burmese Government for on-going ethnically charged violence against the Rohingya until 6pm.

The Together We Are Stronger campaign organised by Restless Beings has been supported by Burmese Organisation UK, The London Green Party, Rohingya Minority Crisis Group, Muslim Voices, Nour DV, British Bangladeshi Women’s Forum, Refugee Biryani and Bananas and International Campaign For the Rohingya. 

(Photo: AP)

By Katherine Southwick
December 2, 2016

The urgent need to prevent and protect

Interethnic divisions in a young democracy cannot be downplayed or wished away, and it’s time Myanmar’s government and the international community acknowledge strong evidence that genocide is being perpetrated against the Rohingya and act to end it, Katherine Southwick writes.

Violence in Myanmar’s western Rakhine State escalated after a 9 October attack on border guard posts, leaving nine officers dead. Humanitarian assistance and media access to the area have been cut off for weeks while the Myanmar authorities conduct a counterinsurgency operation against allegedly Rohingya assailants. Responsibility for the initial attack remains unclear, however. More than a hundred people are thought to have died already, with 30,000 internally displaced adding to the 160,000 people who have been subsisting in squalid displacement camps since previous outbreaks of violence in 2012 and 2013. Human Rights Watch has released satellite imagery showing that over 1,200 buildings in Rohingya villages have been razed in the past month. Government soldiers have reportedly gang-raped Rohingya women and girls.

Bangladesh, which for 30 years has permitted more than 230,000 registered and unregistered Rohingya refugees to shelter in its territory, has been turning people back who seek refuge across the border. Thousands have already crossed and continue to gather at the Bangladesh-Myanmar border.

These events mark a dramatic deterioration in what has long been a desperate situation for a minority that many have identified as among the most persecuted in the world. Most of them are stateless, with the government designating them as “Bengalis” or “illegal immigrants,” despite many having had citizenship in the past and having lived in the region for generations. They have been subjected to forced labour and confined to displacement camps where they do not receive adequate food and medical care, leaving pregnant women and children particularly at risk of agonising illness and death.

Rohingya are subject to harsh restrictions on marriage, family size and movement. Their religious buildings have been destroyed, and those who flee on rickety boats to other countries such as Malaysia or Thailand have, in the past, been turned back to the open seas to die or suffer at the hands of traffickers or languish in indefinite detention.

A question that haunts Myanmar’s government, and the international community, is whether what is happening to the Rohingya constitutes genocide. By now a credible claim can be raised that the internationally recognised crime of genocide is taking place in Myanmar. Accordingly, based on international legal obligations, the Myanmar government and other nation states should be taking all necessary actions to stop and avert the gravest kind of humanitarian catastrophe.

Under Article II of the 1948 Genocide Convention, which Myanmar has ratified, “genocide” is defined as “…any of the following acts committed with intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnical, racial or religious group, as such: (a) Killing members of the group; (b) Causing serious bodily or mental harm to members of the group; (c) Deliberately inflicting on the group conditions of life calculated to bring about its physical destruction in whole or in part; (d) Imposing measures intended to prevent births within the group; (e) Forcibly transferring children of the group to another group.”

The Yugoslav tribunal has elaborated further on Article II (c) that deliberately inflicting conditions calculated to bring about a group’s destruction can include “subjecting the group to a subsistence diet, systematic expulsion from homes and denial of the right to medical services. Also included is the creation of circumstances that would lead to a slow death, such as lack of proper housing, clothing, and hygiene or excessive work or physical exertion.”

There is little doubt that for years the Rohingya population has suffered the acts listed in Article II (a) – (d) of the Genocide Convention.

On the intent requirement of the crime – that the acts are committed with the intent to destroy, in whole or in part, an ethnic or religious group – courts have taken a highly contextualised, case-by-case approach, to determining whether intent can be inferred from factual circumstances. Such an inference must be “the only reasonable one available on the evidence.” Additionally, as the Rwandan tribunal has stated: “The offender is culpable because he knew or should have known that the act committed would destroy, in whole or in part, a group.”

This case-by-case approach to intent, along with the high burden of proof requiring the evidence to be “fully conclusive,” renders genocide determinations unavoidably contestable. Other analyses could suggest that the overall intent of perpetrators in Myanmar is better understood as “ethnic cleansing,” which reflects the idea that the actual intent is to forcibly transfer or expel the Rohingya rather than physically destroy them.

In the 2015 case of Croatia v. Serbia, which also included evidence of killings, sexual violence, forced labour, and displacement, the International Court of Justice did not find genocidal intent on the part of the Serbs against the Croats in the context of the Yugoslav war. Key considerations were that the conflict was seen as territorial and the Serbs had organised transportation for Croats to evacuate the territories that Serb forces had occupied.

The difference in the Rohingya case is that there is no clear escape from the abject misery and high risk of death or extreme abuse at the hands of traffickers or by other countries’ immigration authorities. There are no systematic measures to officially deport the population, either through providing transportation or agreeing to formal arrangements with receiving countries. Moreover, Rohingya are deterred from departing through restrictions on movement and punishments for leaving, such as by the removal from household lists, the extortion of family members left behind and imprisonment for “illegal” re-entry.

Hundreds, possibly thousands of babies born in squalid camps have suffered preventable deaths due to lack of food and medical care. The overall conditions are such that those persons imposing them over a prolonged period either know or ought to know, that the eventual outcome will be the physical destruction of the group, in whole or in part.

The complexity of proving genocide is ill-matched to the urgency of preventing and responding to genocidal situations when they arise. We could be waiting years for an international tribunal or a panel of experts to conclude authoritatively that genocide is or is not taking place. This scenario would come as too little too late for the many victims and their families, not to mention the domestic political fallout and economic disaster which would ensue after the fact. At the same time, the moral and political costs – the enduring stigma and potential criminal liability – of not acting to stop genocide are severe.

International law and institutions extricate us from this quandary through their emphasis on genocide prevention as an obligation that is at least as equally strong as protection. The 1948 Convention obligates states to prevent and punish genocide. The widely affirmed Responsibility to Protect doctrine requires states to prevent and protect victims from war crimes, crimes against humanity and genocide in the absence of a meaningful government response.

We can now draw on ample scholarship and case law to identify situations that look very much like genocide and compel robust responses to live up to these obligations to prevent and protect. In 2015, the London-based International State Crime Initiative released a report based on a social scientific study and concluded that, “genocide is taking place in Myanmar” and warning of “the serious and present danger of the annihilation of the country’s Rohingya population.” Others have made a legal case for genocide, or the high risk of genocide, such as scholars Zarni and Cowley, Yale Law School’s human rights clinic, and former deputy prosecutor of the Yugoslav Tribunal, Sir Geoffrey Nice, among others.

Some might argue that the label for a crime should not matter, and in a sense they are right. These crimes too often occur along a spectrum that, without corrective action, can lead to the same calamitous result; massive loss of life and destruction.

We might think the responses would be the same, regardless of the words we choose to define the crime. However, too many international conferences and diplomatic meetings over the years have lamented the long list of persecutions and suffering this group has endured over decades, resulting in responses that are disproportionately inadequate to the gravity of the Rohingya’s plight. Tepid policies toward Myanmar and the Rohingya betray a deep-seated reluctance to label these crimes as genocide for fear of subverting the narrative so many in the world have waited for; an enlightened democratic transition. The notion of genocide in Myanmar risks turning the country back into an international pariah rather than an international darling.

But the current violence painfully illustrates that interethnic divisions in a young democracy cannot be downplayed or wished away. It is time for Myanmar, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations, the United Nations and others to face facts, to confront the prospect of genocide being perpetrated against the Rohingya. They must be open to judgment for their inaction, or more hopefully, take action and commit the resources needed to save lives throughout the region and preserve Myanmar’s future.

Rohingya Exodus