RB News 

October 17, 2016

Maungdaw, Arakan – The shops owned by Rohingyas in middle hamlet of Kyi Gan Pyin village tract in Maungdaw Township were looted by Myanmar’s Border Guard Police and NaTaLa villagers from Aung Zeya village.

Today, October 17th, 2016 from 3:30 pm to 6 pm, the shops belonging to Rohingyas located at middle hamlet of Kyi Gan Pyin village tract were looted by Myanmar’s Border Guard Police and NaTaLa villagers from Aung Zeya village. 

Of these those shops, there is a Textiles shop, Electrical Appliances shop, Computer shop, Mini Mart, Cosmetic shop and Tea shop. The police and NaTaLa villagers broke the doors of the shops and they pretended as though they were roaming around for security while the cars of the group of the minister for Social Welfare, Relief and Resettlement passed by. They resumed looting when the cars disappeared.

They loaded the goods from the shop on the truck and drove to the headquarters of Border Guard Police.

Some owners of the shops are:

(1) Shamshul Alam s/o Fayas Ahmed 

(2) Shamshul Alam s/o Sayed Ullah 

(3) Enayet Ullah s/o Molvi Abdu Rashid 

(4) Mamed Rashid s/o Zaher Ahmed

Media Statement 

Burmese regime must be brought before the International Criminal Court in respect of treatment of its Rohingya minority

Press Conference by the Centre for Human Rights Research and Advocacy (CENTHRA)

17 October 2016

As we all have no doubt heard, as of 14 October 2016, up to 26 members of the Muslim Rohingya community living in the town of Maungdaw, close to the border with Bangladesh in Rakhine state in Myanmar were murdered in apparent retaliation by the Burmese regime forces for the deaths of some nine Myanmar border police officials occurring during a dawn raid perpetrated unknown assailants the day before. According to an eyewitness, at least seven of these 26 were brutally gunned down in cold blood by Burmese forces who entered Myothugyi village, a village inhabited predominantly by Rohingya located a mile east of Maungdaw, in an apparent attempt to intimidate its residents and enforce a curfew. Another journalist who was with the security forces witnessed an additional shooting of at least another three unarmed Rohingya by the said forces in the same village.[1] These arbitrary extra-judicial killings, committed by non-other than official forces constituted for maintaining peace and order, are clearly based on non-transparent and biased investigations made without ascertaining on the ground facts. 

This latest round of violence is thought to be the worst since the attack and brutal massacre of more than 300 Rohingya Muslims in June 2012 due to sectarian violence occurring as a result of unsubstantiated claims that Rohingya were responsible for the murder of a Buddhist woman also in Rakhine State and results from the systematic oppression forced upon this minority Muslim community by a regime consisting of the majority ethnic Burmese Buddhists headed by so-called peacenik Aung San Suu Kyi, herself known to be apathetic regarding the plight of the Rohingya. As confirmed by non-other than the United Nations itself, under her supposedly “liberal democratic” administration, the 1.3 million strong Rohingya, who had been herded around like cattle under the old military-led junta, continue to have their citizenship denied, movements severely restricted, access to basic resources limited and activities closely monitored by the newly installed regime based in Naypyidaw. This, among many others, namely the overt toleration of extremist Buddhist groups preaching hatred of Muslims in Myanmar, contributes towards the now routine flare ups that occur from time to time which no human being in his or her right mind would ever countenance[2]. The systematic suffering by this poor defenceless community who have done no wrong whatsoever and do not justify any ill treatment can and must be brought to a permanent end and it is up to us, as members of the international community, to do so. 

This is especially pressing since as of today and according to MYARF, hundreds of houses belonging to Rohingya have been burnt down, at least another 92 Rohingya civilians have been killed by the Myanmar military and more than 10,000 Rohingya have been internally displaced in Maungdaw. Yet the response by international organisations so far regarding this latest spate of violence is anything but satisfactory. The Organisation of Islamic Conference (OIC) has merely expressed “grave concern” and appealed for calm and called on all stakeholders to apply maximum restraint and refrain from the use of violence. The response of the EU in particular has been partial, where it merely expresses sympathy with families of the border police officials who lost their lives and pledges to stand with the Burmese regime, without expressing so much as even a feigned apprehension for the Rohingya. Meanwhile, the response of the Advisory Commission on Rakhine State headed by former UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan and consisting of known anti-Rohingya Burmese figures such as U Win Mra and Saw Khin Tint has been nothing short of pathetic. Only a short statement “strongly deploring” the violence perpetrated and expressing condolences and sympathies to families of those killed and injured, without so much as even noting the mass executions of Rohingya, was made. 

Following its recent reforms and installation of its first civilian led, democratic government in decades, Myanmar is supposed to be a fully functioning member of the international community which is expected to treat all of its peoples, including its minorities, with dignity and accord them rights enjoyed by peoples of other nations as required by international human rights and humanitarian law. Sadly this remains elusive for the Rohingya in particular. Systematic discrimination and oppression by the Burmese state against them, as mentioned previously, continues unabated. This cannot be allowed to continue and we in CENTHRA believe that it is high time mechanisms available under International Law be engaged to pressure Myanmar to be made accountable for their treatment of Rohingya, or at least, Myanmar should be made to suffer the consequences of failing to provide for their dignity and welfare. 

In order for this to happen, it is time to move beyond mere words and statements routinely issued to condemn and chastise the Burmese state. While previously ad hoc international tribunals were set up to try regimes responsible for the perpetration of mass genocides, such as the one occurring in Rwanda in 1994, now we have the International Criminal Court or ICC, set up under the Rome Statute in 2002 as a permanent tribunal for this purpose. Under Article 5 of the Rome Statute, there are four international crimes recognised as coming within the court’s jurisdiction, namely genocide, crimes against humanity, war crimes and the crime of aggression. CENTHRA believes that the Myanmar regime’s actions against the Rohingya fall under at least two of these crimes, genocide, and crimes against humanity.

We note that pursuant to Article 13 of the Rome Statute, the ICC is only seized of jurisdiction to try the abovementioned crimes only of one or more of three situations occur, namely the relevant parties are party to the Rome Statute, the crimes are referred by the UNSC under Chapter VII of the UN Charter, or the Prosecutor of the ICC begins an investigation of his own accord pursuant to information given to him or her. Of these options, two are open to pursue, namely, referral by the UNSC and initiation of investigations by the Prosecutor. But in order to realise this, nations across the region, particularly members of ASEAN, must cease continuing to stand idly by while the ongoing genocide against a defenceless community, namely the Rohingya, continue to be perpetrated by a fellow ASEAN member state, Myanmar. They must instead decide that enough is enough, and take action.

Even before Myanmar was accepted as a member of ASEAN, concerns had been raised, particularly by Malaysia and Indonesia, with respect to its treatment of the Rohingya community. Sadly, such concerns were simply brushed aside at the insistence of other members, such as Singapore, on the basis of the well-known non-interference principle so slavishly adhered to collectively by ASEAN member states. Yet continued adherence to this principle in the face of the senseless killings now ongoing in Rakhine state would amount to sheer disregard for higher considerations under international human rights law, such as the right to life that has been recognised by numerous human rights instruments such as the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, the Geneva Conventions and even the ASEAN Declaration on Human Rights. Furthermore, a fundamental purpose of ASEAN, as enumerated by Item 7 of Article 1 of its founding Charter, is to strengthen democracy, enhance good governance and the rule of law, and promote and protect human rights and fundamental freedoms. This cannot be realised by insisting on adherence to the principle of non-interference. As such, ASEAN member states need to collectively agree the suspension of this principle on the basis the urgent need to protect the Rohingya in particular, and immediately intervene by demanding a complete halt on the part of the Myanmar regime of any further activities undertaken by it that contribute towards the escalation of violence against the Rohingya in Rakhine state. Such an insistence must be followed up by ensuring the complete and final dismantlement of all systematic measures in place within Myanmar denying the Rohingya rights and dignities enjoyed by all other peoples of this world, such as citizenship, access to resources, freedom of movement and being free to perform lawful and beneficial undertakings such as obtaining education, marriage and the like. 

Of equal importance is also the role of the various international human rights organisations in applying pressure on the Myanmar regime by pursuing the ICC route. As the Rohingya are mainly Muslims, the OIC must go beyond a mere declaration of grave concern and its human rights organ, the IPHRC must take immediate action by forming a special committee to investigate and document the ongoing mass murders and systematic discrimination, as well as issuing its own condemnations of the same, for use as eventual evidence before the ICC. After all, one of the stated functions of the IPHRC is to advance fundamental rights of Muslim minorities and communities in other states. Yet as of now, we at CENTHRA have yet to see any action by the IPHRC with respect to the ongoing violence perpetrated against Rohingya Muslims in Myanmar.

The UNHRC, as the principal UN human rights organ, with the responsibility for strengthening the promotion and protection of human rights around the globe and for addressing situations of human rights violations and make recommendations on them, also has a role to play in this regard by issuing a resolution urging the UNSC to take action, as a preliminary step towards securing the eventual UNSC resolution referring Myanmar’s actions to the ICC. Member states of the UN that are in the UNHRC therefore, should also undertake its own immediate investigations into the systematic rights abuses ongoing with respect to Rohingya Muslims in Myanmar.

We at CENTHRA fervently believe that with the undertaking of the abovementioned actions by all responsible stakeholders, namely immediate intervention by ASEAN as well as international human rights bodies such as the IPHRC and UNHRC, as well as immediate action by the UNSC to stop systematic discrimination, oppression, mass extra judicial killings, displacements and restrictions perpetrated against the Rohingya by the international pariah state that is Myanmar, and strong condemnation and denunciation of its leader Aung San Suu Kyi for failing to take appropriate action, by going beyond mere condemnations and doing no less then referring this matter before the ICC so that those of the regime responsible for the violence can be punished for their crimes, will result in the common cause of all decent, civilised humanity to secure a just and everlasting outcome in favour of the affirmation of rights and dignity of the Rohingya to a peaceful coexistence as equals with their other brethren in Myanmar. Let us hope and pray that this can be realised within our lifetimes and let us undertake due initiatives towards securing that outcome.

*Media Statement by Azril Mohd Amin, Lawyer and Chief Executive, Centre for Human Rights Research and Advocacy (CENTHRA), Putrajaya, 17 October 2016.

[1] Wai Moe, Dozens Believed Killed as Violence Erupts in Myanmar, New York Times, 10 October 2016. Retrieved on 15 October 2016 from http://www.nytimes.com/2016/10/11/world/asia/myanmar-attack-rakhine.html?_r=0

[2] Jane Perlez, Rise in Bigotry Fuels Massacre Inside Myanmar, New York Times, 1 March 2014. Retrieved on 15 October 2016 from http://www.nytimes.com/2014/03/02/world/asia/rise-in-bigotry-fuels-massacre-inside-myanmar.html

By Queen Mary University of London

October 17, 2016

The International State Crime Initiative (ISCI) at Queen Mary University of London has warned that reports of attacks against Rohingya Muslims in Myanmar may signal a new phase in what ISCI researchers say is genocide.

The alleged reprisals against the Rohingya minority come after attacks on three Myanmar police posts in Northern Rakhine State, near the Myanmar-Bangladesh border on 9 October.

ISCI researchers say that credible reports are emerging of extra-judicial killings, arbitrary arrests, and raids on Rohingya homes by Myanmar security forces. They caution that verifiable information is difficult to obtain, due to the notorious isolation and militarisation of Northern Rakhine State - and the intense persecution of those deemed critical of the government.

Penny Green, Professor of Law at Queen Mary University of London and Director of ISCI said Northern Rakhine state is “in effect an information black hole, and in situations where allegations of human rights violations are difficult or impossible to independently verify - because of state restrictive practices - the onus must be on the state to investigate or disprove those allegations”.

ISCI researchers have firsthand knowledge of the area following several months of research and fieldwork in Rakhine State during 2014 and 2015.

“We sounded the alarm in 2015 that what we saw amounted to the early stages of a genocidal process. Local sources now report a ramped up security and military presence, additional restrictions on freedom of movement, and a further limiting of access to food and healthcare. We are concerned that these latest developments may represent a new chapter in the persecution of the Rohingya, and a potentially more deadly phase of genocide. The fact that it’s practically impossible to verify or confirm any of these reports underlines the intensity of Rakhine state’s isolation from international view,” said Professor Green.

In 2015 ISCI researchers completed a 12-month investigation [PDF] into the treatment of the Rohingya. Their research included four months of fieldwork carried out in Myanmar between October 2014 and March 2015. The results found compelling evidence of State-led policies, laws and strategies of genocidal persecution stretching back over 30 years. ISCI’s research, conducted within a state crime framework, conceptualises genocide as a process, building over a period of years, and involving an escalation in the dehumanisation and persecution of the target group.

Professor Green said: “The process begins by reducing the target group’s strength and undermining moral empathy for the victims, before leading to more violent forms of harassment and eventually mass killings and annihilation”.

She added: “The state has historically adopted strategies of ‘othering’ the Rohingya, stigmatising them as ‘illegal Bengali’ and ‘terrorists’. The Rohingya have been, isolated from mainstream society, by being forced into squalid IDP camps and prevented from leaving their villages; harassed though disenfranchisement and violent intimidation; and systematically weakened through physical and psychological destruction, overcrowding, malnutrition, lack of health care, torture, sporadic killings, humiliation, and abuse. It is important to point out that, despite suffering from decades of severe persecution, there is no evidence of Rohingya led extremism.”

According to ISCI researchers, genocide is often characterised by violent harassment from security forces in times of crisis, including sporadic attacks against the stigmatised group. Myanmar has a history of using breakdowns in law and order to justify repressive policies.

ISCI says that the Myanmar government consistently denies international journalists and human rights organisations access to Northern Rakhine. ISCI researchers were denied access the north of the state in 2015. ISCI cautions that, given the lack of verifiable information available during this time of uncertainty, accusations surrounding the responsibility for attacks must be restrained.

Professor Green said: “In a society where Islamaphobic ideology is prevalent and spread by nationalist Buddhist monks, allegations emerging on social media and within local news outlets accusing the Rohingya of supporting violent Islamic extremist ideology are dangerously divisive.”

Professor Green said that emerging evidence of indiscriminate violence by security forces and forced displacement suggests that a brutal crackdown, similar to those that have occurred in the past, is taking place. If so, she warns this would mark a “disturbing yet entirely predictable escalation in the genocidal process”.

14th October 2016

London, United Kingdom

The Burma Human Rights Network is closely monitoring the recent events in Northern Rakhine State with great concern following reports of extra-judicial assassinations, arson, indiscriminate killings and mass arrests by Myanmar’s security forces following an attack on three police posts on the Myanmar-Bangladesh Border by unknown assailants.

“The Rohingya population in Rakhine State is already living under severe persecution and facing all sorts of human misery, such as facing food ration cuts and restrictions on movement which in this current offensive by the Burmese military makes it so they are unable to flee by boat. There is no justification for violence and insurgency but it is vital that the Burmese government stops these apartheid policies towards the Rohingya population in Burma in order to ensure peace and coexistence. There is an obvious risk that indiscriminate targeting of civilians can easily further escalate the situation rather than restore calm,” said Kyaw Win of BHRN.

On the 9th of October 2016 a group of unidentified armed men stormed three police posts on the Myanmar-Bangladesh border, near the city of Maungdaw, in Myanmar’s Rakhine State. In the attack nine police were killed and the assailants looted the posts of guns and ammunition. Initial reports suggest the attackers were ethnic Rohingya, and used overwhelming numbers to completely overrun the posts. The Burmese Military (Tatmadaw) responded by sending reinforcements to the area. A severe crackdown appears to have followed, drawing large concern for local civilians as witnesses describe indiscriminate killings and sweeping arrests by security forces.

The exact details of the attack on the border posts remain vague and accounts are conflicting. The identity of the attackers are still uncertain, but many in the government and media initially speculated that the Rohingya Solidarity Organization (RSO), a defunct Rohingya militia that was active in the 1980’s and 90’s before they were disarmed by the Bangladeshi Government, was responsible for the attack. This speculation was furthered by the emergence of at least five videos showing several young men speaking Rohingya language and armed with military style rifles and pistols calling for other Muslims and Rohingyas to join them fighting for their freedom. The group identifies themselves in Arabic language in one video as al Yakeen (The Faith). The group did not claim any affiliation to any other militant or political organization. The unverified videos were quickly shared in Burma, including by the former Information Minister, Ye Htut. As a result rumours and speculation have increased significantly, worsening already high tensions

The President’s office has also released an official statement detailing information obtained through interrogation of apprehended suspects, as well as apparent intelligence sources. The Statement describes a well organized armed group called Aqa Mul Mujahadeen, whom they say were funded by middle eastern sources and connected to proscribed terrorist groups. The President’s account states that the leader of the group was trained by the Pakistani Taliban, and ran training camps for the Rohingya involved in the attack. The name Aqaamul Mujahideen means literally “The Ones Standing as Mujahiddeen” and can be taken as a generic name for any Muslims involved in combat. If the group in the videos is in fact behind the attacks it should be noted that they have not used this name to describe themselves, which should draw question about the statements from the President’s office. If the men in the video are assumed to be responsible it should also be noted that they depict only a few dozen adult men with assault rifles and that the vast majority seen in the videos are children armed with swords, sticks and farming tools. This again draws questions into any accounts describing the group as well organized, well funded or well trained.

The BHRN is very concerned about the possible use of child soldiers in the attacks against the Border Guard Police and condemns the practice vehemently.

The spreading of questionable and unsupported stories regarding the RSO and other militant groups is not new to Myanmar. Major Zaw Htay, of the former President’s office, published similar rumors in 2012 from his Facebook account stating that “Bengalis” from Bangladesh were invading Myanmar. His comments triggered and worsened anti-Muslim sentiment across Myanmar at that time as well.

Following the government statements, ultra-nationalist and extremist Buddhist groups have been monitored spreading hysteria from social media. In one worrying case a monk named Ashin Vicara posted news of Authorities in Irrawaddy discovering Muslims with weapons and warned “Burmese people” to take extra care. The story he posted, however, was from the Burmese 7Day Journal and was in regards to a man believed to be connected to the armed conflict in Karen State who was found by police with drugs and a sniper rifle in his possession. Ashin Vicara’s post was shared over 6,000 times and received nearly 3,000 “likes”. In a time of incredible tension, disinformation must be avoided, as it has led to increases in violence in the past. The BHRN is concerned that many statements from government officials released without verification will fuel rumors and that the targeting of Muslims by vigilante groups may increase as has occurred previously.

In the days following the attacks security forces officially claimed to have killed several militants, but witnesses have said the operations to catch the attackers have been indiscriminate in many cases. Some witnesses described non-combatants being shot at close range execution style. Accounts of shallow graves being discovered have also emerged with unverified photos. These accounts also depict victims apparently killed with injuries resulting from close range shootings, in some cases directly in the head and face.

Security forces were also met with resistance in some instances. On Tuesday, 11th October, it was reported that four Myanmar soldiers were killed while fighting armed men in Maungdaw. It is feared that some of the militants may be hiding among the civilian population, which can only lead to higher casualties of noncombatants.

As security sweeps continue, villages have lost several homes to apparent arson attacks. Statements from security forces place the blame on Rohingya militants, but several witnesses dispute this and implicate security forces. There are several accounts of families now having to flee after their homes were burnt down. Some of these families have said their homes and businesses were looted as well. One witness described homes burnt intentionally by security forces while civilians, including children and elderly, were still inside. These events have the potential to dramatically increase the number of internally displaced persons (IDPs) in Rakhine State, where over 100,000 IDPs already live and Non Governmental Agencies (Humanitarian Agencies) are struggling to support them.

BHRN is also concerned by investors and officials who may take advantage of the conflict and displacement to further interests in the township at the expense of residents who are already suffering and vulnerable. Maungdaw has been the site of controversial efforts by Chinese investors to explore and mine sand deposits rich in titanium and aluminium and is of significant importance to the Myanmar Government and foreign powers. The Wunlatt Foundation, a local civil society group, said it was concerned about the efforts’ impacts on the 30 Buddhist and Muslim villages located on the coast near proposed mining sites. Criticism of the development in townships where many were displaced during the 2012 riots have been deflected by Rakhine State authorities who argued that the projects will be good for the local economy. The Chinese backed Shwe Shapweye Company is leading the projects. The Government has dismissed previous calls for transparency on this matter.

The BHRN is calling on the Myanmar Army and Police to ensure the safety and protection of civilians and avoid extra-judicial executions. Security forces must also refrain from any form of collective punishment against Rohingya residents of Maungdaw. We call on security forces to respect the principles of proportionality and distinction with regard to the use of force in counter-insurgency operations in accordance with International Humanitarian Law. In restoring law and order, International Law and human rights must be kept as a priority to ensure that this restoration is meaningful, just and avoids worsening tensions in an already fragmented and volatile region.

Notes for Editors

Violence in Rakhine State:

In June and October of 2012 several anti-Muslim riots broke out in the state, initially triggered by the rape and murder of a Buddhist Rakhine woman named Ma Thida Htwe. She was believed to have been raped and killed by a group of Rohingya Muslims. Ten Muslims were killed shortly after when a bus they were on was attacked by a mob, who mistook them for the accused murderers. The attack sparked a mass movement and protest by Rohingya Muslims in the northern part of the state in the townships of Maungdaw and Buthidaung where Muslims are the majority of the population. During the unrest security forces accused Muslims of burning down their own villages as well as attacking ethnic Rakhine. Anti-Muslim riots spread through the state afterwards. Muslim areas within many towns were razed to the ground in arson attacks. After the riots there were estimated to be over 140,000 people displaced from their homes. The vast majority of them were Muslims. Official numbers put the total number of deaths slightly below 100 people, but these numbers have been disputed by some as being low.

Rohingya in Rakhine State:

The Rohingya have been largely excluded as an accepted ethnic group in Myanmar. They were formally rejected by law in 1982 when citizenship laws were drafted specifically targeting the minority as not indigenous and disqualified from citizenship and its benefits. They are viewed as different both ethnically and religiously and as a result are typically referred to as “Bengali” by most Burmese people and media. The Rohingya have faced severe limitations on even the most basic rights and freedoms; including movement, marriage, education, property ownership and the number of children they can have. The Rohingya have limited avenues for legal grievances and are extremely vulnerable as a result. The Rohingya have fled the country in large numbers periodically, most notably to Bangladesh where nearly 200,000 are estimated to be living in registered and unregistered camps as refugees. 

Background on the Burma Human Rights Network (BHRN)

Burma Human Rights Network (BHRN) works for human rights, minority rights and religious freedom in Burma. BHRN has played a crucial role advocating for human rights and religious freedom with politicians and world leaders.

Media Enquiries

Members of The Burma Human Rights Network (BHRN) are available for comment and interview. Images also available on request.

Please contact:

Kyaw Win

Executive Director of the Burma Human Rights Network (BHRN)

E: kyawwin78@gmail.com T: +44(0) 740 345 2378

Invitation to participate demonstration in Brussels, Belgium

Date: 16-10-2016

Dear Friends,

Since 9th October Myanmar military and police forces have been indiscriminately killing the Rohingyas and torching their homes and villages. At least 150 Rohingyas, including old men, women and children, and 4 Rohingya villages were burned down in Maungdaw Township producing, as of today, more than 10000 internally displaced people causing a humanitarian disaster. Due to curfew order and blockade, there is an acute shortage of food, medicine, and other essentials. The situation is exponentially worsening. It is a violation of international law and Geneva Convention.

We, European Rohingya Network holding a demonstration in front of European Commission and European Parliament in Brussels as per program below on Thursday 20th of October 2016 to stop extrajudicial killing of Rohingyas in Northern Arakan. We would like to invite you to join with us and raise your voice to protect Rohingya lives in Arakan. Thank you so much.

Zakaria Abdul Rahim 

On behalf of European Rohingya Network [ERN] 

Date: 20/10/2016 Time: 12:00-13:00 pm 

European Commission 

Wetstraat 200

B-1049 Brussels

Date: 20/10/2016 Time: 14:30 – 15:30

European Parliament 

Rue Wiertz 60

1047 Bruxelles 

For information please contact with 

Sazaat Ahammed : +31 6 1503 3663

Ahamed Jarmal : +44 7 89 42 53 729 

Zakaria Abdul Rahim : +45 22 55 68 97

RB News 

October 16, 2016 

Huts are burning (Photo: RB News)

A House in Wabaik burning

By Ian Munroe

The Japan Times

October 16, 2016

As violence flares around the world's largest group of stateless people in Myanmar, an exile is pleading with Tokyo to come to their aid

It all began when Zaw Min Htut learned he was on a list. Back then, however, he had a different name: Luk Man Hakim.

For three years he had been studying at Yangon University — not law or political science, like he dreamed of, but zoology, one of the subjects he was allowed to enrol in as a noncitizen.

Although he was born and raised in Myanmar and could trace his family history in the country back several generations, Zaw Min Htut was stateless. In an attempt to change this situation for himself and others in the same predicament, he had become one of the leaders of an underground pro-democracy movement. And in December 1996, the protest leaders took the bold step of launching street demonstrations against the country’s military government.

Or, as Zaw Min Htut puts it, “I became in a very dangerous situation.”

He was used to dealing with trouble from officials of varying stripes. Growing up, he had learned that being Rohingya meant that he needed special permission to leave his village or access public services, and that often meant handing out bribes — including to school teachers if he wanted an education.

However, the gravity of his situation was becoming apparent. The police were rounding up the protest leaders and they had his name. Friends advised him not to return to his dormitory room, and then later warned him to leave the country altogether. If he was arrested, they said, his ethnicity could mean an early grave instead of a spell in prison.

For nearly a year after the student protests were put down, Zaw Min Htut hid out in the countryside and moved from one friend’s home to another, from one village to the next, desperately trying to figure out how to escape the ruling military junta.

“Sometimes I stayed in a construction site,” he says. “This was a very hard time.”

Fleeing by boat was an option with the help of smugglers, but getting to them would be a long journey overland and his distinctive South Asian looks would raise suspicion.

Instead, he was able to secure a passport on the country’s vast black market and made arrangements for border guards at Yangon International Airport to let him pass. His parents sold land they owned to muster the requisite $8,000.

And with that document in hand, he was able to board a plane for the first time and make his way to Tokyo.

Freedom, however, was still a long way off.

History of oppression

The Rohingya are a Muslim minority of South Asian extraction who trace their origin in Myanmar back more than 500 years and who began to identify as Rohingya in the 1950s, according to the New York-based Council on Foreign Relations.

Their numbers have dwindled thanks to what experts see as a decades-long campaign to drive them out of the country, where they are viewed by some as illegal immigrants from Bangladesh. Many have fled in search of less oppressive living conditions but more than a million remain, mostly in Rakhine state, a sliver of land that juts southward from Bangladesh along the Indian Ocean.

Rohingya who live there today are subject to government restrictions on everything from marriage and childbirth to travel, which makes it difficult if not impossible to find work. They were also left out of the country’s 1982 Citizenship Law, making them the largest group of stateless people on Earth.

“It is not more than an animal’s life,” Zaw Min Htut says. “(Rohingya) don’t have any kind of rights.”

A wave of communal violence in 2012 saw around 300 people massacred, according to The New York Times, and most were Muslim. Thousands of homes were also burned to the ground. Human Rights Watch described the slaughter as ethnic cleansing.

A fresh exodus followed, as tens of thousands of Rohingya fled by boat. Many wound up stranded at sea and had to be rescued. Hundreds, perhaps thousands died. Most made their way to Indonesia, Malaysia or Thailand, where some were enslaved or preyed on by corrupt officials.

The aftermath of the bloodshed also saw around 140,000 Rohingya forced into squalid displacement camps where they continue to subsist, a few hundred kilometers west of the country’s tourist circuit, which is being thronged by growing numbers of foreign travelers.

As Myanmar takes steps to open its economy and democratize after a half-century of military rule, the new civilian government led by the National League for Democracy (NLD) is trying to deal with the problem. Although its de facto leader, Aung San Suu Kyi, has refused to use the word “Rohingya,” she has appointed former U.N. Secretary-General Kofi Annan to head an advisory commission on the situation.

Still, living conditions remain dire, according to Chris Lewa, who has been involved with rights issues in Myanmar for more than 20 years and runs a nongovernment organization dedicated to monitoring what’s happening to the Rohingya.

Lewa visited the displacement camps in Rakhine state in May, and says that after more than four years the temporary bamboo shelters are crumbling and the humanitarian aid that residents rely on to survive is dwindling.

Meanwhile, in northern Rakhine state, where the Rohingya are the majority, there’s been “an increase in human rights abuses rather than a decrease,” Lewa says by phone from Bangkok.

“They’re starting to harass the community even more by trying to say, ‘You’re not a citizen, you can’t do this, you can’t do that — you need permission,'” she adds. “So really, there is more oppression in the last few months under the NLD government than there was before.”

Legal marathon

When Zaw Min Htut landed at Narita Airport in early 1998 he was immediately detained. His travel documents said he was visiting Japan on business but he was suspiciously young and gaunt-looking after a year living on the lam in one of the poorest countries in Asia.

After being questioned by immigration officials for a few days and under threat of being put on a plane back to Yangon, he asked to apply for refugee status. His next two months were spent in detention at the airport, where he says he was fed convenience store meals for which he was told to pay about $800.

He was then transferred to Ushiku detention center in Ibaraki Prefecture, where he spent the next nine months, during which he was allowed outdoors one hour per week.

An immigration lawyer named Shogo Watanabe agreed to take on his case pro bono and, after a handful of attempts, had Zaw Min Htut freed. However, life in his adopted home was tough. On top of the language and cultural barriers he had no work permit, and was forced to rely on food and shelter from his uncle who, like him, had a refugee application pending.

“It was a horrible life,” Zaw Min Htut recalls. “I became very small.”

To make matters worse, immigration officials had issued a deportation order against him. With Watanabe’s help, he appealed the Justice Ministry’s decision to reject his application and, ultimately, became the first Rohingya in Japan to be granted refugee status.

Today, there are close to 250 Rohingya living in Japan, many of whom are children who have been born here, and most of whom reside in Gunma Prefecture.

Kei Nemoto, a professor at Sophia University who studies Myanmar’s modern history, says that like Zaw Min Htut, those who apply for refugee status often run into trouble supporting themselves because they’re barred from working while their cases are before the Immigration Bureau — a process that takes, on average, 30 months.

“This is a very, very inhuman system, isn’t it?” Nemoto says during an interview at his office. “The government is now checking your case but you have to wait, you can never work.”

Human rights groups have also taken issue with the approach, demanding that the central government grant work permits to Rohingya who are seeking asylum. However, the vast majority aren’t granted refugee status but something called “special permission to stay in Japan.” It’s a temporary designation that Nemoto says allows immigration officials to acknowledge that political conditions have forced someone to flee their home country without deeming them refugees. As a result, they aren’t granted the rights or travel documents to which refugees are entitled.

“Most of them struggled for a long time” to secure permission to stay in the country, Nemoto says of Japan’s Rohingya newcomers. “The Japanese government doesn’t want to give full refugee status easily.”

A call for help

Nowadays Zaw Min Htut can be found working at the two recycling yards he owns northwest of Tokyo, not far from where he lives with his Rohingya wife and three children. An affable 44-year-old who likes to talk and laughs easily, Zaw Min Htut has also made himself into a well-connected lobbyist — one of the few Rohingya in exile campaigning to end their persecution.

For years he has pressed bureaucrats in Tokyo to heed the plight of his people and relax the government’s immigration policies so that more Rohingya can make a life for themselves in Japan.

Despite the appalling conditions they face at home, however, Zaw Min Htut says very few other Rohingya have been recognized as refugees here.

He also argues that, as one of the largest donors of foreign aid to Myanmar, Japan is in a position to pressure its new government to stop discriminating against the Rohingya and grant them citizenship.

On a recent Saturday, he was at his office preparing documents for a meeting with officials at the Foreign Ministry, whom he hopes will raise the Rohingya issue with Suu Kyi during a visit to Japan that’s reportedly planned for next month.

“I feel it is my responsibility to do whatever I can,” Zaw Min Htut says, his voice growing louder, “because in Japan there are not many people interested in foreign affairs.”

Officials in Nagatacho, however, have been paying close attention to what happens in Myanmar. Since democratic reforms began there several years ago, hundreds of billions of yen worth of debt has been forgiven and officials pledged a further ¥100 billion in loans this summer.

A portion of the money that Japan donates to U.N. agencies operating in Myanmar also goes to help Rohingya who have been displaced in Rakhine state. However, the Rohingya aren’t a major concern for policymakers, according to Nemoto, because Japan’s main intent in Myanmar is to undercut the influence of an increasingly powerful Beijing.

“From the Chinese point of view, Myanmar is a very, very important country. They want to make Myanmar into a satellite state,” Nemoto says. “If the Myanmar government thinks Japan is a good friend, it may make some distance from China — that’s the goal.”

The Japanese government has also appointed Yohei Sasakawa, chairman of the Nippon Foundation, as a special envoy for national reconciliation in Myanmar.

Officials in Naypyitaw, the Southeast Asian country’s capital, convened a peace conference in August aimed at ending long-running conflicts with hundreds of ethnic rebel groups, but those efforts don’t involve the Rohingya.

Their plight, however, is related to a larger problem left by the military junta. For years, the former government used widespread prejudices against Muslims to help manipulate the Burmese public and deflect attention away from the country’s problems, Lewa says. Those attitudes persist and continue to be exploited by nationalist Buddhist groups.

“Anti-Muslim sentiment is hidden at the moment to some extent — but it’s very much there, so to me it’s also how the government is going to handle this,” she says.

Lewa points to an incident in July in which a mob burned down a mosque hundreds of kilometers away from Rakhine state.

“The authorities claimed they weren’t going to arrest anyone to avoid tension,” she says. “If the government does not take strong action to punish those creating this problem it’s going to continue.”

Meanwhile, the Annan commission faces its own challenges. When its members paid their first visit to Rakhine state last month, they were met with angry protests led by a local Rakhine Buddhist political party. Some lawmakers have been demanding that foreigners be removed. Rights groups have pointed out that it has no Rohingya members, and has only been given the authority to make recommendations.

Yet the specter of mass violence remains all too real. A large group of unidentified assailants killed nine border guards in Rakhine state on Oct. 9. Local authorities are blaming the Rohingya, and an unknown number of the stateless minority have reportedly been shot dead by security forces since the attack.

Zaw Min Htut says the military killed one of his second cousins on Tuesday, and many other Rohingya have been arrested.

He has requested an urgent meeting with officials from the Foreign Ministry and the U.S. Embassy to relay information he’s gathering from friends and family in the area.

“I want to use my freedom to secure their freedom,” he says, paraphrasing Suu Kyi. “But only international pressure can help the Rohingya. Myanmar’s government will never talk to me.”

By The Nation Editorial

October 16, 2016

The government and military will have to bear the blame if estranged Muslim community decides to take up arms

One can make a strong argument that the ongoing insurgent violence in Myanmar's Rakhine State has been in the making for some time now.

Just over a week ago, suspected Rohingya militants attacked three border posts, killing nine Myanmar police officers, The Global New Light of Myanmar reported. Official reports said 62 pieces of arms, 27 bullet cartridges and more than 10,000 rounds of ammunition were stolen during the attack.

And then on Tuesday, the same government mouthpiece reported the death of four soldiers and one so-called culprit after troops were attacked "by hundreds of men armed with pistols, swords and knives".

A "clearance operation" by government forces encountered resistance from a group of villagers who were armed with guns, swords and sticks.

The Buddhist majority in Rakhine State - many would argue with the support of the state - has long oppressed the local Muslim Rohingya, who are dubbed "Bengalis" by the government and denied citizenship.

No group has claimed responsibility for the recent attacks, but two people who have been captured were Rohingya.

Interestingly, the central government has been level-headed in its response. A press conference was held during which an appeal for caution and restraint was urged. De facto leader Aung San Suu Kyi refrained from any accusations and reiterated her commitment to peace and stability.

Within days, high-ranking officials were dispatched to the conflict-ridden area to talk to local Muslim leaders.

There is real concern that the stolen weapons will be used against government troops and police at a later date.

There is also a serious danger of the repeat of the 2012 communal violence between Buddhists and Muslims that killed scores of people and displaced tens of thousands.

The level-headed response from the government was not an olive branch and most likely it would not be enough to bring permanent peace.

Myanmar has been dealing with more than a dozen ethnic rebel groups and armies all over the country and therefore, the government should understand the art of compromise.

The Rohingya seem to have concluded that Myanmar would not address their grievances unless they take up arms. The danger is the world could be witnessing the making of another armed ethnic army - one more to be added to Burma's long list of rebel forces.

The situation would not have descended to this level if Myanmar had been more even-handed in its treatment of the Rohingya. Instead of trying to understand the problems on the ground, Buddhist nationalist monk Wirathu was quick off the blocks, painting the clashes this past week as the work of Islamic jihadists.

Normally, it is Muslim terrorists who exploit such terminology. But this is a unique case of a Buddhist monk - referred to by Time magazine as "the face of Buddhist terror" - exploiting this Islamic concept of struggle for justice.

It is high time the Myanmar government did something about this conflict and set the record straight before the likes of Wirathu make this long-simmering crisis far worse.

Myanmar should know that there is a lot of sympathy for the Rohingya people among the world community - from Muslims and non-Muslims.

If the Rohingya do take to the path of armed resistance, undoubtedly there will be support for them. If the Mon, Karen, Wa, Shan, Chin, Kachin and other ethnic groups can take up arms against the Myanmar state, why can't the Rohingya?

The irony here is that all the other armed groups, at one time or another, wanted to break away from Myanmar. The Rohingya, on the other hand, simply want to be accepted as a part of the Myanmar nation.

By Dr. Habib Siddiqui

Asian Tribune

October 16, 2016

The situation inside the Rohingya villages in north-western Arakan state of Myanmar, bordering Bangladesh, is dire. Another genocidal campaign has been launched by the government. As we have seen before with the previous military regimes, the new government of Aung San Suu Kyi has its version of justification for its heavy handed treatment of the minority Muslims.

According to government reports in the state media, armed men believed to be from the long-oppressed Rohingya Muslim minority launched a coordinated assault on predawn hours of October 9, killing nine police, injuring five and making off with 48 weapons of various types and 6624 rounds of assorted ammunition, 47 bayonets, and 164 magazines. 

A statement from the office of Myanmar's President Htin Kyaw blamed the little-known "Aqamul Mujahidin" for the attacks around Maungdaw Township, a mainly Muslim area near the frontier with Bangladesh. "They persuade the young people using religious extremism, and they have financial support from outside," said the Burmese language statement.

Shortly after the attack, military moved in and cordoned off the towns and started its cleansing of one village after another. Activists claim the military is using the search for the attackers as a pretext for a crackdown on the Rohingya, whom rights groups describe as one of the world’s most persecuted peoples.

Reports of the latest attacks against Rohingya Muslims in Myanmar may signal a new phase in the "genocidal situation", researchers at London's Queen Mary University have said.

Credible reports are emerging of extra-judicial killings, arbitrary arrests, and raids on Rohingya homes by Myanmar security forces, researchers at the college's International State Crime Initiative (ISCI) said.

As of last Thursday, October 13, an estimated 52 Rohingyas were shot dead and at least 100 Rohingyas were wounded very badly and more than 150 Rohingya peoples were arbitrary arrested including men and women by the Military and police forces; 84 Rohingyas were missing. As we have seen many times, the military also raped three Rohingya women inside their homes. At least three villages have been completely burnt down by the Myanmar military, making their residents homeless. Afraid of being shot dead by the feared army, many Rohingyas are also fleeing their homes. Many shops have been looted and gutted, and at least one mosque burnt down on 11 October, 2016 in Maungdaw by the military, police forces and the 969 Buddhist fascist group. 

The sudden escalation of violence in Rakhine state poses a serious challenge to the six-month-old government led by Aung San Suu Kyi, who was swept to power in an election last year but has faced harsh criticism abroad for failing to tackle rights abuses against the Rohingya and other Muslims.

On October 14, after 12:00 a.m., some military personnel along with some Rakhine Buddhist civilians raided the market in the Ngakura village tract. They looted all the goods that they found. In the early morning, the military personnel called all the shopkeepers and asked them to shift their goods from their shops to other places wherever they wanted. As the shopkeepers came to their shops to shift their goods, they found no goods inside their shops and all the doors were broken.

At about 10 am, military personnel entered the village tract of Kyet Yoe Pyin and set fire to the whole hamlet, Lu Pann Pyin. Then they set fire to another hamlet called Ywar Ma. Some of the women from there who couldn't find a way to escape were shot dead while they were hiding inside their houses. They were left in homes and the military later set fire to them. It is estimated that nearly 500 houses are said to have been burnt down in both of these above mentioned hamlets.

At 11 am, some military personnel entered Zedi Pyin hamlet of Laung Don Village tract where they broke walls and other properties of the home of Sayid Amin. They ordered the nearby villagers to pack their belongings, their homes and move someplace else. Whilst on their way back they arrested Anam Ullah, a mentally disabled nephew of Sayid Amin. They took him to the Rakhine village of Laung Don Village tract where he was severely tortured and then was released as he was recognized as having mental problems at the end. As the military personnel ordered they moved to nearby villages but they think that their village will be burnt down as well in their absence.

In Laung Don Village tract, the military personnel were still said to have been roaming as of at 1 a.m., October the 15th. 

On October 14, at 10 a.m., some military personnel raided Aung Sit Pyin village tract and arrested 6 Rohingyas. Days earlier on October 11, 5 Rohingyas from the Say Tha Ma Gyi village were asked to report to Pan Lin Pyin military outpost. Upon arrival, they were then beaten by forces from Battalion 263, led by Lt. Col. Hlaing Min Htet. 

The military arrested 15 innocent Rohingya civilians including five children from Pha Wet Chaung village and they were later killed. “The military raids our village [Pha Wet Chaung]. They arrested 15 villagers including 5 children. Military took them with a truck to NaTaLa village. Later they all were slaughtered.” a Rohingya told RB News over the phone. 

Kyet Yoe Pyin village has been under attack by the military since Wednesday. As of Thursday, 162 houses have been burnt down into ashes and a market where more than 150 Rohingya shops run businesses have also been burnt to the ground. 

Pyaung Pyaik hamlet located in Nga Sa Kyu village was raided by the military. Before torching the houses, the military and NaTaLa villagers looted valuable things and cattle. They then torched 40 houses. Later in the evening more than 100 houses were burnt down. The military shot dead an elderly woman while torching the houses and they threw her into the fire. 

Some children and elderly were blocked inside their houses before they were set ablaze. They couldn’t escape from fire and many have reportedly died inside the houses. 

According to the RB News, on Thursday at 2 p.m. the military entered Tha Wun Chaung village and checked the household registration and count the heads house by house. They found a man who isn’t from that village. The man was taken by the military and later at 6 p.m. released. After 6 p.m. the military entered into Sabai Gone and Laung Dun Rohingya villages and set the houses on fire. An elder said “Many elderly, pregnant women, children are where the military are torching the houses. I am worried for them. I don’t know whether they are dead or alive. Now what I am seeing is this government is implementing the plan of the then president Thein Sein which Rohingyas will be kept in the camps and sent to third countries.”

According to the villagers, five helicopters were flying over villages for long hours. They said the military used launchers to kill innocent civilians.

Reports of killings and mass arrests have spread like wildfire on social media, stoking fear amongst the Rohingya, who remain the most persecuted people in our planet.

One local teacher, who did not give her name, said she had been hiding in a house along with some 20 other school staff and students in a village near one of Sunday’s attacks, too scared to come out because of the sound of gunfire. “We haven’t eaten for two days. The situation is not so good,” she told AFP from Ngakhura, around 42 kilometers (26 miles) from Maungdaw. “We heard fighting here and there. We do not dare to go out.”

Authorities have extended a regional curfew to between 7 p.m. and 6 a.m., while local education chief Khin Aung said about 400 schools have been closed for the next two weeks.

“Villagers tell us they are scared. Some witnessed killings by the army yesterday,” said Matthew Smith, chief executive of Fortify Rights, a non-profit human rights organization.

Fortify Rights has received reports of possible extrajudicial killings of Rohingya men in Maungdaw Township by Myanmar Army soldiers following the attacks on the police and called on the government, state security forces, and all parties in Rakhine State to respect human rights and uphold the responsibility to protect civilians.

According to information received by Fortify Rights, scores of Myanmar Army soldiers arrived in Myothugyi village, Maungdaw Township at approximately 6:30 a.m. on October 10. Fortify Rights received information of at least three killings of unarmed Rohingya men [Nagu (50), Noor Allam (55) and Noor Bashar (25)] in Myothugyi village on October 10 by military men. 

“They took three men...and killed them,” a Rohingya man in Myothugyi said. “They did not arrest the people, they just killed them.”

The New York Timesand Reuters reported allegations of seven deaths in Myothugyi village on October 10. Both outlets reported witnesses alleging that army soldiers shot at Rohingya as they ran away. 

It is worth noting here that the use of lethal force by state security forces against a civilian is only lawful when necessary to prevent loss of life and serious injury and when proportionate to the threat at hand. The U.N. Basic Principles on the Use of Force and Firearms by Law Enforcement Officials stipulates that the “intentional lethal use of firearms may only be made when strictly unavoidable in order to protect life.” The U.N. Code of Conduct for Law Enforcement Officials requires officials to “use force only when strictly necessary and to the extent required for the performance of their duty.”

In situations of armed conflict, Article 42 of the Third Geneva Convention stipulates that the use of force “against those who are escaping or attempting to escape, shall constitute an extreme measure, which shall always be preceded by warnings appropriate to the circumstances.”

In all situations, under international humanitarian and human rights law, the authorities have a responsibility to protect civilians.

There are more than a million Rohingya in northern Rakhine State, nearly all of whom are denied citizenship and are stateless. For decades, the Government of Myanmar has strictly restricted Rohingya freedom of movement, preventing movement between villages, village tracts, and beyond.

In June, the U.N. High Commissioner for Human Rights reported to the Human Rights Council that there was a “pattern of gross human rights violations” against Rohingya in Rakhine State that “would suggest a widespread or systematic attack against the Rohingya, in turn suggesting the possible commission of crimes against humanity.”

"Since the attack, we have documented several videos showing armed men – some had guns, some had sticks and swords – speaking the Rohingya language and encouraging volunteers to come and engage in armed conflict in Rakhine State," Matthew Smith from Fortify Rights told Radio France International (RFI).

"This is a very serious situation unfolding there. The government of Myanmar has commenced with what appears to be a very brutal crackdown, we're documenting allegations of extrajudicial killings.” "Essentially the Myanmar Army is moving into villages, suspecting all of the men and boys of being involved with this rather small group of armed men and committing a variety of human rights violations," Smith added.

Northern Rakhine state is "in effect an information black hole, and in situations where allegations of human rights violations are difficult or impossible to independently verify - because of state restrictive practices - the onus must be on the state to investigate or disprove those allegations", Penny Green, Professor of Law at Queen Mary University of London and Director of ISCI, said.

"We sounded the alarm in 2015 that what we saw amounted to the early stages of a genocidal process," Green said.

"Local sources now report a ramped up security and military presence, additional restrictions on freedom of movement, and a further limiting of access to food and healthcare. We are concerned that these latest developments may represent a new chapter in the persecution of the Rohingya, and a potentially more deadly phase of genocide. The fact that it's practically impossible to verify or confirm any of these reports underlines the intensity of Rakhine state's isolation from international view."

Myanmar government consistently denies international journalists and human rights organizations access to Northern Rakhine, ISCI said.

Green added that the merging evidence of indiscriminate violence by security forces mark a "disturbing yet entirely predictable escalation in the genocidal process".

Lately the Under-Secretary-General for Humanitarian Affairs and Emergency Relief Coordinator, Stephen O’Brien, concluded his three-day mission to Myanmar. His trip took place shortly after the outbreak of violence in the northern part of Rakhine State and at a time of escalating armed clashes in Kachin. “The recent violence in Rakhine State is deeply troubling and the immediate priority must be to prevent further violence and to ensure the protection of all civilians. The situation is affecting all communities in Rakhine and has further disrupted the provision of health, education, and other essential services for some of the most vulnerable, particularly the Muslim communities who are not allowed to move freely.” 

“When I was in Rakhine State, I talked to people about their suffering and their inadequate access to essential services including health and education. All people in Rakhine State, irrespective of their ethnicity, religion or citizenship status, must have safe access to their nearest hospital or medical center, to regular schools and to livelihoods.” 

Around 140,000 Rohingyas are still living in displacement camps, four years after the outbreak.

Interestingly, while Suu Kyi’s government finger points young Rohingyas to be the perpetrators, a senior police officer in Rakhine State's capital Sittwe has claimed that the attacks had been planned by drug traffickers. “They want the areas to be unstable so that they can do their business easily,” the officer, who spoke on condition of anonymity as he has no authority to speak to media, told Anadolu Agency on Tuesday.

Did the Tadmadaw had a hand in those attacks and then put the blame on the Rohingya as part of a sinister ploy for a ‘final solution’ of the Rohingya problem? I won’t be surprised if the answer is - ‘yes’. 

What is also so atypical is that the attacks came at a time when former UN secretary-general Kofi Annan is leading a commission that is looking into the conflict between the Rohingya and the Buddhists in the Rakhine state, which has seen more than several hundred thousand Muslims displaced by Buddhist violence since 2012. As we have seen, Annan’s commission was unwelcome by the racist Rakhines and many Buddhists that are affiliated with the fascist Ma Ba Tha. If we are looking for a beneficiary, it is these latter elements within the Buddhist society that benefit from the latest unrests inside the restive area, and not the Rohingyas. 

Knowing the past tactics and strategy employed by the previous regimes, the new government’s charges of terrorism against the Rohingya youths has to be taken with a grain of salt. As Myanmar dissident activist Dr. Maung Zarni has rightly pointed out in his blog: "Revving up the 'terrorism' allegations is killing three birds with a single stone: 1) it enables the military to scale up the slow genocide of the Rohingya in Northern Rakhine; 2) it diverts racist Burmese public's attention away from the military attacks on the Kachin and halted the anti-war protest momentum; 3) it forces Aung San Suu Kyi to relinquish her Kofi Annan Commission initiative as the military is in due course going to take over the Rakhine administration, partial or wholly, from the NLD puppets.” 

“In that light, the Statement issued by Htin Kyaw Office is not really credible or verifiable - beyond what it says,” says Dr. Zarni. “First, all governments lie, and Myanmar Government lies typically and most frequently. Second, routinely Myanmar Military Intelligence fabricates stories and evidence. Ask ex-Major Aung Lin Htut in Marilyn, who was chief of counterintelligence at Myanmar Embassy in Washington. He KNOWS. Dating back to 1950's in the midst of growing armed Communist movement, Myanmar Military Intelligence has a long history of fabricating "facts", manufacturing and planting "evidence", and extracting false confessions through torture. In the 1950's the Army's Psychological Warfare Publication called Myawaddy routinely published anti-Communist propaganda. It would publish pictures of beheaded Buddha images and damaged temples saying the Communists were responsible for these anti-Buddhist activities - whereas in fact the military would destroy them for photo-ops. 

It is like USA's Pentagon spending $480 million, to create anti-Muslim propaganda video-clips of terrorist groups that operate in the name of Islam such as Al Qaeda."

What’s needed is a real investigation that focuses on facts and not propaganda. “The biggest problem is that Myanmar fails time and time again to do real investigations,” Phil Robertson of Human Rights Watch said in an email sent to Anadolu Agency on Friday. Thein Sein government had failed to do a credible investigation after violence in the area in 2012. “And it looks like they are going down the same failed path again,” Robertson said.

If the Rohingya youths have attacked the police barracks, a reasonable question is: why? Is it because they see no hope? Is it because of the daily dehumanization that they face in Suu Kyi’s Myanmar? Days before the attacks, several Rohingya women were reportedly raped by the police and border security forces from the northern townships. Could such appalling events trigger these attacks from the Rohingya youths who until this event had avoided any armed conflict with the government forces? Being abandoned by the rest of the world, do they feel that they are being pushed into the corner to embrace armed struggle? 

If the answer is – yes, it should be a wake-up call for the government of Aung San Suu Kyi. After all, when other ethnic minorities chose armed struggle, the Rohingya - who were the worst persecuted – had resorted to entirely peaceful means in their claims for recognition as a legitimate part of Myanmar’s society. [The exception was in the 1980s when the militant Rohingya Solidarity Organization (RSO) was set up to fight for self-determination of its people. Small and largely ineffective, it had disappeared by 1994. So the Myanmar government’s current accusation against the RSO is bizarre, to say the least.]

Suu Kyi can stop this bleeding process by immediately stopping all military offensives against the Rohingya and recognizing the legitimate rights of the Rohingya people as Myanmar citizens. This basic right cannot be denied on the false premise that their community had been brought to the country from the Indian subcontinent by the British Raj. 

Her government must restore all basic freedoms, including freedom of movement, marriage, education, healthcare and peaceful-living, and to lift all aid restrictions in the Rakhine/Arakan State. Her government must end all forms of persecution and ghettoization of the Rohingya people and immediately rehabilitate and reintegrate all IDPs in their original places and properties. It must compensate the victims who had lost their homes and business. They must be empowered with a sense of belonging and not bewildered with a sense of utter hopelessness.

Following the footsteps of the previous regimes would be suicidal for Suu Kyi’s government.