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A visit by the Kofi Annan-led Arakan State Advisory Commission to Sittwe’s Aung Mingalar quarter in Arakan State last week. (Photo: Marayu / Facebook)


By Moe Myint
September 17, 2016

RANGOON — Former UN general secretary and chair of the Arakan State Advisory Commission Kofi Annan conducted a closed-door meeting in Rangoon earlier this month with members of the Arakanese Buddhist and Muslim communities, The Irrawaddy has learned.

Commission member Al-Haj U Aye Lwin confirmed that the one-hour meeting took place on September 8 at the Sule Shangri-La Hotel, and was attended by lawyers, civil society representatives, political party leaders, and the Rangoon chapter of the Rakhine (Arakanese) Thahaya Association.

U Aye Lwin said that representatives from both sides appeared open-minded, and presented findings to contribute to the advisory commission’s “impartial report,” which will be submitted to the State Counselor’s Office upon completion. Mr. Annan re-stated to the meeting attendees the objective of the commission: to pursue conflict resolution, humanitarian assistance, reconciliation and development in Arakan State.

Hla Maung Thein, chair of Rakhine Thahaya Association, told The Irrawaddy on Wednesday that he had attended the meeting and talked with Mr. Annan, cautioning him against coming to what could be perceived as a “one-sided conclusion” and encouraging investigation of “the root causes” of ethno-religious violence in Arakan State.

Some of the meeting’s Buddhist Arakanese attendees reportedly said that they “welcome the commission” and demanded naturalized citizenship be provided to stateless self-identifying Muslim Rohingya in line with existing laws, which could require them to first identify as “Bengali” migrants of Bangladesh. This, meeting attendees said, could avoid dissatisfaction from Arakanese nationalists, many of whom do not want those who identify as Rohingya to have citizenship at all. The Rohingya maintain that they are not Bengali migrants, and that they have roots in Arakan State.

The Muslim delegation to the meeting included lawyers U Chit Lwin and U Kyaw Hla Aung, and U Kyaw Min from the Democracy and Human Rights Party (DHRP), which represents Rangoon-based Muslims but did not win any seats in the 2015 general election.

U Aye Lwin said that some of the more flexible Buddhist Arakanese had recognized that the affairs of Arakan State had long been featured on the international stage, despite recent Arakanese protests against Kofi Annan, calling his and other international actors’ involvement in the commission a threat to national sovereignty.

Citizenship Discussions

Arakanese delegates at the meeting reportedly emphasized that the issuing of citizenship cards in line with Burma’s 1982 Citizenship Law—which defines citizenship along ethnic lines—would be the best option for stateless Muslims in the region. U Aye Lwin recalled that Muslim delegates agreed that citizenship scrutiny could be performed alongside existing laws, but expressed concern that the government implementation of the law and the letter of it were not in agreement.

U Aye Lwin said that even he was “surprised” when Muslims at the meeting accepted a verification process in line with the controversial law, adding that those within some displacement camps in Sittwe—the Arakan State capital—had also agreed to the suggestion.

However, U Aye Lwin told The Irrawaddy that he hopes the Burmese government can be encouraged to amend the existing citizenship law.

“What we suggest is to analyze and review the 1982 law with the support of legal experts, with the aim of recommending amendments which will easy for everyone to understand, concerning application and interpretation,” said U Aye Lwin.

Any attempt to amend the 1982 Citizenship Law in the Union Parliament could be faced with the objections of the military appointees and the ethnic bloc, especially the nationalist Arakan National Party (ANP) who have consistently stood against changing it.

According to U Aye Lwin, Muslim community leaders from Buthidaung and Maungdaw townships in Arakan State are on board with efforts to explore and tackle concerns relating to what is perceived as an insecure border with neighboring Bangladesh.

The advisory commission also asked the Muslim leaders to perform a headcount of the population in villages and quarters home to the minority group. In May, an unsubstantiated rumor spread throughout Buddhist communities in Sittwe that Aung Mingalar—the Arakan State capital’s Muslim quarter—was housing a growing number of undocumented migrants. Buddhist nationalists demanded the government inspect the entire quarter; officials found no evidence to back the allegation.

Recently, some villages in northern Arakan State refused to collaborate with a headcount, which they say was a continuation of the policies of Burma’s previous, military-backed government and would not provide benefit to the Muslim community; an estimated 1.3 million self-identifying Rohingya Muslims were not enumerated in Burma’s 2014 census, carried out under the former government administration.

“To diminish distrust between the two communities, a headcount process is crucial,” said U Aye Lwin.

Equal Rights 

In the past, Muslims from Arakan State held identification documents known as “tri-fold cards.” These documents were issued starting in 1958 and originally entitled holders to equal rights as other Burmese citizens, until the 1982 Citizenship Law re-defined citizenship eligibility.

A citizenship verification drive initiated under the former Thein Sein government and continued under the current National League for Democracy-led government led to the registration with national verification certificates (NVCs) as a precursor to citizenship scrutiny. While many registered in the scheme, the NVCs were also rejected by some Rohingya Muslims who questioned why their ethnicity and religion were omitted from the documents.

U Kyaw Min, from the DHRP, told The Irrawaddy that if the government could resolve citizenship within a legal framework it would also simultaneously resolve any perceived issues surrounding migration.

“Declining [citizenship for] the Rohingya is not going to solve the problem. The real problem in Arakan State is equal rights, not [the presence of] the Rohingya,” said U Kyaw Min.

U Zaw Zaw, a resident of Sittwe’s Aung Mingalar quarter who self-identifies as Rohingya, told The Irrawaddy that the problem in Arakan State is a lack of equality; the riots and violence which swept the region in 2012 were derived from oppression, he said.

“We want citizenship which is granted by the law and the protection of the government,” he added, yet U Zaw Zaw worries that if his community is granted citizenship, the surrounding Arakanese society will strongly object to the action.

Both U Kyaw Min and U Zaw Zaw said that they have more faith in the advisory commission than in the government; while the commission will make recommendations, it will be up to the country’s leadership to practically implement any solutions laid out by the commission.

“The government needs to amend the law. But I don’t hold much hope,” said U Kyaw Min, pointing out that many of the State Counselor’s closest aides and advisors also had ties to the previous Thein Sein-led administration.

The advisory commission members, including chairman Kofi Annan, will begin their second trip to Arakan State at the end of October, and are scheduled to visit Buthidaung and Maungdaw townships.

The Dalai Lama, the exiled Tibetan spiritual leader, gestures during a conference on Individual commitment and collective responsibility at Palais 12 in Brussels, Belgium, 11 September 2016. Photo: EPA


September 17, 2016

The Dalai Lama has condemned attacks against the Rohingya Muslim minority in Myanmar, describing them as acts of "some mischievous individuals who do not represent Buddhism," accordingto the Kuwait News Agency on 15 September.

The Tibetan Buddhist leader was speaking to the European Parliament's Foreign Affairs Committee in Strasbourg.

He also criticised Myanmar’sState Counsellor and Foreign Minister Aung San Suu Kyi for not speaking up against the atrocities committed against the Rohingya. "She remained quiet for a while, as Nobel Laureate she should speak against injustice," the report quoted him as saying.

(Photo: US State Dept)


By Tauseef Akbar
September 17, 2016

Obama administration lifting sanctions on Burma even though the genocide of the Rohingya continues.

Aung San Suu Kyi, Nobel Peace Prize laureate and icon of democracy in Burma encounters condemnation in the US from human rights groups and activists everywhere she goes. The reason for this is simple: the image of her as a pure ‘champion of the people’ only lingers in the minds of those who know little about Suu Kyi, “the politician.”

Suu Kyi, during the long years of struggle to attain power lobbied the US to place increasingly restrictive sanctions on Burma for rights violations and the suppression of democracy by Burma’s military dictators. As the leader of the civilian government she has just successfully gotten President Barack Obama to remove all remaining sanctions on Burma. The US was the only nation that still had conditional sanctions in place, now the whole world is doing business with a nation presiding over a slow-burning genocide against the Rohingya that has seen “21st century concentration camps” proliferate. It also seems that 100 Burmese tied to the genocidal military regime will be taken off the SDN list (Specially Designated Nationals that cannot conduct business with the US).

The Rohingya face genocide as a number of studies and international experts have concluded, yet they are also essentially being treated as ‘collateral damage,’ that ugly euphemism employed by militaries when they actually mean innocent civilians they have victimized. To be collateral damage implies that according to the state’s calculus, you are an acceptable, inevitable casualty in pursuit of the state’s higher interests. In this instance the higher interest is economic: the US wants a slice of the mineral, gas rich resources and cheap labor of a ‘frontier economy,’ while sending China the message that “we run things in your backyard.”

Supporters of Aung San Suu Kyi point to the creation of an Advisory Commission headed by Kofi Annan to blunt the criticism of Suu Kyi’s actions and policies. They don’t mention however that the commission doesn’t have a single Rohingya representative and the two Rakhine Buddhists who have been appointed supported crimes against humanity.

The New York Times’ report on the lifting of sanctions quotes John Sifton of Human Rights Watch, rightly noting that, “It sends a terrible message to say you’re not going to reward a government unless they do something, and then reward them anyway.” This is exactly what the Obama administration has done. While the rhetoric has been generally decent from the administration: saying the name ‘Rohingya,’ calling for restoration of rights for the group, and an end to ‘crimes against humanity,’ positive actions have been few and far between.

The decision to lift sanctions without a word about the genocide means that Rohingya lives are reaffirmed as expendable. Sen. Bob Corker, a Tennessee Republican noted with dismay during his meeting with Suu Kyi today that he was “appalled by her dismissive reaction to concerns I raised this morning about the problem of human trafficking in her country.” We are asked to place our trust and faith in Aung San Suu Kyi, the politician, whose party has already declared that the Rohingya are “not a priority.”

Human Rights organizations will now be focused on strengthening the bipartisan Congressional legislation “Cardin-McCain Burma Strategy Act 2016” introduced on Tuesday, and ensuring it be as strong a monitoring mechanism as possible. For the sake of the Rohingya cause let’s hope they succeed, otherwise in the future we may be speaking of the Rohingya of Burma in the past tense, victims of a “21st century” genocide that happened on our watch.

United States President Barack Obama shakes hands with State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi of Myanmar (Burma) in the Oval Office of the White House on September 14, 2016 in Washington, DC. CREDIT: Aude Guerrucci / Pool via CNP /MediaPunch/IPX


By Evelyn Anne Crunden
September 17, 2016

The United States is set to lift economic sanctions on Myanmar after a meeting Wednesday between President Barack Obama and the country’s de facto leader, State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi. The proposed move on sanctions comes in addition to the reinstatement of trade benefits — all signs of a thaw in U.S.-Myanmar relations. But the news is cold comfort to members of the minority Rohingya ethnic group, based in Rakhine State, who have lived for years under Myanmar’s oppressive leadership and are unlikely to be helped by a shift in American attitudes.

A joint statement released by both countries following Obama’s meeting with Suu Kyi hinted at a mutual acknowledgement of the plight of the Rohingya, but stopped short of directly promising a commitment to tackling the problem:

The President told the State Counsellor that the primary focus of U.S. policy toward Myanmar was to help Myanmar succeed. He reiterated that the United States would continue its strong support, both diplomatically and through assistance programs, for the priorities expressed by the State Counsellor. He welcomed the Myanmar government’s initiatives to address the longstanding concerns of all communities in Rakhine State, including the establishment of the Advisory Commission on Rakhine State chaired by Mr. Kofi Annan, former Secretary General of the United Nations. The President expressed his hope that all parties to civil conflict in Myanmar would seize the opportunity offered by the 21st Century Panglong process to seek peace and build the foundations for a democratic, federal Union through dialogue.

This is not unusual. The United States has been tepid in its response to Myanmar’s treatment of the Rohingya. Myanmar, also known as Burma, recognizes 135 ethnic groups within its borders, but, as the New York Timesnotes, the country pointedly ignores its 136th: the Rohingya. Unlike much of Myanmar, which is majority Buddhist, the Rohingya are Muslim, a distinction that has fueled their persecution and marginalization.

Myanmar’s Rohingya population claim they are indigenous to Rakhine State, which lies on the country’s western coast, but the historical role the Rohingya are accused of playing in Myanmar has contributed to much of their oppression.

For more than a century, Myanmar was occupied by the British, who encouraged laborers from neighboring Bengal and elsewhere in South Asia to migrate and farm the area, only to later recruit them in fighting efforts against the Burmese. Many Burmese citizens argue that the contemporary Rohingya are descendants of these migrants, a stance that was codified by a 1982 nationality law stripping them of citizenship. In the time since, life for the Rohingya has been a nightmare.

The Rohingya are a Muslim minority in predominantly Buddhist Myanmar, also known as Burma. Numbering around 1.3 million, they are concentrated in western Rakhine state, which neighbors Bangladesh. CREDIT: AP Photo/Binsar Bakkara

Under the military junta that governed the country until 2011, the Rohingya were relentlessly persecuted and ostracized. Denied basic civil rights — including marriage, education, and the freedom to worship — thousands have fled Rakhine State, many attempting to reach Myanmar’s neighboring countries.

But the end of military rule left some optimistic. General elections were held in 2015, handing Suu Kyi’s National League for Democracy party (NLD) a landslide victory. Though constitutionally barred from serving as president, Suu Kyi now effectively serves as the country’s leader. However, in the time since the election it has become clear that Suu Kyi plans to do little to help the Rohingya — an attitude that should deeply concern countries rekindling their ties with Myanmar.

Suu Kyi, a recipient of the Nobel Peace Prize who lived under house arrest for over a decade during Myanmar’s military rule, has long been hailed as an iconic figure across the globe for her tireless devotion to her country. But when it comes to the Rohingya, she has fallen short. Upon returning to power Suu Kyi instructed the new U.S. ambassador not to use the term “Rohingya.” In the past, she has also said she “didn’t know” if the Rohingya could be considered citizens. Her feelings even seem to go beyond the Rohingya specifically, addressing Muslims more generally. Following a tense interview with Mishal Husain of the BBC in March, during which she was questioned about Islamophobia in Myanmar, Suu Kyi reportedly expressed anger at being interviewed by a Muslim.

These incidents have done little to inspire confidence in her ability to tackle anti-Rohingya violence in the country.

In response to international criticism, Myanmar’s government formed the Advisory Commission on Rakhine State, headed by former U.N. Secretary General Kofi Annan. The commission will inspect the treatment of the Rohingya, and offer suggestions to the government that will aim to tackle the discrimination and marginalization they face.

But naysayers argue that the government is likely to ignore any suggestions made by the commission due in no small part to the attitudes of Rakhine State’s residents. The area’s non-Muslim population has already voiced opposition to the commission’s existence, an attitude that echoes the views of the country at large. In the meantime, the Rohingya are suffering in limbo. And with the United States softening its tone, it appears Myanmar’s government will face few incentives to address the plight of the Rohingya swiftly — if at all.

Obama said sanctions would be lifted during talks with Aung San Suu Kyi at the Oval Office [Carlos Barria/Reuters]

 By Al Jazeera
September 15, 2016

US president says the removal of long-standing economic sanctions will help unleash Myanmar's "enormous potential".

President Barack Obama has told Myanmar's de facto leader Aung San Suu Kyi that US economic sanctions against her country will be lifted, and trade preferences reinstated to provide duty-free treatment for goods from the Asian nation.

Obama announced the lifting of sanctions, which he said would take place "soon" and would help unleash Myanmar's "enormous potential", during a meeting with Aung San Suu Kyi on Wednesday at the White House.

"The United States is now prepared to lift sanctions that we have imposed on Burma for quite some time," Obama said, speaking in the Oval Office with Aung San Suu Kyi at his side.

Earlier, Obama notified the US Congress that he was reinstating preferential tariffs, known as the Generalized System of Preferences (GSP), for Myanmar, which provides duty-free access for goods from poor and developing countries.

Myanmar, which is also known as Burma, was removed from GSP benefits in 1989 after the country's ruling military junta brutally crushed pro-democracy protests.

"We think that the time has now come to remove all the sanctions that hurt us economically," Aung San Suu Kyi told reporters, noting that the US Congress had supported her country by backing sanctions in the past to put pressure for democratic reforms.

Removal of long-standing sanctions against Myanmar will help foreign investment and boost the country's transition to democracy, the White House said prior to the meeting of the two leaders.

The US eased some sanctions earlier this year to support political reform, but maintained most of its economic restrictions with an eye towards penalising those it views as hampering Aung San Suu Kyi's democratically elected government.

Wednesday's meeting in Washington was the first by Aung San Suu Kyi as Myanmar's leader since her pro-democracy party won a stunning victory over the country's military rulers in elections last year.

Myanmar's military stepped back from direct control of the country in 2011 after 49 years in power, but maintains a commanding role in politics, controlling 25 percent of seats in parliament and leading three key ministries.

Aung San Suu Kyi is barred from the post of Myanmar's president under the country's military-drafted constitution, which rules her out because her sons are not Myanmar citizens. Instead, she serves as the country's de facto leader by holding the positions of foreign minister and state counsellor.

Communal violence

Aung San Suu Kyi meeting with Obama at the White House comes after a decades-long journey from political prisoner to Myanmar's national leader.

The democracy icon, however, has been criticised by human rights groups for failing to address the plight of the country's stateless Rohingya Muslim minority. About 125,000 remain confined to squalid camps on the country's western coast following violence between Buddhists and Muslims in 2012.

The Council on American-Islamic Relations (CAIR), the largest Muslim civil rights and advocacy organization in the US, released a statement on Wednesday calling on Obama to maintain all current sanctions until the citizenship rights of Rohingya Muslims in Myanmar are respected.

"As a result of state sponsored and communal anti-Rohingya violence, displaced Muslims have been forced by the government and mobs into 'refugee' and 'resettlement' camps that they are not free to leave," the council said.

"We recognise with great respect your past work in addressing the need to halt Burma state and communal violence against the very much persecuted Rohingya Muslim minority and trust that you will continue to speak out on this immediate and pressing cause."

A group of 46 non-governmental organisations also circulated a letter they wrote to Obama on Monday expressing concern about the possible easing of sanctions while human rights abuses by the military and against Rohingya Muslims persisted in he country.

"To lift sanctions prior to tangible change for suffering communities would be a disservice to those vulnerable peoples who deserve international protection," the letter stated, according to Reuters.


Diplomatic cover

Delphine Schrank, journalist and author of the Rebel of Rangoon, said that the US has been "phasing" out sanctions, and while the business community in Myanmar and the US would like them removed entirely, there is an understanding within Aung San Suu Kyi's party and the US government that the "game is not over" yet in the transition process.

There have been significant political reforms, but "Myanmar has not yet reached that point of complete democratic achievement", Schrank told Al Jazeera.

The treatment of Rohingya Muslims also "remains the great great sticking point internationally for Myanmar", Schrank said, noting that Aung San Suu Kyi has "put her name on an initiative to resolve a lot of these problems, including the problem with the Rohingya".

Last week, a commission established by Aung San Suu Kyi and led by former UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan travelled to Myanmar for the first time to investigate the Rohingya issue and make recommendations to the government.

"It is clear that in setting up the Annan Commission, Suu Kyi is not merely looking for some diplomatic cover, but is making Rakhine State a priority and is serious about taking steps to address the situation," Richard Horsey, an independent political analyst based in Myanmar, told Reuters news agency.

Children at the Rohingya refugee camp, a day before Bakrid, in New Delhi on Monday. (Express Photo by Praveen Khanna)

By Aamir Khan
September 14, 2016

For the Rohingya community, the exodus from Myanmar followed several complications, including prosecutions for crossing the border illegally.

There will be more food on our plates tomorrow, declare children of the Rohingya community, chasing the much-anticipated vans that arrive with sacrificial animals. Prolonged persecution of this ethnic Muslim minority in a majority Buddhist Myanmar led to the community’s mass migration to Bangladesh, Pakistan and India. About four-five years ago, 250 Rohingyas found refuge in a relief camp on the fringes of Delhi, adjoining a Hindu cremation ground. And the only prayer they have had in all these years is to belong.

Perhaps lost in the same prayer is Ameena Khatoon, who has set up a tiny store with the money she got from the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR). Bakrid has never been a pompous affair in the five years she spent at the camp. “A few kind-hearted people donate animals to us. Hopefully, they will again, like last year,” she says.

Just then, it seems like her prayers have been answered, for two vans carrying six animals emerge from the dust. Curious children scamper towards the soon-to-be sacrificed animals to catch a glimpse. Another lot of toddlers in the camp is down with jaundice, diarrhoea and dengue. The community has access to only four toilets. “Women and men have no choice but to go to the fields,” says Khatoon.

Not far from Khatoon is her 22-year-old son Ali. He has been associated with an NGO that works for the UNHCR. Unlike his brothers, Ali converses in English. “We appreciate the fact that we got to stay here. But this is staying and not living. We don’t belong anywhere. This is no life,” says Ali, who wants to be a lawyer.

The exodus from Myanmar followed several complications, including prosecutions for crossing the border illegally. Ali says, “Many of them are languishing in jails since decades for offences that don’t attract more than a few months of jail time.” His elder brother Mohammad says, “Though the UN recognised us as the most persecuted community in the world, we have not had a country we could call our home.” For now, though, Rohingyas here will have enough to last a few days.

Britain's Prime Minister Theresa May (left) welcomes Myanmar foreign minister Aung San Suu Kyi to Downing Street in London on Tuesday. (AP)

By Prasun Sonwalkar
September 14, 2016

London -- Britain raised the “desperate situation” of Rohingya Muslims in Myanmar during meetings on Monday and Tuesday with visiting state counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi.

On her first visit to Britain after the November 2015 elections, Suu Kyi met Foreign Secretary Boris Johnson and Prime Minister Theresa May. 

The prime minister’s official spokeswoman said the meeting was an opportunity to talk about bilateral relations, “the process that’s under way in Burma and what we can do to support reconciliation and democracy and respect for human rights there.”

Britain continues to use the nomenclature of ‘Burma’ instead of ‘Myanmar’, which was adopted during the preceding military rule. 

Johnson said after meeting Suu Kyi: “The Burmese transition to democracy is a historic achievement. The courage and sacrifice of the Burmese people, not least of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi herself, has led to a major shift from military dictatorship to a more civilian, democratic and accountable government.”

Official sources said the two leaders also discussed the Panglong Peace Conference and plans for the peace process. Several human rights groups have appealed to Suu Kyi to help resolve the plight of Rohingya Muslims, who allegedly face persecution in Myanmar.

“The foreign secretary welcomed early progress in freeing political prisoners as well as the establishment of the Rakhine Commission, led by Kofi Annan, which is an important step in beginning to tackle the desperate situation of the Rohingya community there,” they added.

Johnson said: “The UK is pleased to have played an important role in bringing about Burma’s emergence from decades of repression and isolation. We remain committed to supporting Burma’s extraordinary reforms and we welcome a democratic, stable and prosperous Burma that can contribute to stability and security in South East Asia and beyond.”

The Arakan State parliament in session on Wednesday. (Photo: Marayu / Facebook)
By Lawi Weng
September 14, 2016

The Arakan State parliament is debating on Wednesday and Thursday this week a proposal from the Arakan National Party (ANP) to withhold recognition from the new Arakan State Advisory Commission chaired by former UN secretary general Kofi Annan.

Lawmakers from the ANP told The Irrawaddy that the proposal was likely to succeed, because the ANP are the largest party in the Arakan State parliament and can rely on the military representatives and the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) to gain a majority vote.

The Arakan State Advisory Commission was appointed by State Counselor Aung San Suu Kyi last month, and consists of nine members: three international, including Kofi Annan, and six from Burma, including two Buddhist Arakanese, two Muslims, and two government representatives. It is mandated to provide a report within a year, with recommendations on resolving the Buddhist-Muslim conflict, and on meeting humanitarian and development needs.

The legal and practical implications of a vote in the state parliament to withhold recognition are unclear. Under the nominally devolved structures outlined in the 2008 Constitution, powers granted to regional governments and parliaments are limited or vaguely defined.

However, ANP members claim that such a resolution would make it difficult for the advisory commission to gain the cooperation of actors on the ground in Arakan State, and cause the commission’s recommendations to be rejected by local stakeholders, frustrating implementation.

The ANP represents the interests of the Arakanese Buddhist majority in the state, and takes a hard line against the granting of citizenship rights to the Rohingya Muslim minority.

Earlier this month, an urgent proposal put forward by the ANP in the Lower House of the Union Parliament, calling for international members of the new advisory commission to be replaced with Burmese experts—arguing that the involvement of international figures amounted to an infringement of Burma’s sovereignty—was defeated by votes from the ruling National League for Democracy, although it won the support of military and USDP members.

The ANP’s U Kyaw Zwa Oo, who represents the state capital Sittwe, submitted the proposal to the Arakan State parliament on Monday. The parliament approved it for debate the same week.

Lawmakers from the ANP said the central government had failed to consult with locals of Arakan State before forming the advisory commission.

“We will not recognize this commission,” said U Kyaw Lwin of the ANP.

U Pe Than, an ANP lawmaker in the Lower House, claimed to The Irrawaddy that, although the state government remains “under the control of the Union government,” the state parliament is “independent” of the Union parliament, “according to the constitution”—so its decisions can determine how projects are implemented on the ground.

The Union parliament could not “pressure” the state parliament to recognize, or work with, the Kofi Annan-led advisory commission, he said.

“The state parliament represents locals, not the government. The government has to implement decisions reached by the state parliament. It will have problems in the future if it does not do so,” he claimed.

U Pe Than said the state parliament had the power to refuse cooperation with the advisory commission, and recognition of its recommendations. “The commission will have problems working on the ground if there is no cooperation with the state parliament,” he said.

The commission would be “powerless” in such a situation, he went on, and receive the opposition of locals, who would then pressure the state government to sideline it.

Several hundred local residents emerged to protest the arrival of Kofi Annan and his fellow commission members in Sittwe last week, at the instigation of the ANP.

Buddhist-Muslim conflict broke out in Arakan State in 2012, recurring in 2013 and displacing up to 140,000 people, overwhelmingly Muslim Rohingya, most of whom remain confined to squalid camps with limited access to public services. This has prompted sustained criticism from foreign governments, the United Nations and the international human rights community.

Internally displaced Rohingya stand outside their makeshift tent in a camp in Sittwe in Myanmar's northwestern Rakhine state in 2013.



By Catherine Maddux
September 14, 2016

When Myanmar’s Aung San Suu Kyi meets President Barack Obama at the White House this week, activists will be watching to see how the pro-democracy icon will address the plight of the country's ethnic Rohingya, whom human rights groups say are among the world's most persecuted minority groups.

Since ethnic and sectarian violence erupted in 2012, tens of thousands of Rohingya have been living in overcrowded camps in conditions that rights groups have condemned as deplorable. Mosques have been shuttered and marriages unrecognized by the government. The government restricts their movement, limiting the Rohingya's access to health care, education and job opportunities.

In fact, most Rohingya are not even considered citizens. The Myanmar government and many of its citizens see them as illegal immigrants, and even refuse to call them by their preferred name, "Rohingya."

Instead, Myanmar refers to them as "Bengalis," reflecting the view that they are from neighboring Bangladesh, even though many Rohingya have been living in Myanmar for generations. Aung San Suu Kyi herself has said that the Rohingya term is "divisive" and the government will refrain from using it.

Rohingya people pass their time in a damaged shelter in Rohingya IDP camp outside Sittwe, Rakhine state, Aug. 4, 2015.

Thousands of Rohingya have fled abroad, risking dangerous trips to Indonesia or Malaysia since 2012. But an estimated 140,000 remain displaced in internal camps. Some rights groups have argued the treatment amounts to ethnic cleansing, or even genocide.

“The situation on the ground today is not good,” said Wakar Uddin, a leading U.S.-based Rohingya advocate who met late last week with several U.S. administration officials to brief them — and sat down with VOA for an interview.

“People are dying. We have dire issues that need to be addressed,” Uddin said. “One hundred forty thousand [people] in camps, lingering. They need to be returned.”

Uddin is the founding chairman of the North America Rohingya Association and a professor of agricultural science at Pennsylvania State University.

Wakkar Uddin, founding chairman of North America Rohingya Association and professor of agricultural science at Pennsylvania State University, pictured during a VOA interview. (VOA/Maddux)

Despite his deep concerns, he sees some hope with the creation of a commissionheaded by former U.N. secretary-general Kofi Annan, which has the blessing of the Myanmar’s quasi-military government. The commission is charged with probing the Rohingya conflict and filing a report within a year’s time, a kind of road map toward a future solution.

“This Kofi Annan commission is highly capable," Uddin said. “They will be able to produce a balanced report: the truth. Whatever the truth is.”

Trust is key, added Uddin. “They will be and they should be talking to the victims, who have gone through this hardship.”

That said, he is calling for immediate action now to alleviate the humanitarian suffering. Uddin told VOA that he specifically pressed U.S. officials this week to remind Aung San Suu Kyi to take steps now. Other experts agree.

“The Annan commission has the ability to propose solutions that will assist the Rohingya and the Rakhine," said Ronan Lee, an Australian-based researcher. “The commission will not make its report until the second half of 2017, meaning human rights for the Rohingya need to be progressed before this.”

Lee also pointed out that Myanmar’s Buddhists also need immediate help.

“It's important to remember, too, that while the Rohingya Muslims have and continue to suffer dreadfully, Rakhine state's majority ethnicity, the Rakhine Buddhists, are often also living in appalling poverty,” he said.

Burma Buddhist monks stage a rally to protest against ethnic minority Rohingya Muslims after sectarian violence erupted between ethnic Buddhists and Rohingya Muslims in this 2012 photo.
Uddin believes that, after speaking with U.S. officials, some of these more urgent, immediate humanitarian steps will be taken ahead of the Annan commission’s report.

One delicate political issue confronting Myanmar’s leadership, the Obama administration, and activists and Buddhists in Myanmar: Does the treatment of the Rohingya amount to genocide?

"You cannot paint with a broad brush. There are all kinds of voices in the community that use their own terminology,” Uddin said. “I really do not want to dwell on these terms. We want to make every effort to not anger the other side."

Labeling the treatment of Rohingya as genocide could compel the 147 countries that have signed the 1948 Convention on the Punishment and Prevention of the Crime of Genocide treaty to intervene in the situation. That would mark an extreme step, but one that some activists say is necessary.

“This is the case where we, as the predominantly Buddhist society, has been misled and brainwashed in the way the Nazis brainwashed and turned the German citizens against Jews,” said Maung Zarni, a human rights campaigner and co-author of the book "A Slow Burning Genocide of Myanmar."

Researcher Lee points to other researchers whom he said confirm Zarni's position.

“A well-researched report from the International State Crime Initiative at Queen Mary University of London was certain the Rohingya had been victims of state crimes and ‘genocidal persecution,’" Lee said, while admitting his own research has not focused specifically on the question of genocide. 

A separate legal study by researchers at Yale law school in 2015 that analyzed Rohingya testimonies, Myanmar government documents, and analyses by other aid groups argued that there is strong evidence of genocide. The group argued that while it was difficult to determine whether the treatment of Rohingya was intended to destroy them "in whole or in part," the available evidence strongly suggests that their treatment meets the legal definition of genocide.

Myanmar Foreign Minister and State Counselor Aung San Suu Kyi is pictuired in a Bangkok airport in June 2016.

As to whether or not Aung San Suu Kyi will act on the Rohingya issue, North America Rohingya Association's Uddin is hopeful.

"I believe Aung San Suu Kyi is a visionary," Uddin said. "She cares about our people. She recognizes that this Rohingya issue has risen to a global scale." 

Ultimately, Uddin added, as one of the most revered and well-known political campaigners in the world, she recognizes that "she cannot ignore this."

(Photo: Adam Jones)


 By Ro Mayyu Ali
RB Article
September 13, 2016

My Higher Education in Sittway University (Part-1)

Parents were cheerful. Siblings were proud. Friends were joyful and neighbors were pleased. All the teachers as well were glad with us because only we 8, out of 236 students, had passed the matriculation examination in the 2008 academic year in the Basic Education High School in Kyein Chaung Village. The school, situated in northern 24-miles away from Maungdaw Township. My eldest brother living abroad, really proud of my success, encouraged me to continue my study and promised that he would give me all the allowances when I go to study higher education in Sittway University, situated in Sittway City, Rakhine State, Myanmar.

I’m from a less-afforded family who lives from hand to mouth. My father is a fisherman, an anchor for us. So, for me, my eldest brother is the only one who can provide for me the means of higher education if my fortune sees the bound. So, being the second ranked matriculated student as well as being the only one with an English major as a specialization subject for the academic program made me celebrated in our school. Perhaps, I was too delighted to be. Everyone was enthralling. A new academic year of 2009 was knocking. Then, it was the time to prepare towards heading to it.

First of all, I had to apply for a White Card because without it, no Rohingya, even a student, is allowed to move from one place to another. For that regard, I had to take the following recommendations;

(1) A Village Authorization Form, locally called Ywa Twar Hla Mat (that should have an attached photo of the holder certified that the one is going to the downtown area. (Administration Office Clerk charges 1000 kyats for it + a copy of passport sized photo costs 200 kyats).

(2) A recommendation letter (It certifies that the holder is a resident of the relevant village and his or her character is good as well. (Village Administrator charges 2000 kyats for it.)

(3) Two copies (It costs 100 kyats per page.) and the original of my family list together.

On next day of 14th of November, 2008 at 7:45 am, I was in a Jeep car heading towards downtown in the Maungdaw Township. It was my second trip downtown. In our area, riding in a car is like frog-dancing that makes all the passengers easily tired and sleepy, but not my sharp mind. Hours later, the car stopped and the conductor sounded us to get off. When I looked up, I realized it was in front of Border Immigration Head Quarter in Kyi Kan Pyin. No sooner I got out of the car I remembered the word of in-charge Nasaka (an immigration personal) in that check point when I was going to sit for my matric exam in Maungdaw High School. “I’m not your class teacher. Why do you provide me your student ID?” he shouted me when I gave him mine. He asked for my White Card but he forgot my age and that was not eligible to hold it. However, I fortunately got on again though I saw myself through some extortions at the check point.

Almost 3 hours later, the car reached downtown. Getting out of the car, I went directly to the Township Immigration Office with my file to apply before having my lunch. By the time I entered the office, a staff said to me that the Immigration Officer had gone to Sittway and that I had to go back. Indeed, it’s my common fate as a Rohingya in Northern Rakhine State!

A couple of weeks later, I went to there again. I received a White Card to apply for my higher education costing 19500 kyats. On the same day, thinking myself that everything was ready enough, I was submitting my file to go study in Sittway University. Then my file was rejected as my name had different spellings between my family list and what was listed in school. No wonder! It’s a common discrepancy that Immigration personals misspelled whilst writing our name in family lists. That is most likely the bane of our student life when we go to the Immigration Office with our files. When I asked what I had to do, the recipient advised me to have another recommendation from the Village Administrator regarding the issue. So, I had to go back again to take it.

I explained everything to Village Administrator and he gave me a recommendation and certified that the holder is the same person even though he has two different names in the different lists. Then, I was confident that there were no more flaws in my file. Finally I submitted my application. Even though it had to cost more money as a student to submit a file, it seemed like things were going easily. I came to realize that I was going to see Sittway University very soon. Then, I felt I would become like a prince who would enjoy studying in Sittway University. Just a dream! What a joy it was!

For me, everything seemed quite simple and possible. All University students were preparing to leave. My elder sister invited me for a special dinner because I was leaving soon and she gave me some pocket money too. Then all students from our village fixed the 26th of December, 2008 to leave together. Everything was readily packed up and prepared.

It was the 24th of December, 2008. A man came to my home in the early morning and told us that there was a call for my father from Saudi Arabia. Hearing the man, I felt myself that I was in a paradise thinking my eldest brother was going to inform my father about my money to go to Sittway. “Mom, I’m really proud of my eldest”, I surprised my mom hugging suddenly. Then, my father and I went together with a great pleasure. It was the first time that I have ever walked in front of my father with a blooming smile. However, when my father held the call, it was a friend of my eldest brother in Saudi Arabia. He said that my brother was arrested and detained last night by Police. My father was shocked. Then, I was broken. He hugged and encouraged me that I might go anyway to study. It was my tear in the middle of the joy! However, my hope had the same acceleration. 

In the evening of the same day, one of my friends came to inform me that my file was launched and the clerk of Immigration Office was asking about me. My mother shared with him what had happened. When the fixed day came, everyone left to University. I however, remained in my home and my file was in the Immigration Office. I understood that my brother was still detained. My siblings whose hearts were more broken than me as I couldn’t go to study. My first year was gone. My first hope was lost.

So, my parents started to convince me that I was going to join in next academic year. I therefore, came to realize that the release of my brother was more important than my dream. I was praying for his release. My family was trying to find the resources to educate me. We sharpened the blade of our hope again for next academic year.

However, my fate is that the time passed by so fast. 2010, a new academic year was quickly coming up. My brother had not yet been released. I could not find another source to go to study. The second year was also over. My second hope for the same thing was lost too.

Two academic years were already passed. Then, I had to turn my hope back to the release of my eldest brother. On the other hand, for two years I had taught a private English class for Grade-10 students in my village and I could save some money that was quite enough to live for one month in Sittway City. Then, my mind was finally made up to join University of Distance Education in Sittway University. By the help of a friend, I had a contact with a clerk who makes doing everything for Distance Students in Sittway University if she gets money. I was transferred and enrolled in it, costing more than 50000 kyats. Then, she sent all text books and assignment papers to me. So, I started my self-study reading my texts and assignment at home.

It was 12th of October, 2011. Everything was again packed up and I was leaving. Although it was the procedure for us to go to Sittway University were the same as before. Aziz (one of my friends, also going to attend Distance University) and I went to Immigration Office in downtown and received our files that included the following documents;

(1) A Form-4 certified that the holder is a resident of the relevant village, going to cross over township. (It costs 3000 kyats including the costs of photos.)

(2) The approval of Township Immigration Office. (Immigration Office clerk charges 1500 kyats per a student.)

(3) The approval of District Immigration Office (No charge for it)

(4) The approval of State Immigration Office (No charge for it)

(5) The approval of Township Administration Office (No charge for it)

(6) Ten copies of Form-4, to give in every check points on the way. (It costs total 1000 kyats as 100 kyats per page.)

After lunch, we were heading by car to Buthidaung Township. While we were in the car, we both poor, were brain-storming about the extortion of the NASAKA at the 3-Mile check point. Aziz is a relative of U Aung Myo Myint, a Parliament Member of Rakhine State in 2010. “U Aung Myo Myint told me that he has already been made aware of every check points and not to ask for money from students.”, he encouraged me and I was a bit relieved.

When we were in there, we had to get out to be checked. Before signing the the original of our Form-4, the in-charge Nasaka of check point asked for 1000 kyats per one. We handed two copies. So, we looked at one another. “This is check point, not Parliament”, the in-charge NASAKA fired us when Aziz tried to explain him. Then we had to pay 2000 kyats.

It was 5:35 pm when we reached Buthidaung's downtown. We decided to stay the night in Ko Kyaw Gyi Guesthouse. After showering, we had our dinner in a restaurant. We then telephoned Mostafa Kamaal (a friend from our village in Sittway City) to pick up us from the Sittway jetty where we would reach the next evening. When we tried to go to bed, we found that the beds were set up from East to West that is forbidden for us in Islam to sleep. We both thought then to turn the beds to the right way ourselves. “Aziz, how about NASAKA in jetty”, I asked him. He was silent for a while. So, I had to make him shaking his body when his mood was melt down. We justly prepared and planned something. It was an exciting moment. The night was so long. Suddenly, we both sank into sleep.

When the day broke, we woke up and quickly prepared ourselves after performing our prayers. Then, we had our breakfast. We took a packet of fried sticky-rice (Shwe Tamin) and purchased two tickets for the slow boat as the price of 3500 kyats per one. We were in limited expenditure then as we were heading towards the boat. Soon, we were in line. We saw that some were under checking up and some were not. We both were only those whom were asking for 1000 kyats per one among the group of around a hundred. It was my talk against extortion in jetty of Buthidaung!

I (A Rohingya) : “Why do I need to pay money?”

A Nasaka : “You don’t know. We are Nasaka!”

I (A Rohingya) : “Why do we only two need to pay when all the others don’t?”

A Nasaka: “Because they are Taiyinthar (indigenous) and you both are Kalars (illegal immigrants), understand?”

No sooner than Nasaka’s finger touched my face than the bell of boat suddenly rang up for passengers to get on then we had to pay 1000 kyats per each for the Buthidaung jetty too. It was the boat, Danyawaddy-7 that we were on. By the time the boat started, all people on the jetty were waving their hands to the boat. We both were those poor two in the boat whose parents were not able to wave their hands to us. It was a time of double-wounds for our young innocent hearts, indeed.

Our seats were in the middle and we put down our bodies. I had the Philosophy that however we have tried and whatever we have planned for, it was nothing better than useless in front of those merciless Nasakas. It is like asking for pity from chicken to a hungry fox. Suddenly, a mixed laughter of passengers made me wake up. It was a joking dialogue of a Myanmar film that made them laugh on the boat. Then, I looked at the face of my friend and joined in the end of their laughter. And soon, we had our lunch on boat.

It was 4:45 pm when we reached to the jetty in Sittway. We were looking for Mostafa Kamaal whom we had requested to pick up us from jetty. We saw that he was waiting for us in gateway where there is another Nasaka check point and we waved our hands at him. “We are going to get off first because we both are new and we’ll have more things to do”, Aziz, my clever friend reminded me. We both got off first and handed some copies and the original of our travel authorization of form-4 to in-charge of Nasaka in check point. He took it and kept it in his hand without signing the original. “I’m responsible for this check point”, the Nasaka replied Mostafa Kamaal when he tried to introduce us to the Nasaka saying that we both were students. We had to wait in there for more than 15 minutes until all were others were gone. We saw ourselves that all people were passing over check point even without even being checked. We both were made to wait for a signature in form-4 despite checking everything of us from A-to-Z. Finally, we had it without extortion as it is the jetty of Sittway.

Then, we got on a taxi heading to Mow Lai Quarter in Sittway. At 5:15 pm, we reached the lodging of Payami then we got off. We had rooms on the ground floor as the upstairs was full. It was later than 5:30 pm that we were readily set up with our materials in our room. So, we have planned to go to the Immigration Office the next day in order to have our arrival approval in Sittway. Then, we took our shower and had our dinner in a nearby restaurant, Old Lady’s Restaurant by the local name. It was a very exciting day for us. As we got tired and weary, we went early to our bad. For sure, it was the first night for us in Sittway City.

TO BE CONTINUED…


By Cheena Kapoor
September 12, 2016

The Rohingya are often described as one of the most persecuted communities in the world. A significant number of them are also living in India as refugees and asylum seekers. Cheena Kapoor reports about their plight.



Most commuters who pass the Kalindi Kunj bridge in Delhi tend to generally notice only the metro construction. From a distance, the makeshift settlement near the construction area appears to be a normal sight in the city: tents built with recycled material found on the streets comprising of plastic, rubber, plywood, tires and old clothes.

A closer look, however, reveals the plight of the Rohingya community, a Muslim ethnic group from Myanmar, and their relentless struggle in search for a home where they will not be beaten, raped or killed.

In Kalindi Kunj, a total of 307 members of the Rohingya community live together. The Zakat Foundation, a US-based NGO, has made this possible by providing 11,000 square feet of land to pitch tents on. This arrangement, however, was only valid for a year and now the Rohingyas, after having overstayed, have been asked to move again ten days after Eid al-Adha, an Islamic holiday. This case of displacement is not the first one and yet another occasion for them to not know where to go next.

The Rohingya are a predominantly Muslim community hailing from Myanmar's western Rakhine state. But the Myanmar government views the roughly one million-strong ethnic group as illegal Bangladeshi immigrants. As a result, most of them are denied citizenship and outbreaks of sectarian violence have prompted many to flee.

Over several decades, the Rohingya have suffered a lack of self-identity, persecution and forced relocation within and outside the borders of Myanmar.

Many of them now live in miserable conditions in makeshift camps within and outside Myanmar and are exposed to the risks of exploitation, human trafficking, and rape.

Since 2012, over 100,000 Rohingya Muslims have embarked on boat journeys in search of better lives outside of the Southeast Asian nation, and they have taken refuge in countries like Bangladesh, Indonesia, Thailand and India.

More welcoming?

India has so far been receptive to Rohingyas, and the South Asian country is generally considered to be a safe place for the refugees.

Mohammad Usman, a 33-year-old man from Myanmar, spent three days without food and water in the dark forest near the India-Bangladesh border before reaching Delhi. Almost three years after that fateful night, Usman recollects his experiences: "Back in Myanmar, officials would blindfold young men and women in the night and take them away. These people would never return."

India may not offer the Rohingya the same basic facilities it gives to Afghan or Iraqi refugees, but the country still does more than Myanmar ever did, says Usman.

The makeshift settlement near Kalindi Kunj bridge is currently home to some 70 Rohingya families. And over 35,000 Rohingya refugees and asylum seekers are estimated to reside across the country.

Out of the 137 children in the Kalindi Kunj settlement, 60 are under the age of five and do not go to school, while only 47 children are offered education for which fees are paid by the Zakat Foundation.

A Rohingya woman prepares dinner for her family outside her makeshift tent at the Kalindi Kunj refugee camp in Delhi
Living in Delhi has made a significant difference to the lives of many of these Rohingya Muslims. Mohammad Ismail, 27, arrived in India almost two and a half years ago. His family of six members, two brothers, a sister-in-law and two sisters had to leave their parents behind in Myanmar.

Now, Ismail has found a home in Delhi. He says, "At last we're accepted here. We can practice our religion without the fear of getting killed for it. India has accepted us. Despite the stench and filth, I feel safe living here and never want to return."

Facing eviction, again

But poor health conditions and the looming eviction notice might accelerate the possibility of displacement. With the spread of mosquito-borne illnesses Dengue and Chikungunya during the monsoon season, over 40 people at the camp in Kalindi Kunj have fallen sick and are unable to pay for their own medicines.

Due to a lack of access to healthcare facilities, the health conditions continue to worsen every day. Although the United Nations Refugee Agency (UNHCR) has pledged support, there has been little improvement so far. 

Furthermore, the employment situation for Rohingyas living in Delhi remains uncertain.

Usman works as a daily laborer and irregularly finds work for 10-15 days a month earning less than 300 rupees

Usman, for instance, works as a daily laborer and irregularly finds work for 10-15 days a month earning less than 300 rupees ($4.4, 4.0 euros) a day.

Abdul Wasim, another refugee, lives with his daughter and cannot work because of his poor health condition. He had to leave his wife and five children behind in Myanmar, and he has no hope of seeing them again in light of the border lockdown with Myanmar. Now, he and his daughter get by with the income earned by her as a domestic help in Kalindi Kunj residential areas.

A hopeless future? 

The plight of the Rohingya has received a lot of media and public attention, but the question still lingers: where do they go from here? The Rohingya are still finding out how many they are in number, spread across borders in Asia.

With most of them being impoverished and lacking valid identity cards, it's common for Rohingya Muslims to live in small groups in makeshift camps. And within these small groups, they try to stick together but it's unclear for how long they can continue to survive amidst conditions of poverty, unemployment, lack of education and violence.



Burma Human Rights Network alarmed by reductions in food rations to IDP camps in Rakhine State, Myanmar

7th September 2016, London, United Kingdom


“The Burma Human Rights Network has documented a reduction in food rations that can only lead to starvation and death. We are appalled by the current state of affairs and call upon the international community and UN agencies to review cuts to food” stated Kyaw Win of BHRN

The Burma Human Rights Network (BHRN) is concerned about cuts to IDP food aid by the United Nations World Food Program (WFP) in parts of Rakhine state, Myanmar.

BHRN sources report that food aid has ceased for a significant number of people in the towns of Kyauktaw, Mrauk U, Min Bya and surrounding areas, referred to as “Zone 1” by the humanitarian community. Specifically, one camp near Kyauk Phyu, one in Ramree, six around Min Bya, one in Myay Bon, 13 in Sittwe, 10 in Kyauk Taw, two in Mrauk U, four in Pauk Taw, and three in the Rathedaung area. In total, 41 camps have experienced cuts or have been informed they may face cuts in the near future.

BHRN has learnt that new rules have been (or will soon be) imposed on food aid recipients so that the most vulnerable, widows and widowers, and the disabled will have their rations ring-fenced as everyone else is set to lose their provisions altogether. Those fortunate enough to retain their entitlements will receive a monthly food ration consisting of 54 tins of rice (estimated 5kg), one packet of salt, seven tins of beans (estimated 2kg) and half a litre of cooking oil.

A resident of San Hto Tan village (which has a population of 750) told BHRN:

“We were told that only widows and widowers, and disabled IDPs will get food rations, but another condition is only those who are living alone, so none of IDPs from this village qualified under these conditions.”

A resident of Peik Thae village (near Min Bya) told BHRN:

“Even though some people are poor they are not getting food rations as their age is between 20 and 30; they were give[n] [the] reason that they are able to work for living ... but work opportunities are so scarce here and we are not allow to go anywhere.”

In Da Tha village, local residents told BHRN that one man in his 50s had died recently due to malnutrition. Two villages in Rathedaung Township - Nyaung Bin Gyi and Ah Nauk Pyin - have reported to BHRN that they stopped receiving food rations in January 2016.

A resident of Kadi village in Ponnagyun Township told BHRN that many had resorted to begging:

“Some villagers here are surviving without food rations since the beginning [of the humanitarian crisis in 2012]. They go out to other villages where [better off] people live, to ask for food donations and then they distribute among the people in this village.”

BHRN is deeply concerned about the impact that these arbitrary cuts have had, and will have, on communities in which many families rely on food rations to survive. Restrictions on freedom of movement and access to employment opportunities mean that most of those affected are not self-sufficient and thus are likely to face a deterioration in their conditions of life once support ends. In addition to a lack of access to employment, many Rohingya villages are surrounded by Rakhine settlements; there have been many cases in the past in which Rohingya individuals have been attacked in Rakhine areas.

The distress and concern felt by the people BHRN have spoken to, as well their lack of means to independently support themselves, underlines the need for the responsible decision-makers within the UN and WFP to reassess the appropriateness of these moves.

Notes for Editors

The Rohingya

The Rohingya people are Muslim Indo-Aryan peoples from Rakhine State, Myanmar. Since violence broke out between communities in Rakhine State in 2012, around 140,000 Muslims have been detained in IDP camps, while the remaining 1.2m Rohingya have restricted movement and cannot leave their villages.

Background on the Burma Human Rights Network (BHRN)

Burma Human Rights Network (BHRN) works for human rights, minority rights and religious freedom in Burma. BHRN has played a crucial role advocating for human rights and religious freedom with politicians and world leaders.
Media Enquiries

Members of The Burma Human Rights Network (BHRN) are available for comment and interview. Images also available on request.


Please contact:

Kyaw Win
Executive Director of the Burma Human Rights Network (BHRN)
T: +44(0) 740 345 2378


    • Rohingya Exodus