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Men set up a sign against UN and humanitarian aid organisations’ assistance in Rakhine State, outside a monastery in Maungdaw on October 19. Photo: AFP


By Fiona MacGregor
October 21, 2016

Among all the murky reports to emerge from Rakhine State this week, one thing that is clear: When it comes to the biggest crisis to hit Myanmar since Daw Aung San Suu Kyi’s civilian led administration was elected, the military is undoubtedly running the show.

Almost two weeks on from three deadly attacks on border police stations in northern Rakhine State, evidence about who was behind the attacks and their underlying motivation are no more certain. Yet that has done nothing to damp the military’s lockdown, nor to staunch the anti-Muslim rhetoric from the President’s Office.

It is a situation that does not bode well for long-term democratic progress in this country.

Following the deadly October 9 attacks on the border guard posts, the military assumed control over Maungdaw and Buthidaung township. Outside observers have been excluded from the region as security forces carry out “clearance operations” which have sparked great fear among the Muslim population there.

An estimated 9000 to 15,000 people from the Rohingya minority are reported by sources on the ground to have fled their homes, with claims that at least 100 civilians have been killed during military operations, although those numbers remain entirely unsubstantiated due to access restrictions. The military has acknowledged that at least 30 alleged attackers have been killed by security personnel in what senior officers described as a necessary use of lethal force.

Allegations that Muslim civilians have faced extra-judicial killings and seen their villages burned by security forces have also gone entirely unmentioned in the missives coming out of the President’s Office, and have been widely ignored by the local media. Yesterday it was reported that two people arrested in relation to the attacks had died in custody, with authorities blaming asthma-related complications.

Meanwhile according to the UN, an estimated 3000 people from the region’s Buddhist population have also fled their homes and being looked after by state authorities.

Reports from the government have focused entirely on support being offered to the ethnic Rakhine villagers. A representative for the Mynmar Red Cross, which is providing assistance in Buthidaung, Maungdaw and Sittwe townships, said he had no knowledge of the displaced Muslim population.

Aid organisations have stressed that they are deeply worried about more than 70,000 people in the Muslim-majority northern townships of Maungdaw and Buthidaung who are being kept from receiving humanitarian assistance, including vital food rations, because the military refuse to allow agencies access while their operations are ongoing.

Meanwhile those elsewhere in the state are also facing restrictions, humanitarian actors say, as fears among local staff and uncertainty about protocol hampers access and supplies.

These clampdowns are risking the lives of people in already-vulnerable communities, despite the fact that authorities have acknowledged that the only violence to have occurred in recent days had broken out when they entered villages on a clearance operation and allege that they have brought the wider security situation under control.

Indeed the entire “terrorist” narrative is being questioned, not only by international observers, who point to the fact that the attacks were targeted at security officers not civilians, but even by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi herself.

“We don’t know the full details. We don’t know when those six months were,” she told the Hindustan Times while visiting India earlier this week, referring to the government’s reports that arrested suspects had said during interrogations that the man organising them had received six month’s training in Pakistan.

“And we are also told he had been receiving funding from various Islamic countries. That is just information from just one source, we can’t take it for granted that it’s absolutely correct,” she said.

But the state counsellor’s attempt to bring some balance to the terror narrativehas been of little avail. The matter has continued to dominate both the national and social media agenda.

Even as updates from the President’s Office make no mention of the perilous situation the Muslim population in northern Rakhine State unquestionably face as security forces search their villages for assailants, those behind the department’s daily updates are less reticent about depicting Muslims as violent, extremist liars.

On a post on the official government website from October 18 entitled “Voices from government employees, local people in Maungdaw over deadly attacks”, which did not cite a single Muslim voice, stories such as the following – purportedly the words of an evacuated school teacher – reinforced the demonisation of the Muslim population.

“I have been here since 2007 as a middle-school teacher and a high-school teacher. The government told us that people here often resorted to violence because they were not educated. Now, they are learning from us and some of them are good at English. However, they posted lies and religious instigation on the internet,” she added. “Later, helicopters from the Tatmadaw evacuated us to a safe place.”

It is concerning, but not unexpected, when military chiefs in Rakhine State start making biologically and mathematically questionable assertions about the Muslim population rapidly increasing because some people practise polygamy.

However when the president of a democratically elected government widely seen to be a proxy for one of the world’s best-known rights campaigners-turned-politician starts churning out such pernicious writings, it is alarming.

The president may wear a civilian gaung baung, but the messages coming from his office show every sign of having been penned by a propagandist wearing a military cap.

In an October 14 statement on events in Rakhine State the previous week, the government noted the following: “According to the findings of the interrogations, the attacks in Maungdaw were intended to promote extremist violent ideology among the majority Muslim population in the area. Using Maungdaw as a foothold, this was an attempt to take over the areas of Maungdaw and Buthitaung. For this, they received significant financial support from extremist individuals in some Middle Eastern countries. This funding was not provided by particular organisations, but was provided secretly through contacts between individuals.”

If a single paragraph were to encapsulate the fears of Rakhine people and the wider population, exacerbated by various provocateurs for various nationalist and political reasons, that paragraph would be it.

And it appears to be working. It is not just social media users who are buying into and promoting the “our military will protect us” message.

National newspapers, many of them staffed by journalists who have bravely questioned the military’s motivations and stood up to oppression in the past, have almost entirely failed to question what is happening to the Muslim population in Rakhine State – the vast majority of whom have shown absolutely no appetite for militant uprising in the past four years.

Daw Aung San Suu Kyi’s protests in India that it is very unclear who and what was behind the October 9 attacks are little more than a whispered acknowledgement of uncertainty contending with the booming onslaught of military-backed propaganda.

The international community is, behind the scenes, horrified by the lack of access and expressing serious concerns about the extent of the rights abuses potentially now being perpetrated against the Muslim population in the north.

Yet, public demands for access have so far failed to highlight these very genuine concerns.

The Advisory Commission on Rakhine State, chaired by former UN secretary general Kofi Annan, finally had a formal briefing from the government on October 19, but as yet its only statement was on October 14, deploring the attacks, but making no mention of possible or alleged reprisals.

Meanwhile Stéphane Dujarric, spokesperson for the UN secretary-general, on October 19 noted a “sober response” by the security forces in northern Rakhine State, an observation that appeared to be made more on trust than fact, given he also stressed concerns that UN staff were not being given access to the area and people concerned.

Whether such trust is misplaced remains to be seen. However even Daw Aung San Suu Kyi has this week stressed the insecure state of democracy in Myanmar right now.

“We as a nation are struggling to make the democratic culture take root,” she told reporters after meeting Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi on her visit to New Delhi.

“We too have many challenges to face, but we are confident that these challenges can be overcome because our people are determined to overcome them.”

It is to be hoped she is right, but such determination will only succeed if it is rooted in the principles of human rights and respect for others, rather than fear and politically motivated propaganda. For now, in Rakhine State, the latter appears to be winning.



Joint Statement
Date: October 21, 2016

We, the undersigned Rohingya organisations in Australia release the following statement to raise our serious and profound concern for the ongoing extreme human right violations and crackdown on the innocent Rohingya population in Northern Rakhine State, Myanmar.

Since 9 October 2016, under the pretext of looking for attackers on security posts, the Myanmar military and police forces have been indiscriminately killing the innocent Rohingya elders, young adults (men & women) and children. Together with the killing, the military forces have been looting, torching and plundering the houses and villages of Rohingyas. Till today, more than 150 innocent Rohingyas were mercilessly killed and 10,000 have become IDPs (Internal Displaced Persons). Due to curfew order and blockade, there is an acute shortage of food, medicine, and other essentials. According to the UN’s World Food Programme (WFP) report published on 20 October 2016, more than 80,000 Rohingyas are in need of urgent humanitarian aid and Myanmar government has blocked the aid reaching to them with the excuse of security. The situation is exponentially worsening. It is a violation of international law and Geneva Convention. Amnesty International also urged Myanmar government yesterday (20/10/2016) to urgently lift restrictions in Rakhine state to have humanitarian aid for the affected Rohingya villages.

Myanmar State counsellor, Daw Aung San Su Kyi initially stated that extra cautious would be taken in handling, however, the reality is far from it. The causalities of innocent Rohingyas have increased day by day. Even yesterday, it has been reported by the residents of Ngakura village that the village elders were invited to military post in the name of cooperation, however, they have been tortured instead there and 2 villager elders were killed by the action of military. The fate of the remaining elders is unknown yet. The military has been entering Rohingya village by village, arresting the men found at house, looting the houses, sexually attacking the women found at home vulnerable. There is also a terrible news reported yesterday (20/10/2016) that 30 teenage girls were forcefully taken from a village called NgasaKyu in PyaungPyaik hamlet by the military and the fate of these girls are unknown yet. Burmese military is infamous for raping and murdering the women in war zones and therefore it is very concerning for those young girls. 

We do not support any terrorised and violent attack or harming on any innocent people. However, we strongly believe that the Myanmar military has different agenda from this attack, which may have been purposely planned. We were always made scapegoats by the Military junta for its propaganda and in this occasion, we found that we are used again as scapegoat to divert the attention of general public from worsening Kachin war and other armed conflicts in Myanmar and to gain popularity with Rohingya’s elimination plan with the majority Buddhists. According to President Office of Myanmar press release on 13 October 2016, the attackers initially used knives and sticks however later they blindly accused non-existence organisation links and support from individuals from Middle East countries. Furthermore, it has been linked to some known terrorist organisations with one sided interrogation and biased reports, which seemed to be based on the fabricated reports supplied by the military. Myanmar military and security agency are well famous for inhumane method of torture on captives and they are known for enforcing the captives to give fabricated statements in the way they like for decades. Therefore, we strongly believe that it is a groundless, purposely fabricated news played by some actors for the benefit of Myanmar military only. Arakan Army (AA) has also released a press release on 20/16/2016 highlighting similar concern as ours.

Further evidence adding to that is the Rohingya victims blamed to be attackers and killed are actually the innocent Rohingya villagers including 70 years old man and women. The two videos posted by those attackers clearly showed that they were young and adult men group; no single women involved in it. However, in the pretext of bringing security in the area, the military and Burma Border Guard Police (BGP) are carrying massacre and fear on Rohingyas so that Rohingya takes rickety boat journey again to leave the country. It is a systematic 2 ways strategies work for the military only. Therefore, an independent international investigation is required to find out the actual culprits behind those attack and play.

We, therefore, gathered today here to send our request to Myanmar government, UN and International Community the followings:

· Request to the Australian government; to strongly raise our concerns and issues with the Myanmar government to provide full protection to Rohingya community in Northern Rakhine State, not only to Rakhine ethnic community.

· To Australian public; as a democratic nation in Australia with the rights to practice freedom of speech, we request the public to raise stateless and vulnerable Rohingya issue with your local politicians, to speak our matters in the Australian parliament.

· To UN to strongly voice Rohingya issue with Myanmar government to provide humanitarian aid to the Rohingyas in dire situation and to intervene the massacre and destruction of Rohingya’s properties by the notorious Myanmar military.

· To International community; to save the remaining Rohingya in Myanmar by raising your concern otherwise Rohingya’s existence in Myanmar will be in the history.

· To Myanmar government; to allow an independent international investigation on the attacks on security posts and the innocent Rohingya civilians being murdered by the military and BGP personnel; to lift the international humanitarian blockade for the Rohingyas who are in dire situation due to continuous security crackdowns and curfew; to investigate the whole extent of the event and bring those responsible to justice. 


Signed by;

1. Burmese Rohingya Community in Australia (BRCA)
2. Burmese Rohingya Association in Queensland-Australia (BRAQA)




Amnesty International 
Date: October 20, 2016

The Myanmar government must urgently lift restrictions that are preventing access to humanitarian aid in Rakhine and Kachin states, Amnesty International said today.

The intensification of the conflict in Kachin State, and the eruption of violence in northern Rakhine State, where a major security operation has led members of the Rohingya and Rakhine communities to flee their homes, has aggravated what was already a serious humanitarian situation in the country.

“The Myanmar authorities must immediately lift restrictions that are preventing the United Nations and other humanitarian agencies from reaching people in need,” said Rafendi Djamin, Amnesty International’s Director for South East Asia and the Pacific.

“Both Rakhine and Kachin States already had tens of thousands of people been displaced by violence in recent years. The events of the past few weeks have aggravated that situation, and put more lives at risk.”

Kachin State

Fighting in Kachin state earlier this month led to the death of a child and two others being injured. In recent weeks, hostilities have seen the Myanmar military resorting to airstrikes and shelling.

Amnesty International has learned from credible sources that the authorities have not allowed UN and humanitarian agencies to deliver aid to people displaced in non-governmental controlled area since April 2016.

The organization is concerned by reports that the authorities may instead require people displaced to cross conflict lines in order to receive aid.

“All parties to the armed conflict have an obligation to allow and facilitate delivery of impartial humanitarian assistance for civilians in need. Blocking such aid is a violation of international humanitarian law. Civilians cannot be put in a position where they have no other option but to put their lives in harm’s way to access much needed aid. The authorities must ensure free and unimpeded access for humanitarian organizations delivering aid and emergency assistance to all civilians who need it”, said Rafendi Djamin.

According to the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (UNOCHA) there are currently approximately 87,000 displaced people in Kachin State, many of them in areas beyond government control.

Fighting resumed there in June 2011 after a 17-year ceasefire between the Myanmar army and the Kachin Independence Army broke down.

Rakhine State

An attack on three police outposts on 9 October triggered fresh concerns about violence and displacement in Rakhine State. Authorities responded by launching a major security operation to capture the perpetrators, tightening the already severe restrictions on movement that existed in the area.

According to local sources, members of both the Rohingya and Rakhine communities have fled their homes in fear. However, the severe isolation of norther Rakhine State and restrictions on independent journalists and monitors makes it extremely difficult to assess the scale of the displacement, or verify reports coming out of the region.

Amnesty International is deeply concerned that UN agencies and other humanitarian organizations have not been given authorization to access the affected populations to assess their needs and provide assistance.

“Local sources are telling us that Rohingya villagers are unable to access medical care. The Myanmar authorities must ensure that the human rights of these communities are respected, including ensuring that they have effective access to health care and other services,” said Rafendi Djamin.

Burmese leader Aung San Suu Kyi was in New Delhi on Oct. 18 as part of a three-day state visit. (Poulomi Basu/For The Washington Post)


By Annie Gowen
October 20, 2016

NEW DELHI — Burmese leader Aung San Suu Kyi said this week that it will “take time” to address her country’s ongoing humanitarian crisis and deflected charges that she has not done enough to speak out on behalf of Burma’s persecuted Rohingya Muslim community.

Suu Kyi spoke to The Washington Post as her administration marks six months in office, and as fresh violence threatens to derail the country’s peace process. 

The Nobel Peace Prize laureate and dedicated critic of the former military government came to power at a time when she must deal with a worsening humanitarian crisis that has displaced hundreds of thousands of people.

The crisis deepened this month when assailants thought to be part of the Rohingya community attacked three police posts in the western part of the country, killing nine police officers. Scores of people were killed and villages torched in a military crackdown that followed.

Suu Kyi said Tuesday that video of the alleged attackers shows “clearly” that their intentions were to wage jihad and that they had exhorted their brothers from the Muslim world to join them.

“We are of course determined to contain the situation and to make sure that we restore peace and harmony as soon as possible,” Suu Kyi said. “We are not going to allow either the security or stability or the integrity of our country to be threatened.”

Suu Kyi’s government came to power in March after the country’s first election following decades of military rule. She said continuing the peace process with ethnic militias fighting in the country’s north and east was her top priority.

But her civilian government must find ways to work with the still-powerful military and take steps to rejuvenate an economy that faltered during decades of brutal military rule. Burma, also known as Myanmar, remains one of the poorest countries in Asia.

In August, Suu Kyi appointed former U.N. secretary general Kofi Annan to look into the situation with the Rohingya. More than 1 million Rohingya Muslims live in Burma, but they are considered stateless and have long been denied basic rights.

More than 120,000 are still living in fetid camps in Rakhine state after violent clashes with their Buddhist neighbors in 2012. They have little access to health care and 30,000 of their children do not have proper schools, according to a U.N. report in June.

The report cited a “pattern of gross human rights violations” against the Rohingya, acts that it said could rise to the level of “crimes against humanity” in a court of law.

The government restarted a process of citizenship verification for the Rohingya in June, but many of the Rohingya refused to participate, Suu Kyi said. Human rights activists say they were suspicious that some kind of new card would mean a further erosion of their rights.

“Things take time,” she said. “The situation in the Rakhine is a legacy of many, many decades of problems. It is not something that happened overnight. We’re not going to be able to resolve it overnight. It goes back even to the last century.”

Suu Kyi told the U.N. investigator that the government would avoid using the term “Rohingya,” which many Burmese consider incendiary. Many Burmese call the Rohingya “Bengali,” a reference to the fact that some migrated from Bangladesh years earlier.

“This is inflammatory,” Suu Kyi said. “We simply say Muslims of ­Rakhine state. Because this is just a factual description which nobody should object to. But of course, everybody objects because they want their old emotive terms to be used.”

Suu Kyi brushed aside the frequent criticism that, as a Nobel Peace Prize laureate, she has not done enough to speak out about the Rohingyas’ plight. She did not go near the camps on a campaign swing through the state last fall and spoke of the conflict only in the vaguest terms.

“Well, I have spoken about it, but people don’t like the way I talk about it because I don’t take sides,” she said. “Nobody takes any account of that because that is not what they want to hear. They want me to make, you know, incendiary remarks, which I am not going to do. I’ve made it very clear that our work is not to condemn but to achieve reconciliation.”

Richard Horsey, a longtime Burma analyst and adviser to the International Crisis Group, said that Suu Kyi had made strides in addressing the issue after her government took over, including the appointment of Annan. But the spate of violence may change that, he said.

“These recent attacks have completely changed the landscape here and what’s possible to do right now,” Horsey said. “It has a huge potential to make the situation much, much worse and much harder to fix.”

Suu Kyi, whose official title is state counselor, spoke at Burma’s embassy while on a trip to India this week. The country is familiar terrain for her, as she spent part of her high school and college years living in New Delhi while her mother was ambassador here.

Suu Kyi, now 71, spent decades campaigning against the military dictatorship in her country, including a total of more than 15 years under house arrest. For her efforts, she was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 1991.

She was freed in 2010 shortly before the military generals began economic reforms that were supported by then-Secretary of State Hillary Clinton and the Obama administration.

Despite the resounding victory of her National League for Democracy in last November’s elections, Burma’s generals retain a tight grip on power, reserving 25 percent of the seats in the country’s parliament, which gives them veto power over any constitutional amendment. The military also appoints the key ministers in home affairs, border affairs and defense.

“Tacitly neither will challenge the other much,” Horsey said. “She’s not challenging the military on security issues and not pushing for changes in the constitution, and they’re not showing signs of actively undermining her civilian government.”

When Suu Kyi visited Washington and met with President Obama last month, he announced that he would remove remaining economic sanctions on the country.

They include a longtime ban on imports of gems from the country’s jade and ruby mines and a list of individuals and companies barred from doing business with U.S. entities. This final move should spur foreign investment from the United States, which remains a fraction of the estimated $9 billion in foreign investment in the country this year, experts said.

“We’ve depended on sanctions long enough,” Suu Kyi said. “Sanctions were put into place at a time we most needed a little leverage. I think it’s time that we moved on to a different phase.”

The government has been accused of disproportionately helping Buddhist ethnic Rakhine civilians during the unrest (Photo: EPA)

October 20, 2016

Military clampdown following unrest has prevented any supplies from reaching Muslim minority group in Rakhine state.

Food aid deliveries planned for more than 80,000 people in Myanmar's Rakhine state have been blocked because of a military clampdown in the area, according to the UN's World Food Programme (WFP).

A predominantly Rohingya area in the north of the state has been closed off after attacks on police posts allegedly by Rohingya fighters over a week ago prompted a surge in government troops, WFP said in a statement on Wednesday.

The WFP normally feeds 80,000-85,000 people in the locked-down area, which borders Bangladesh, but aid deliveries have been disrupted and the military has prevented any supplies from getting through. 

Rakhine state is where the country's Muslim Rohingya minority group has allegedly faced systematic persecution since unrest broke out in 2012.

"There is military everywhere and a curfew in place. It's impossible to access any of the areas affected," said Arsen Sahakyan, WFP's partnership officer in Myanmar.

"The areas affected are also where we normally operate."

According to state media, security forces have killed at least 30 people since the raids on the police posts. A tally of latest official figures show at least 40 people being held.

Activists say a violent crackdown has been unfolding, with troops shooting dead Muslim civilians and torching their villages. But the military says it has been fending off violent attacks.

The government has blamed the attacks on an armed group called "Aqa Mul Mujahidin" and said hundreds of fighters are planning more attacks.

The unrest has raised fears of a repeat of the 2012 sectarian conflict that left more than 100 dead and drove thousands of Rohingya into squalid displacement camps.

About 125,000 Rohingya remain displaced and face severe restrictions on their movements, education and access to food while living in sqaulid camps.

Tensions have recently simmered between the Buddhist Rakhine community and the Muslim Rohingyas, and fears that unrest between the two groups will spread to other parts of the state have prompted the WFP to restart aid to some 6,000 displaced people whom they had stopped feeding several months ago.

Many Rakhines - who are also an impoverished community in Myanmar - resent the international aid given to the Rohingya.

In 2014, most aid agencies pulled out of the state after mobs of Buddhists ransacked their offices and warehouses, accusing them of bias in favour of Muslims.

That anger was on display outside a monastery in Maungdaw that has become a makeshift refugee camp for Rakhines, where a sign read: "We don't need any support from UN, INGOs - Maungdaw Rakhine state".

"When our Rakhine houses were burned and attacked in 2012, they didn't let the world know," Hla Shwe, a Rakhine villager told the AFP news agency, referring to the aid agencies.

"They should think about the human rights of Rakhine ethnics as well."

In June, the UN said widespread violations against the Rohingya, including denial of citizenship since they are accused of being illegal immigrants, forced labour and sexual violence could amount to "crimes against humanity".

The EU, in July, urged Myanmar's government to put an end to the "brutal repression" and "systematic persecution" of Rohingyas, but their requests for unimpeded access to areas where the Rohingyas were targeted have largely been ignored. 

Photo: Getty Images

By Joseph K. Grieboski
October 20, 2016

Following the U.N. Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights' report on June 20, 2016 — which condemned the systematic and widespread human rights violations perpetrated against the Rohingya — the government of Myanmar was compelled to show some initiative on the matter.

As a result, on Aug. 23, 2016, the government announced the establishment of an advisory commission to address the situation in the Rakhine State, chaired by former U.N. Secretary-General Kofi Annan, who has since visited the state in September.

While the move to establish the commission might come as a welcomed effort, it has already raised some concerns, including how the former secretary-general responded to a question asking if he had witnessed anything he would describe as oppression.

In response, the former secretary-general replied, "Personally, I did not see it there."

As one of the poorest states in Myanmar, the Rakhine State is rendered with limited access to health, education and other basic services. This is especially true for the Rohingya in Myanmar, whose approximate population of 1 million faces constant discrimination, exclusion, restrictions and persecution. After major outbreaks within the Rakhine State during 2012, hundreds died, were injured and had their properties destroyed. This devastation resulted in the displacement of 140,000 individuals in the region.

Currently, the Rohingya represent the largest Muslim population in Myanmar, with approximately 120,000 internally displaced people in central Rakhine State alone. Within the displacement camps, approximately 30,000 Muslim children must use temporary learning spaces, but are barred from studying a number of professions, or attending the only university in the Rakhine State.

The widespread discrimination against the Rohingya has been perpetrated through the Burma Citizenship Law of 1982. By enforcing it, the Burmese government — now run by Aung San Suu Kyi — continues to deny the Rohingya citizenship, while 315 other ethnic groups are included in the law.

The situation in the Rakhine State has been aggravated by the rise of ultra-nationalist Buddhist groups in Myanmar. These groups have given added force to anti-Muslim sentiment, resulting in violence based on racial, ethnic and religious hatred. Between 2014 and 2015, 94,000 Rohingya have fled to neighboring countries, resulting in trafficking, extortion and other abuses of the Rohingya.

Ultimately, the Rohingya are left without a place to go, or the necessary legal, economic or social means to carry out dignified lives in their home country.

Since the 2012 events and despite their current oppression, the threat of U.S. sanctions has prevented further violence against the Rohingya in recent years. Now, however, matters have been aggravated by the lifting of sanctions on Burma by the United States. A high-level Burmese state official has suggested that 12 mosques and 35 Islamic religious schools in Maungdaw and Buthidaung would be destroyed just a week after sanctions were lifted.

The situation in Rakhine State has once again grown restive and violent. On Oct. 10, 2016, attacks were carried out on a border guard post in Rakhine State, spurring a surge in violent raids in Rohingya communities that has left over 30 dead in one week. Government forces have poured into Rakhine State, a crackdown that the government has justified by claiming that Islamist militants, harbored in these communities, are responsible for the attacks.

However, reports have emerged of extrajudicial killings, arbitrary arrests and raids on Rohingya homes, once again raising concerns that a genocidal situation is becoming ever more a reality.

Rakhine State is politicized and polarized, with numerous issues that the Annan Commission is supposed to address. This newest surge of violence highlights the urgency of the situation and calls even further into question Annan's statement that he did not observe any incidences of oppression on his visit. This egregious oversight is due, in part, to the fact that the commission is formed by six Myanmar nationals and three foreigners, but no ethnic Rohingya.

If the commission truly intends to tackle effectively the various issues and human rights violations in the Rakhine State, it cannot do so without including persons affected by it.

The exclusion of Rohingya is another disappointing act by the Burmese government. While there were high hopes for the newly instated National League for Democracy government, its refusal to act on the persecution of the Rohingya has shown the government's position on the matter. Their stance has become even clearer with State Chancellor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's disapproval of the term "Rohingya," as she advised the U.S. ambassador to avoid the "emotive term" as it presents challenges on dealing with the issue at hand.

Now, without the recognition of the Rohingya as a population, or their voices as part of the conversation, the government demonstrates that its commitment to the commission may serve as a P.R. opportunity, rather than an actual attempt to assuage dire situations and systematic repression in the Rakhine State.

Suu Kyi was among those in attendance at the first meeting of the Rakhine State advisory commission held on Sept. 5, 2016. The inclusion of foreigners on the committee has ignited major protest from nationalists who believe foreign consultation is being allowed on domestic affairs without the consent of ethnic minorities. Additional claims of sovereignty infringement have also gained traction as Myanmar political parties express their opposition to the creation of the body.

In a recent meeting, President Obama praised Suu Kyi on the establishment of the commission and reiterated the United States' support toward ending the conflict in Rakhine State. (Despite the rampant persecution of the Rohingya still occurring, though, Obama announced the lifting of sanctions on Myanmar in response to their progress on democratization.)

Similarly, outgoing U.N. Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon expressed his full support for the commission and, in reference to the Rohingya, stated, "People who have been living for generations in this country should enjoy the same legal status and citizenship as everyone else."

The failure to include an ethnic Rohingya as a member, however, proves the commission to be ill-advised and likely ineffectual. Still, supporters of the commission continue to denounce the opposition toward its creation and call for the embracement of this so-called shift in paradigm.

While the commission was created to address the U.N. High Commissioner for Human Rights' concerns over crimes against humanity in the region, the outcome of the commission is unknown, although former Secretary-General Annan stated after his visit to the camps that his visit was not to conduct a human rights investigation or write a human rights reports.

Without engaging and representing perspectives from all of the stakeholders of Rakhine State, particularly those of the Rohingya, it will be impossible to fully address and prevent the ongoing human rights issues.

At this moment, the commission frankly appears to be nothing more than a perception strategy rather than an actual and appropriate step to resolving the horrific injustices committed against the Rohingya.

Grieboski is the chairman and CEO of Grieboski Global Strategies, founder and chairman of the Institute on Religion and Public Policy, and founder and secretary-general of the Interparliamentary Conference on Human Rights and Religious Freedom.

RB News 
October 19, 2016

Maungdaw, Arakan – Eleven prominent Rohingyas from Ngakura village in Maungdaw Township were invited to attend a meeting by Myanmar Border Guard Police Battalion Commander based in Ngakura. They allegedly invited them to cooperate in the effort of finding attackers who attacked the BGP outposts on October 9th. These attendees were not allowed to go back home and arrested. Later two of them were killed while in custody. 

On October 18th, 2016 at 9am BGP battalion commander made phone calls to some prominent Rohingyas who were close to him. He asked them to cooperate with him in finding the attackers. Eleven Rohingyas who were invited joined the meeting as per the request of commander.

Eleven Rohingyas who joined the meeting are:

(1) Eisuf Ali s/o Mamu Rafique (65-year-old) 
(2) Anwar s/o Youshah (42-year-old) 
(3) Sadek Ahmed s/o Ayub (41-year-old) 
(4) Jinnah Khan s/o Nur Alam (40-year-old) 
(5) Shah Alam s/o Mamed Alam 
(6) Anwar s/o Islam 
(7) Anwar s/o Hussein Ahmed 
(8) Anwar s/o Fayas Ahmed 
(9) Abdu Zawbar s/o Ahmed Ali 
(10) Khin Maung Tun (alias) Siraz Uddin s/o Dildar Ahmed 
(11) Mustaq Ahmed s/o Zakir Ahmed

Today, October 19th, 2016, in the evening, BBC Burmese reported that among eleven arrestees, two died with Asthma and Blood pressure issues respectively. BBC Burmese news was referred by a police officer which can’t be true at all, according to locals.

Home Affairs Union Minister Lt. Gen Kyaw Swe told the media on October 17th, 2016 that they are not torturing any arrestees and ICRC can check at any time but the local residents in northern Maungdaw believe that many arrested are being killed. 58-year-old former Community Development Facilitator of UNHCR Maungdaw sub-office was tortured to death on October 18th, 2016. He had been arrested on October 14th, 2016, from Reeda hamlet of Aung Sit Pyin village tract. 

“On the other day district administrator instructed us to cooperate in finding the attackers. So these people cooperated with the BGP as instructed. They joined the meeting once they were called by the commander. But it is a complete injustice that they were arrested and accused as terrorists. I think the authorities will specially target innocent educated and the people who can afford the money and they will accuse them as terrorists. We can't question the authorities. Once questioned, get killed. Once we are in their hand we have to expect death. Here is no law at all.” a Rohingya expresses his sadness to RB News.

The eleven arrestees have very close ties with the authorities and they helped Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) during 2010 elections. 

Today, October 19th, at 1pm, a group of military came to the house of Kayfaiyath Ullah and Eisak and they dug a hole nearby as if they were searching but buried something. After 5 minutes of the group leaving from the place another military group came and dug out the hole straightly and took a weapon from the hole. The group made video recording of their movement and left.

Furthermore, today they arrested another five youths. They are four sons of Jinnah Khan and Siraz Uddin and one is younger brother of Siraz Uddin.

The name of the five arrestees are:

(1) Fawaz Khan s/o Jinnah Khan (19-year-old) 
(2) ----- s/o Jinnah Khan (17-year-old) 
(3) Abu s/o Siraz Uddin (20-year-old) 
(4) Achay s/o Siraz Uddin (18-year-old) 
(5) Sadek s/o Dildar Ahmed (28-year-old)

As the military is arresting innocent civilians in the pretext of a clearance operation, without any evidence and torturing to death is completely is opposite to what the state counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi said. She said to do everything in accordance with the laws. 

“If we don’t meet them, they shoot. If we meet them, they arrest and kill. We have no place to escape. No one to help us. People are facing food shortage now. All women, children and elderly are very much afraid now as they are experiencing how the people are being killed. I think the government will carry mass killing like they did in 2012. They will label all terrorists whoever got arrested. They made announcement that many hundreds are involved in the attacks. They did that to arrest as many as they can. They have all handmade weapons with them. They will come to our house and put them in the hole. Then will dig out and make video recording. All is drama. People dare not to stay in the village once they enter. So they can make up anything as they wish. People lost faith. Even escaped from homes they can make up dig a hole, put a weapon, later dig out again found a weapon story. We don’t know to whom we count. Here in Maungdaw the rule of law is just less than zero percent.” a human rights activist told RB News.

Report contributed by MYARF.

Two Rohingya men killed while in BGP police custody


RB News
October 18, 2016

Maungdaw, Arakan - A respected senior humanitarian Rohingya man was tortured to death while in Maungdaw Police Custody. 

On the 18th of October, 2016, A Rohingya man was tortured to death by the police while he was being interrogated in Maungdaw Police Custody. He was moved for burial by a dozen policemen by a car and taken to the cemetery of Kanyin Tan (Myoma) East Mosque. His family was not notified of his death or burial at this time. 

The deceased man was named Karim Ullah, and he was a previously a humanitarian aid worker. Karim was 58 years old, and he was the son of Hashim (the late school teacher) from Reeda hamlet, Aung Sit Pyin Village tract, northern Maungdaw. 

On 14 of October, 2016, Karim was arrested by Military forces who were raiding his home. He was arrested with his three young sons including a son of his elder brother, U Shwe Thar, a retired school teacher. They were detained for a couple of days in Kyein Chaung Police Station and were later taken to Maungdaw Police Custody during the past weekend. 

On the 18th of October, 2016, he was tortured to death by the police while he was being interrogated and accused off being involved in terrorism. On 18th of October, 2016, in the early morning, Police from Maungdaw Custody telephoned Abdur Rahaman, the Village Administrator of Kanyin Tan (Myoma) and he informed some Rohingya men near of Kanyin Tan (Myoma) East Mosque to arrange a small funeral to bury the corpse in the cemetery. At 12 pm, a dozen policemen arrived by car with the dead body and five Rohingya men arranged the funeral and buried down the his body in the cemetery. The policemen left by their car when the funeral was over. “Police men recorded a video of how the five Rohingya men dug the hole and buried down the body in the cemetery and took the details of those men”, a Rohingya man from downtown Maungdaw told RB News. 

Karim Ullah was a respected senior humanitarian. He had served as an Area Supervisor in WFP Maungdaw Sub-office from 1995 to 2004 and was a Technician in FAO (Food Agriculture Organization) in their Maungdaw Office from 2007 to 2009. He was a Community Development Facilitator in UNHCR Maungdaw Office from 2009 to end of 2012. After the 2012-June violence, he was terminated as a Community Development Facilitator in UNHCR Maungdaw Office when their activity was suspended. Since the termination, he chose to live peacefully at his home with his family as he became old aged. 

“He was a peaceful and innocent humanitarian person. It is illogical to accuse him for the involvement in terror attack while he was an old-aged person who has saved many lives with his aiding hands. In his age would he participate in militant attack when he is not even able to continue his humanitarian profession?” a man from his village told RB News. 

“Targeting and killing after accusing wrong doing of such educated persons is an inhumane crime by the Myanmar Security Forces. Perhaps, it is a motivated crime against humanity of the entire Rohingya community” the man added. Many of the villagers from Kanyin Tan (Myoma) village are frantically confused and worrying very much about the strange actions of Myanmar Security Forces who they say have been burying dead bodies again and again in the Muslim cemetery. On the other hand, this leads many educated Rohingyas in the area to feel abysmally dreadful and traumatized in this time. Karim’s three sons are still detained in Maungdaw Police Custody.

Report contributed by MYARF.

The grave where Karim Ullah was buried down in Kanyin Tan Myoma East Mosque cemetery

RB News 
October 19, 2016

Maungdaw, Arakan – Internally displaced people in Kyet Yoe Pyin village tract in Northern Maungdaw Towship are facing difficulties for medical treatment, food and Shelters.

In Kyet Yoe Pyin village tract includes 5 affected hamlets, Ywa Gyi hamlet, West hamlet, Lu Tin Farang hamlet and Fawr Zar Gar Fara hamlet. The population is 4994 Males and 5016 Females for a total of 10010 people that dwelled in a total 1368 houses. 

According to locals, 803 houses from Kyet Yoe Yin village tract were burnt to ashes by the Myanmar military on October 12th and October 13th. Two third of the market was burnt down there too. All cattle, goats and chickens were loaded on trucks and taken away. 

The villagers fled from the village when the military started torching the houses and shooting people. They couldn’t take any personal belongings with them. They are now taking refuge in nearby villages. Since the time they fled, 37 women gave birth without any medical treatment and there were no medicines available. 

All the villagers are facing a lot of difficulties for food and shelter.

“The military torched our houses in the pretext of a clearance operation. They looted our properties and destroyed. They are also raiding the houses in other villages and looting gold, cash and valuable things.” a villager told RB News.

Report contributed by Rohingya Eye.






By Nazli Yuzbasioglu
October 18, 2016

Mevlut Cavusoglu tells OIC meeting persecuted minority in Myanmar needs humanitarian aid

TASHKENT, Uzbekistan -- Foreign Minister Mevlut Cavusoglu called Tuesday for humanitarian aid for Rohingya Muslims in Myanmar whom he described as living in “prison-like camps”.

“Our brothers are living in extreme poverty. They cannot leave their villages,” Cavusoglu told the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation (OIC)’s Contact Group on Rohingya Muslims meeting in the Uzbekistan capital Tashkent.

“The towns as well as the camps they are living in are like open prisons. They cannot leave; no one can go inside. Humanitarian aid cannot be transported. Firstly they need humanitarian aid. We should be very sensitive to this issue,” Cavusoglu added.

Myanmar, also known as Burma, has recently seen a wave of ethnic violence which has left scores of people dead and forced thousands more to flee their homes.

Recalling his July visit to Rohingya Muslims during the Muslim holy month of Ramadan, the Turkish foreign minister said the OIC should play a pioneering role.

Pointing out the importance of drawing the international community’s attention to the issue, Cavusoglu said the authorities in Myanmar should be encouraged to take steps to resolve outstanding problems.

Turkey has sent around $13-million-worth of humanitarian aid to Myanmar since November 2012, Cavusoglu added.
State media referred to the discrimination that Muslim IDPs in Rakhine face as “heightened fabrications”. Photo: Aung Myin Ye Zaw / The Myanmar Times


By Fiona Macgregor
October 18, 2016

Rights groups are concerned that “blatant falsehoods” in state media could exacerbate tensions in Rakhine State, after The Global New Light of Myanmar published a denial that Muslim residents face restrictions on their movements and are refused access to vital services.

The opinion piece in the state-run newspaper follows deadly attacks on three border guard posts in Maungdaw and Rathedaung townships on October 9. The government has blamed the attacks on Islamist terrorists, prompting widespread fear in Rakhine State and beyond. Videos of unclear origin have since appeared online with armed men calling for jihad and for Rohingya rights.

Daw Aung San Suu Kyi has vowed the investigations into the attacks will be “fair” and according to rule of law.

But yet-to-be confirmed reports of extra-judicial killings and widespread destruction of Muslim villages in northern Rakhine State by the military as they hunt for the culprits has led to fears that the attacks will be used to justify further rights abuses on the more than 1 million Rohingya who live in the state.

The Global New Light of Myanmar article calls on “international communities to review their policies, towards the atrocities of the extremist attackers” and contrasts what it calls the “neighborliness” of Bangladesh “against a backdrop of heightened fabrications that a number of Muslims living in Rakhine state face discrimination, restrictions of movements and denial of access to services”.

The restrictions under which the Rohingya minority are forced to live have been widely attested to and condemned by numerous organisations, including the UN.

Responding to the article Phil Robertson, deputy director of Human Rights Watch Asia division, said “the reality is the Rohingya face severe restrictions on movements” which curtail their ability to earn a livelihood and access basic services.

“The government should realise that its efforts to elicit sympathy and cooperation to find those who attacked the border police camps in Maungdaw are undermined when its mouthpiece prints blatant falsehoods about the continued restrictions Rohingya face in Rakhine State,” he said.

Amnesty International said that their observers had witnessed firsthand the damaging impact of the restrictions placed on Muslim communities in Rakhine State.

“Denying the existence of long-standing restrictions on the Rohingya population, and the serious difficulties they create for people’s daily lives, not only ignores the reality on the ground, it will hinder any efforts towards finding durable solutions to the situation in Rakhine State,” said Laura Haigh, Amnesty International’s Myanmar researcher.

Ms Haigh cautioned against additional restrictions. “The government has the duty and the right to maintain law and order, however, it must ensure that its response to these recent attack does not further compound the longstanding discrimination and rights abuses that Rohingya in northern Rakhine State suffer,” she said.

Her warning came as the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (UNOCHA) reported yesterday that humanitarian response interventions in northern Rakhine State were being coordinated but were “hampered by movement restrictions”.

Over 40, and according to some reports as many as 90, people – mainly Muslims – have been killed as Tatma­daw troops conduct “clearance operations” in their search for culprits. Hundreds of homes are reported to have been razed with thousands of people feared displaced. Further attacks on police have also been reported.

The Global New Light of Myanmar did not respond to requests yesterday from The Myanmar Times as to what had prompted the article.

Western media are frequently accused by authorities and nationalist activists in Myanmar as being biased in favour of the Rohingya population.

Asia-based publications have generally been less critical; however, on October 16, the Thai newspaper The Nation published a strongly worded editorialheadlined: “The [Myanmar] government and military will have to bear the blame if estranged Muslim community decides to take up arms.”

The Nation’s opinion piece said, “The situation would not have descended to this level if Myanmar had been more even-handed in its treatment of the Rohingya.” It went on to depict recent events in northern Rakhine State in terms of ethnic minority resistance elsewhere in the country.

The Global New Light of Myanmar opinion piece emphasised Bangladesh’s “neighbourly” response to the current situation, including the fact it handed over suspects alleged to have taken part in the October 9 attacks. Around 230,000 Rohingya are estimated to be live in Bangladesh and some of the attackers are alleged to have spent time there.

The state media article also sought to promote Myanmar’s relationship with the EU. “At a time when we are taking effective action to defend against, respond to and defeat all armed violent attacks and attempted attacks in according to the law … the provision of assistance by Bangladesh and the EU in the form of encouragement is an [sic] valuable asset capable of holding the perpetrators ultimately accountable.”

Asked for a response to the article, an EU spokesperson pointed to the latest Council Conclusions on Myanmar adopted jointly by the Foreign Ministers of all 28 EU member states in June 2016, which says, “Restrictions on the freedom of movement should be lifted and unimpeded access to basic services should be ensured for all.”

The spokesperson referred to a previous statement from October 11 in which the EU said it “stands with Myanmar in these difficult moments”, but rejected the implication in state media that the EU statement could be taken as an “encouragement” of the current military response in northern Rakhine.

“The only thing we encourage is a police investigation in accordance with the rule of law as well as responsible action and restraint by all parties,” she said.

Police forces prepare to patrol in Maungdaw township at Rakhine state, northeast Myanmar, October 12, 2016. REUTERS/Stringer


By Wa Lone and Simon Lewis 
October 18, 2016

YANGON -- Violence in a Muslim-majority region of Myanmar is stopping aid agencies from delivering food and medicines, a United Nations official said on Tuesday, as security forces respond to deadly raids that the government says were inspired by Islamists.

Troops have been sweeping northern Rakhine state for more than a week, hunting an estimated 400 fighters who officials believe are members of the mostly stateless Rohingya Muslim community acting with the support of Islamists abroad.

The Myanmar military has declared the area an "operation zone" and has tightly controlled the flow of information since insurgents seized dozens of weapons in raids on border posts on Oct. 9 in which nine police officers were killed.

U.N. agencies "don't have access to the affected areas to assess humanitarian needs", Pierre Peron, spokesman for the U.N.'s Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, said by email.

Health clinics and nutrition programmes in northern Rakhine have been hampered by movement restrictions imposed after the attacks, he said.

"We hope that the situation will improve as soon as possible so that humanitarian organisations can restart vital programmes to assist all communities in Rakhine state," Peron said.

The spike in violence in ethnically divided Rakhine state poses a serious challenge to the six-month-old government led by Aung San Suu Kyi, who was swept to power in an election last year but has faced criticism abroad for failing to tackle rights abuses against the Rohingya and other Muslims.

ETHNIC DIVISIONS

At least 30 suspected militants and five military personnel have been killed in clashes since the Oct. 9 raids.

Nearly 120,000 people, mostly Rohingyas, were already displaced in Rakhine after an outbreak of communal violence in 2012. Local sources said the latest violence has displaced thousands more.

Ethnic Rakhine political leaders have proposed that the government arm local militias to fight what they see as a growing violent threat from the Rohingya population.

"Villagers are scared about their security because their hostile neighbours have a huge population," said Khin Maung Than, chairman of the Arakan National Party in Maungdaw Township, which has been at the centre of the violence.

He estimated around 5,000 ethnic Rakhine Buddhists have fled their homes, fearing attack by Muslim "Bengalis" - a term widely used in Myanmar but rejected by the Rohingya themselves because it implies they are illegal immigrants from Bangladesh.

Rohingya leaders insist few of the 1.1 million Rohingya in Rakhine state - many of whom have lived there for generations and face discrimination and severe restrictions on their movements - believe violence is the solution to their plight.

The office of President Htin Kyaw has named a little-known group, "Aqa Mul Mujahidin", which it says has links to Islamists abroad, as responsible for the Oct. 9 attacks. 

International human rights groups have raised concerns that civilians are being caught up in a heavy-handed crackdown.

Amnesty International has been told that villagers wounded in the violence have been unable to access medical treatment, said Laura Haigh, a researcher for the group.

AFRAID TO RETURN

A senior Rohingya leader in Maungdaw, who asked not to be named because he was afraid of repercussions, told Reuters he had received reports that as many as 9,000 Rohingya have been displaced from 21 villages.

About 1,200 people, mostly ethnic Rakhine Buddhists, are sheltering in a school in northern Rakhine State's Buthidaung Township, according to the United Nations.

Many more are believed to be staying with relatives in other parts of the state and about 800 people - mostly women and children - are packed into small monasteries in the state capital of Sittwe.

Moe Thida, 31, journeyed with her four children over mountain roads and on a packed ferry to reach Sittwe after fighting came within earshot of her home.

As with several other displaced members of the mostly Buddhist Rakhine ethnicity who have fled Maungdaw, she told Reuters she was too afraid to return, although no attacks have been reported on ethnic Rakhine civilians.

"This time it's different" from previous bouts of intercommunal violence in the area, she said. "I'm afraid because the Muslims have weapons now."



Dear Mr Secretary General,

I am writing to you to express my deep concern over the fate of the Rohingya people of Myanmar. I am certain you are familiar with their extremely precarious situation, as we have seen them teetering on the edge of genocide since at least 2012. Yet what prompts me to write this letter is the latest news coming out of Myanmar just in the last few days: a series of attacks against border guard outposts killed 9 Burmese policemen just over a week ago, the Rohingya were quickly deemed responsible, and the police and army in the local state of Rakhine/Arakan have already carried out over 100 indiscriminate extra-judicial killings of dozens of Rohingya - including old men, women and children. 

The fear on the ground is that the violence may now escalate to at least the level of violence of 2012 or 2013, when dozens were killed, over 100,000 were displaced to internal camps and many more Rohingya were driven out of the country altogether, triggering the South East Asia Migration Crisis which culminated in the spring of last year. And that may be the optimistic scenario. This new upsurge of violence may ultimately prove to be the final trigger to outright genocide that the UN and many NGO observers have been dreading.

What makes the situation today the most perilous it has ever been is the fact that in this crisis the Rohingya are likely to be targeted by all parts of Burmese society. Historically, the dark-skinned, Muslim minority had been chosen as the favourite ‘enemy within’ of the succession of military regimes that governed Burma/Myanmar. Whenever these governments needed to invoke some ‘dark forces’ that undermined the success of their ‘vision’ for the country, they scape-goated the country’s Muslims, particularly the Rohingya. Whenever they needed to distract attention from other national issues, some conflict with the Rohingya would suddenly materialise. 

Yet the violence of 2012-2013 had not been initiated by the federal state. Or indeed the local state. The decades of anti-Rohingya propaganda have been absorbed by the political culture of the country, and now the biggest threat to the Rohingya is actually their ethnic Rakhine Buddhist neighbours, in their native state of Rakhine/Arakan. Civil society groups, Rakhine nationalist political parties, even prominent groups of Buddhist monks are the perpetrators of dehumanising propaganda and incitement to anti-Rohingya violence. Indeed, in the last few years, the organs of the state have either been passive or have helped calm tensions down when they flared. 

But now these attacks are driven by the law enforcement agencies of the local state. And the civil society groups that have carried out most of the attacks in the recent years are merely waiting their turn. The floodgates have not been opened just yet: but they are about to burst through. 

The only thing that can stop the spiralling levels of violence from escalating into a full blown latter-day Rwanda scenario would be the intervention of the federal government of Aung San Suu Kyi to pacify Rakhine/Arakan and impose the rule of law. But as of yet, the federal government is making no haste to intervene, and Ms Suu Kyi does not seem to be moved by the gravity of the situation.

Fortunately, the situation is not beyond all hope. Ms Suu Kyi is known to be sensitive to international opinion, and indeed much of her political capital comes from the favourable view the West has had of her as a democracy campaigner for her country. We do have leverage to lean on her to confront this issue as a matter of urgency, and if we do, we know she has the political power and capital as the first democratic leader of her country in half a century to carry through what needs to be done.

You are in a uniquely privileged position to help build the international pressure needed to move Ms Suu Kyi and her government to suppress the recent upsurge in violence before things get completely out of control. I urge you to take charge of this issue and help prevent yet another international humanitarian catastrophe. I realise that in the current news media cycle it can be difficult to get such a message through: between Trump, Brexit and Aleppo we barely have the energy to process everything else that is happening in the world today. But if we do not do something about the situation of the Rohingya as a matter of urgency, the issue will come back to haunt us as an even greater calamity - and one which we could have been able to prevent.

Should you need any help or support in this, from up-to-date information to contacts with on-the-ground sources, to contacts within the relevant UN and non-governmental agencies, I am at your service. Please do not hesitate to get back in touch.

Yours sincerely,


Dr Azeem Ibrahim

This letter was originally published on Huffington Post.


    • Rohingya Exodus