By Hnin Yadana Zaw and Simon Webb

Reuters

August 23, 2015

Myanmar President Thein Sein had tried and failed at least twice before to topple his arch-rival Shwe Mann, but when armed police burst into the headquarters of the country's ruling party late on Aug. 12 he finally succeeded.

Police piled the mobile phones and computers from those inside on a desk and then stood by as the president's supporters met to enact an order from the president to replace Shwe Mann as chairman of the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP).

By reasserting his grip on the party Thein Sein boosted his own prospects of retaining the presidency, while dampening optimism among those inside and outside the former Burma who hope for a quickening of reforms after an election in November.

"I heard people coming in and when I looked up from the computer I was surrounded by half a dozen armed guards," said one person who was inside the building when the police entered, declining to be identified due to concern for personal safety.

"They did not draw their weapons. It's obvious they didn't want anybody to communicate to the outside world."

Shwe Mann was not there, and the lockdown ensured neither he nor his allies could make any countermoves during the crucial hours in which the president's supporters were taking control of the party.

The manoeuvre, which had echoes of the purges of Myanmar's junta-ruled recent past, effectively took Shwe Mann out of the running for the presidency less than three months before the country's first free general election in years.

Advisers told Reuters that it also derailed a plan the deposed party chairman was poised to announce that may have included a speedier transition to full democracy.

Thein Sein, meanwhile, has cleared the way to either remain president himself or to impose a candidate of his choosing, if his party can form a majority coalition after the vote.

A former top-ranking general in a party dominated by retired military men, Shwe Mann was no radical reformist. But he had become a stronger voice for reform in the party and was working on a wide-ranging policy document that may have broadened the scope and pace of reforms, advisors said.

He drew the suspicion of the president's faction by building ties with their nemesis, Nobel laureate Aung San Suu Kyi.

"There was an internal crisis in the party," Information Minister and spokesman for the president Ye Htut told Reuters. "This kind of leadership change is not a good thing for the USDP or any other political party. They did it as a last resort."

Shwe Mann's office has declined requests from Reuters for an interview since his ousting.

ERA OF REFORM

Thein Sein ushered in the reforms since 2011 that have made resource-rich Myanmar a partial democracy after almost half a century of isolation and military rule, but many feel the reform process has stalled.

The sacking of Shwe Mann, who has made no secret of his ambition to become president, was another blow to international and domestic confidence in that process.

In interviews with members of the ruling party, advisers to the USDP and diplomats, Reuters has learned that the president had failed at least twice to unseat Shwe Mann from the position of party chairman through backstage machinations.

Shwe Mann and his allies blocked two previous attempts to oust him at leadership meetings - one in December and another in May - a party adviser and a Western diplomat told Reuters.

Both meetings ended in stalemate after the two factions jousted over who should be the presidential candidate and chairman, and the party's list of election candidates, the sources said.

"These attempts have been going on since last year," said Win Oo, a rank-and-file USDP lawmaker supportive of the ousted chairman, although he said he was unaware of the details.

Emboldened, Shwe Mann used his position as speaker of the lower house of parliament in an increasingly assertive push to become the country's leading presidential candidate.

He antagonized the military by backing Suu Kyi's campaign to change the constitution, which grants unelected members of the armed forces a quarter of the seats in parliament.

MILITARY ROLE

That was a red flag for hardliners, already facing the prospect of Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy winning the lion's share of contested seats in November's poll.

"The hardliners from the military and the president strongly disliked his effort to amend the constitution," said one USDP lawmaker, who was at party headquarters when the security forces locked it down, speaking on condition of anonymity.

"Shwe Mann had been trying to reform the USDP and the military ordered him to stop."

Divisions worsened after the death in July of ex-colonel and USDP disciplinarian Aung Thaung, who was seen as a restraining influence on the ambitious Shwe Mann.

Aung Thaung was an ally of Shwe Mann but retained a strong relationship with both the president and the military. With him gone, the knives came out.

Some members of the USDP executive committee sent Thein Sein a letter a few weeks ago voicing concerns about Shwe Mann's policies and the party's decision-making process, Ye Htut said.

Tensions rose further the day before Shwe Mann was sacked, when the USDP's parliamentary candidates list omitted the majority of a group of around 150 officers who retired from military service to run for parliament.

It is unclear what role the country's powerful military played in the downfall of Shwe Mann, but they must have acquiesced to the use of force, political observers say.

An order to deploy police would need approval by Home Affairs Minister Major General Ko Ko. The ministry is one of the three allotted to the armed forces under the military-drafted constitution.

"What they did was a demonstration of power," said USDP lawmaker Win Oo. "Showing to others, 'watch out, we can do this'."

RB News 

August 23, 2015 

Yangon, Myanmar – The constituency candidate application of U Shwe Maung, current Member of Parliament at lower house, was rejected by the Maungdaw district Election Commission on August 22, 2015 where his application was submitted. 

U Shwe Maung was elected in 2010 and he represented the current ruling party, Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP). Since USDP party had decided not to take any Muslim candidate and no Rohingya Muslim MPs were nominated for the upcoming 2015 election, U Shwe Maung resigned from USDP party and submitted his application as an unaffiliated individual at Maungdaw district Election Commission. 

U Shwe Maung, a Mechanical Engineer, graduated from Yangon Institute of Technology in 1995. According to Myanmar law, only full citizens can study at professional institutions including Yangon Institute of Technology. According to Institute's procedures his family background was scrutinized during his studies, and he was able to continue his studies as his parents and forefathers were native to Myanmar. He was very fortunate at that time as he could join professional institution but since his graduation, no Rohingya are allowed to join even if the student meets the requirements. 

U Shwe Maung’s father, U Abdul Hadi was a prominent police officer. U Abdul Hadi born in 1918 and he served the country as police officer until he retired in 1978. U Shwe Maung’s parents received National Registration Card (NRC) in 1957 when the NRCs were introduced in the country. In Myanmar, there were no any identity cards before this issuing by the NRC. NRC cards had six digits, issued for citizens and Foreigner Registration Cards (FRC) had five digits. All Rohingyas were NRC card holders till Temporary Registration Card (White Card) issued in late 1994. 

Although U Shwe Maung is an MP until January 2016, the Maungdaw district Election Commission sent him a letter that his application was rejected based on the ground of his parents’ citizenship. In the letter, the Election Commission stated his parent were not citizens when he was born. Additionally, U Shwe Maung’s candidate application was protested by a Rakhine candidate named U Aung Thaung Shwe who represents for Arakan National Party (ANP) led by Dr Aye Maung. 

The rejection of U Shwe Maung's candidate application is completely baseless but the law will not favor Rohingya. However, U Shwe Maung wrote on his Facebook that he will appeal at Rakhine State Election Commission. 

In the upcoming election on November 8, 2015, Rohingyas in Rakhine State will not have right to vote as the law barred them from voting even though they had this right since the time British-Burma and up until the last election in 2010. According to the law, NRC card holders can vote but even though there are a few thousands NRC card holders in Rakhine State, the local township election commission didn’t produce them in the voters list. 

As of now, U Shwe Maung’s application was rejected and a local media claimed that Daw Khin Khin Lwin, a Rohingya woman’s application was also rejected but RB News could not confirm this independently. 

Some other Rohingyas have also submitted the candidate applications for the constituencies in Maungdaw district but the result will have to be observed till August 31, 2015.

The letter from Maungdaw District Election Commission:

U Shwe Maung's degree certificate: 

By Asian Tribune

August 23, 2015

The Myanmar Parliament’s passage of two bills targeting religious minorities constitutes an attack on religious freedom and threatens to stoke inter-communal tensions and violence less than three months ahead of critical general elections, said ASEAN Parliamentarians for Human Rights (APHR) today.

The bills, which place restrictions on religious conversion and polygamy, are the final two pieces of legislation in the so-called ‘Race and Religion Protection’ package, which has been pushed by Buddhist hardliners.

“They should really be called the ‘Race and Religion Discrimination’ bills, as they are fundamentally discriminatory and represent a grave threat to religious freedom and minority rights in Myanmar,” said APHR Chairperson Charles Santiago, a member of parliament in Malaysia. “They run counter to international norms and appear purposely designed to fuel rising Buddhist extremism in the country.”

The Religious Conversion Bill, passed this week, requires all individuals wishing to change their religion to seek permission from regulatory bodies, made up of local officials authorized to question converts to determine if their decisions are voluntary or coerced.

“Requiring government permission to convert violates international standards of religious freedom and the right to personal choice,” Santiago said. “This bill was flawed from the start, yet the government and ruling party moved forward anyways, making no attempt to address human rights concerns or bring the legislation into line with international standards.”

The second draft law passed this week, the Monogamy Bill, criminalizes polygamy and extramarital affairs. Parliamentarians noted that criminalization of extramarital relations constitutes a violation of individual privacy rights, while the bill’s prohibition of polygamy is redundant, as existing statutes already deem the practice illegal.

“The military government is playing a dangerous game. It appears to be purposefully pandering to sentiments of xenophobia, racism, and nationalism for its own political gain and at the expense of the rights of millions of Myanmar’s minority citizens,” Santiago added.

In May, APHR criticized the passage of another bill in the package, the Population and Control Healthcare Bill, which parliamentarians argued represents a step toward ethnic cleansing by allowing the government to institute restrictions on reproductive rights in specific areas of the country.

Another of the draft laws, the Buddhist Women’s Special Marriage Bill, was passed by parliament in July. It places restrictions on interfaith marriage, requiring interfaith couples to obtain permission from local authorities in order to wed. Such regulations violate the rights of women and minority residents in Myanmar, parliamentarians cautioned.

APHR said that the passage of all four bills institutionalizes discrimination against religious minorities, including Christians and Muslims, and threatens to enflame increasing anti-Muslim sentiment nationwide. Violent attacks on Muslims have taken place throughout the country in recent years, and the government’s new moves could lead to more violence, particularly as elections approach, APHR warned.

“Myanmar is at a precarious moment in its political development. The passage of these bills threatens the country’s democratic future by undermining the fundamental rights of its people and fueling already rampant religious hatred, which could lead to violence,” Santiago said.

By The Nation

August 23, 2015

Passing of laws relating to religious conversion and polygamy shows Myanmar's parliament cares little about human rights

A country long associated with gross human rights violations, Myanmar, also known as Burma, is now trying to regulate private faith. 

But judging the atmosphere and conditions leading up to the passing of two laws in Nay Pyi Taw recently, morality was not high on the mind of Myanmar's parliamentarians. The bills regulate religious conversion and polygamy.

Buddhist nationalists with strong anti-Muslim sentiment were the people who came up with the idea behind these bills. They believe the country's Muslims are a threat to Myanmar. It wasn't clear how Muslims, one of the many minority groups in the country, constitute such a threat. 

But the main target appeared to be the Rohingya Muslim population, a persecuted minority who are not even recognised as citizens despite many having lived in the country for generations. 

"These discriminatory draft laws risk fanning the flames of anti-Muslim sentiment," Phil Robertson, deputy Asia director at Human Rights Watch, said after the bills were passed.

The fact that these bills were passed just ahead of a general election, which is expected to take place in November, should not be overlooked. This is not to say that election, an important component of democratisation, should not be permitted. 

But the passing of these bills as the politicians went on the campaign trail says something about the kind of politics and politicians that Myanmar possesses.

"Parliament has not only shown disregard for basic human rights norms, but turned up the heat on Burma's tense intercommunal relations and potentially put an already fragile transition at risk, with landmark elections right around the corner," Robertson said.

Even Aung San Suu Kyi, winner of the Nobel Peace Prize and champion of democracy, has been largely silent about the plight of the Rohingya. 

Suu Kyi, leader of the National League for Democracy, who lived under house arrest for about 15 years, is expected to win the election. Fellow Nobel laureates, like the Dalai Lama, have urged her to take a stand on the Rohingya's plight. And if she hasn't speaks now, it is hard to imagine she will change her mind after the election, as it would be seen as a betrayal of her party supporters.

Although the country has opened up to outsiders and committed itself to the path of democratisation, as well as a peace process with armed ethnic rebel armies, the country's lawmakers, backed by radical monks, government leaders and an angry Buddhist population, continue to persecute the Rohingya via a series of discriminatory regulations and laws. The government even tried to limit the number of children that Rohingya can have.

And if fellow Asean members think this is not their problem, they need to think again.

The apartheid-like conditions that many Rohingya live in have forced tens of thousands to flee on overcrowded boats and headed for live elsewhere. Many have died on these crowded boats, while others became victims of slave labour in various industries, including Thai fishing vessels. 

Myanmar's appalling treatment of the Rohingya constitutes an early warning sign of genocide. The second-class status, government-built camps, - plans to curb movement, plus social mobility and basic well-being of the Rohingya are already in the pipeline. 

Moreover, international media and human rights groups have shown that many of the violent attacks against the Rohingya were not just carried out by angry mobs but also facilitated by government security officials. 

Given what the Rohingya and the Muslims in general face, it is pretty much left to the international community, particularly the country's main donors, to condemn these acts and pressure the country to change its course. 

Issuing statement after statement to criticise the military-dominate government can only do so much. Thailand is a perfect example of how so-called concerns expressed on paper do not change anything. 

They need to take the away the money. Perhaps that will get these nationalists to pay attention to things such as international norms and human decency.

UNICEF

August 22, 2015

© UNICEF Myanmar/2015/Thame Nour Hartu, 25, with her younger daughter, Tosmin Ara, 9, in Ah Nauk Ye village, Rakhine state, Myanmar.

© UNICEF Myanmar/2015/Thame Nan New Oo (right), 14, with her mother and sister, Ponnek Yun Township, Rakhine state.

By Radio Free Asia

August 21, 2015

In Part Two of an interview with Nancy Shwe, director of RFA’s Myanmar Service, Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, Commander in Chief of the Myanmar Armed Forces, says the military will support as president anyone who is willing to work for the country but says that person must be able to “get along with the military” and should not have any foreign family members. 

RFA: Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, leader of the opposition National League for Democracy (NLD), has said that national reconciliation is one of the NLD’s major objectives, and that the NLD will work for national reconciliation as a priority if it wins the election. What is your view of this, and do you have any advice on how this might be done?

MIN AUNG HLAING: The most important thing is mutual trust. This is very important. Another important consideration is goodwill for the country. I believe in unity, peace, stability, and development, and these things are all connected . . . Once we have peace, stability and unity, we can then move forward with development. This is the responsibility of every citizen and every member of an ethnic group. I agree that we need national reconciliation, but I believe that this will follow automatically if we work together in trust.

RFA: With regard to national reconciliation, people have concerns about the military and its relations with other organizations and groups. How can the people and the military move forward together in safety and peace?

MIN AUNG HLAING: In a multiparty system, we have to follow rules and discipline. We [in the military] have to do our job, and there will be no problem if we help people while doing our own work. The military is moving forward guided by rules and discipline. I also think that people’s opinion of the military is improving and is now much better than before. Everywhere, we can see people’s warmth toward us. We don’t hear anyone discussing the military with pessimism. If some people have personal feelings against us, I would like to say that I understand them and will open any door I can for them to solve their problems.

RFA: President Thein Sein has said he would like to continue to serve in office if the people want him to, and you yourself have said that you would be willing to serve as president if the people want this. According to the constitution, as military chief you already have the authority to appoint a vice president. Do you have a suitable person in mind? Who will be vice president after the election?

MIN AUNG HLAING: First of all, I didn’t say “I want to become president if the people support me.” What I said was I would think about it . . . I have enough experience to contribute to the country, but this would depend on the situation . . . We will have three candidates for vice president from the three groups in parliament—the Amyotha Hluttaw [upper house], the Pyithu Hluttaw [lower house], and the military MPs. The president will be selected from among these three. If we can find someone who wants to work for the benefit of the country and who can get along with the military, that person will be invaluable.

If President Thein Sein wants to serve for another term, he can do this with the help of his supporters. We [in the military] have nothing to say about this. We will give our support to anyone who wants to work in the interest of the country.

RFA: With regard to constitutional reform, the military is widely seen as a hard-line force resisting change. Can you explain why the military MPs rejected bills to amend Article 436, to change voting requirements to amend the constitution, and Article 59(f), which defines the requirements for presidential candidates?

MIN AUNG HLAING [Reply edited for length]: Regarding Article 59(f), we are bordered by the world’s two most populous countries--India with 1.2 billion people and China with a population of 1.3 billion. Throughout our history, we have faced problems with immigration, and we are still dealing with these. For a country with these problems to be peaceful and stable, whoever leads the nation should be a real citizen of Myanmar . . . It would be better if that person has no relatives—sons, daughters, in-laws, or grandchildren—who are foreigners. This is my own point of view.

Regarding Article 436, this concerns the 75 percent plus threshold vote to change or amend the constitution, and this is a controversial point because the military currently holds a [constitutionally guaranteed] 25 percent vote. One day this will be seen as a minor thing, and this article may well be changed some day.

RFA: Violations of human rights by the military, especially in the ethnic areas, are constantly reported each year by international organizations like Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch. What are you doing about this?

MIN AUNG HLAING [Reply edited for length]: There is a code of ethics for soldiers, and discipline in the military is very strict . . . Especially regarding ethnic nationals, if anyone complains of a crime committed against them by a soldier, they can come to talk to us at any time. We have resolved many of these cases in the past. I’m not saying that we don’t commit crimes or violate the rules. We do. But we take effective action against those who do these things . . . If no action is taken at lower levels of authority, complaints can be filed directly to me. I will also take action against any senior officer for negligence in dealing with such crimes. I would like to say that we are serious about this.

By Radio Free Asia

August 21, 2015

In an interview with Nancy Shwe, director of RFA’s Myanmar Service, Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, Commander in Chief of the Myanmar Armed Forces, said former junta chief Than Shwe advises his former army colleagues on military affairs but exerts no influence on the country’s politics. He also denied that the Tatmadaw [Myanmar’s armed services] played any role in the ouster last week of ruling party chairman Shwe Mann.

RFA: Is former Myanmar junta chief Gen. Than Shwe still involved in Myanmar’s affairs?

MIN AUNG HLAING: I would say this is impossible. He’s living peacefully by himself in retirement. I sometimes go to see him to pay my respects on religious occasions, but I do this because he’s the father of the Tatmadaw. He gives advice on the betterment of the Tatmadaw, but he won’t say “do this” or “do that.” He often stresses the need for us to maintain unity and to work for the country. We don’t discuss the current political process. The government and the Hluttaw [legislature] are also doing their best within their rights. There is no influence whatsoever being exerted by retired Gen. Than Shwe.

RFA: What is the military doing to provide relief to Chin State, which has suffered from flooding, heavy rains, and landslides?

MIN AUNG HLAING: We are carrying out everything according to our program. We use helicopters for emergency supply, and use the roads for whatever can be transported by land. The Tatmadaw is using lots of cars, helicopters, and airplanes in these efforts. I myself have been to [Chin state capital] Hakha and feel very bad about the landslide there. We are sending 1,000 tons of cement, 5,000 sheets of corrugated iron, and other construction materials. We will soon be sending another 5,000 sheets. I believe this will contribute to the reconstruction in Chin State.

RFA: People are happy about the Tatmadaw’s assistance in disaster relief efforts, but at the same time the ethnic parties are worried that the Tatmadaw is now also buying more arms to build up its military strength.

MIN AUNG HLAING: First, we are not doing this relief work because the law tells us to; it is because we believe we must do it. Second, all countries must build their defense capabilities. We have bought fighters, trainers, and transport planes, but these are only for building our strength. This has nothing to do with the ethnic groups. And even still, we have not reached our goals.

Many countries build up their arms on the pretext of defending the peace, and others then expand their own militaries in response, and these arms buildups go on and on. The late Gen. Aung San himself said in 1947 that the country’s air force would need at least 500 airplanes, with another 500 in reserve. That was in 1947, and we are not even close to that yet. But if relations among our neighboring countries and other countries around the world improve, I don’t think that any harm will come to our nation. 

RFA: There have been reports in the media that you are supporting President Thein Sein during the latest political developments in Myanmar.

MIN AUNG HLAING: The Tatmadaw must stand up for the government, and we are helping Thein Sein’s government in the work of successfully rebuilding our country. Although I am the head of the military, Thein Sein is the head of state, and so I have to work under his leadership. That is my duty. Regarding the recent political changes, this is the business of the [ruling USDP] party. The party is simply doing its work. Some have said that these things happened because of the involvement of senior retired military officers. But they can take any path they choose, because they are retired. Our military is not involved. All this is speculation, I would say.

RFA: You once said that the Tatmadaw would withdraw from politics when peace comes to the country. Can you set a time frame for that?

MIN AUNG HLAING: Since 1948, when Myanmar achieved independence, the Tatmadaw has involved itself in the country’s changes in one way or another, and now we have reached the present situation. We do not yet have complete stability in the country. We are still trying to solve the problem of the armed ethnic groups, and we can see that some of these groups’ activities are affecting national peace and stability.

We cannot deviate from our goals. We are marching toward a parliamentary democracy. The people have asked us for this. The Tatmadaw has tried to create this, and we will not let it fall apart. Stability means economic security, political security, food security—everything connected to “human security.” And when all of this is stable, other things will fall into place automatically. We want to see the country peaceful and developed, and the Tatmadaw will play any role necessary to accomplish this.

RFA: Can you set a time frame for this?

MIN AUNG HLAING: This will happen when the ethnic groups come into the legal fold, give up their arms, and participate peacefully in building a democratic nation. Another concern is our three main tasks: nondisintegration of the Union, nondisintegration of national unity, and perpetuation of national sovereignty. We need to guarantee that these tasks are not compromised, and we will need to wait until we have achieved this. So all this depends on the other side. Maybe in five or ten years. Now we are trying to create a national cease-fire agreement. Once they have signed it, political dialogues will follow, and things will fall into place if we all work together with trust.

RFA: Is progress toward the signing of this pact not meeting expectations yet?

MIN AUNG HLAING: The onus is on both sides, though some might say that the army is mainly responsible. My sincere wish, the Tatmadaw’s wish, is to see peace. But if the government stops functioning after we get a pact, that would not be good. Right now, we can see that armed ethnic groups are involved in some sectors of the country’s administrative machinery. Everything should be in accord with the law.

They should have a genuine desire to achieve peace, and all parties will need to participate in this endeavor. Look at any country. No one will accept an armed movement inside that country. That’s what we are pointing out and asking from them. We would have absolute peace if they would work with us in trust.

Joint Statement 

Criminal Atrocities Increased Against Rohingya for Rejecting Green Card 

European Rohingya organizations call on international community to pressure Myanmar government to stop excruciating and forcing the Rohingya community into accepting a new ID known as ‘green card’, valid for just two years, for national verification with Bengali identity. It is an ethnocide aims at making the Rohingya aliens and people of Bangladesh origin. 

The Rohingya people have rejected the so-called ‘green card’ as the ID is not related to their historicity, ethnic identity and national status. On top of that, being indigenous to Arakan, they are natural born citizens of Burma/Myanmar. 

Without a green card or ID now the Rohingya are barred from going to bazaars and village to village, visiting doctors and relatives, and attending congregational prayers even within the same localities and are subjected to increased criminal atrocities.

The government has disenfranchised hundreds and thousands of previously eligible Muslim Rohingya voters and excluded them from voting in crucial November elections. 

The Thein Sein government continues to defy the international opinion and reject every recommendation and envoy, including the current UN Special Rapporteur on Myanmar Yanghee Lee. 

Whereas it is crucial to support for a United Nations Commission of Inquiry into human rights violations and government policies against the Rohingya, EU says it is calling on the Myanmar Government to conduct its own investigations, even though they are aware that the Thein Sein government will not do so. 

While facing a series of terrible humanitarian disasters since June 2012 genocidal massacres, including the recent flood, the current humiliating restrictions and dehumanizing treatment have further crippled the Rohingya population. Over and above, the Rohingya flood victims are discriminated against. They have very little aid access and the lives of those in remote areas are now in danger. In this connection, we express our serious concern that the response from the international community is almost silent. 

We reiterate that human rights violations against Rohingya cannot be termed as internal affairs of Burma/Myanmar and urge upon the EU to review its policy on Thein Sein government to protect the defenseless Rohingya people.

In view of the above, we urge upon the European Union for the followings: 

• To put pressure on Thein Sein government to end all persecution and ghettoization against Rohingya, and to restore their citizenship and ethnic rights in their own homeland. 
• To support UN Secretary General Ban Ki Moon to take the lead in negotiating free and unhindered humanitarian access in Rakhine State 
• To support an international independent investigation in order to investigate the mass atrocity crimes against Rohingya and other Burmese people in order to publicly announce its findings and bring the perpetrators to justice.. 

Signatories;

1. Arakan Rohingya National Organisation 

2. Bradford Rohingya Community in UK

3. Burmese Rohingya Community in Denmark

4. Burmese Rohingya Organisation UK

5. Rohingya Community in Netherlands
6. Rohingya Community in Germany

7. Rohingya Community in Switzerland

8. Rohingya Organisation Norway

9. Rohingya Community in Finland

10. Rohingya Community in Italy

11. Rohingya Community in Sweden

For more information please contact;

Tun Khin +44 7888714866

Nay San Lwin +491796535213

Dated: 21st August 2015

By Syed Ahmad Idid

New Straits Times Online

August 20, 2015

MYANMAR remembers the almost annual catastrophes of cyclones, landslides and floods, which take hundreds of thousands of lives. And this year, thousands have died in its worst-ever floods in decades.

A cyclone in 1968 killed 837, and Cyclone Mala, in April 2006, and Akash, in 2007, together with floods in 2011 and 2012, caused huge losses of lives and destruction of agricultural land. In 2008, Cyclone Nargis killed 138,000 people, although the real number may be about 200,000.

When Myanmar was hit by the cyclone, Bangladesh and Malaysia, with the United Kingdom, United States and Italy, sent emergency aid and personnel to rescue victims. Myanmar could see that Christian and Muslim countries rushed to help. People just wanted to live in decency and tranquility. 

The student demonstrations, which culminated on Aug 8, 1988, caused more than 3,000 protesters to be killed, 3,000 more were imprisoned and more than 10,000 fled the country. Many celebrate the anniversary (8.8.88) with prayers and by placing flowers in their homes. 

This was followed by the Saffron protest in September 2007, where people and monks rose against the junta again. Myanmar had to kill its own people, who were unarmed and wanted only democracy and friendship among its citizens and others. 

My suspicion is that the cries against the Rohingyas/Muslims has been, and is, nothing more than to rally Buddhists, instil fear in them so they unite and vote for new Buddhist leaders. It is all politics. 

Once the government can rise above this hurdle, Myanmar will surely achieve peace, and this can attract foreign investments to develop the country. Eureka!

The NLD party, led by democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi, is still dominated by old leaders, and naturally, it has an “old thinking”. It can help Myanmar by bringing in younger leaders, especially those with better education (in military, diplomacy and world view) who are exposed to the world outside their country.

I recall that Asean invited Myanmar to join it in order to “engage with it” so that it can become truly regional. 

When Daw Suu enters Parliament with sufficient followers, plus enlightened military parliamentarians and monks with genuine Buddhist qualities, Myanmar will immediately go good. All citizens and residents of whatever religion or sect, be they Buddhists, Hindus, Christians and Muslims, will live together in peace, harmony and prosperity.

Naturally, the country must get rid of racial and religious fanatics, who lead mobs, extremists and those who incite discord. I have mentioned two, and both of them, it is alleged, were born on inauspicious dates. So, if they can rid themselves of the bad karma, both can be a force for respecting all religions. They can turn into respectable leaders and be recognised as Myanmar’s saviours instead of destroyers of a nation.

Actually, both the Buddhists and Muslims share one healthy practice: they take off their shoes before entering their houses of worship. When we see a common practice, we should celebrate it.

Retired Malaysian ambassador Datuk Redzuan Kushairi, writing as the Foreign Policy Study Group (FPSG) deputy chairman, has stated that the Myanmar government had initiated ceasefires and peace talks with a broad goal of achieving national reconciliation. 

“A coalition government of just the military, USDP (the ruling party) and NLD would not be inclusive enough,” he wrote. 

Myanmar requires the input and cooperation of its respective ethnic groups, including the Rohingyas, provincial parties and the youth. Once this can be forthcoming, Myanmar’s road to a united country is on her first step!

Myanmar is adjacent to the Indian state of Manipur. It and other countries with similar population mix may pay respects to the people and government of this part of the land. 

The majority are Hindus with a sprinkling of Muslims. The first Manipur state assembly was elected on adult franchise in July 1948, being the first of its kind in India.

The representatives returnable from the General, Hill and Muslim constituencies were in the ratios of 30:18:3. The governor, as of May 16, is Dr Syed Ahmed Syed Ali Naqi. 

What must be uppermost in the government’s policy is to place the most suitable leader, no matter what religion they embrace.

And only recently, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi signed an agreement with Bangladesh to settle border issues, which were in a limbo for 70 years. This resulted in Bangladesh and India swapping tiny parcels of land, whereon the dwellers were made happy. 

I wonder if Myanmar can let the Rohingyas stay safely in enclaves like the United States “reserved lands”. All can live well side by side. 

Myanmar must be proud of its new seat of government in Naypyidaw, which covers six times the size of New York City. 

At present, the huge buildings and the six- to 20-lane roads in the city seem empty. I hope with the November elections, and with fresh Buddhist-Muslim-Christian cooperation, the government can gain the respect of citizens and tourists.

No malice intended, but with prayers, many hope the “Seat of Kings” will not fail like Ozymandiasas, as recorded in the poem by Percy Bysshe Shelley.

Asean, the United Nations, the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation and many nations will be watching Myanmar’s election in November. 

I join the many to wish the president, the people, the MPs and other leaders good fortune, prosperity, peace and success. May your karma bring you safety and the goodwill you need.

The writer is a former judge of the High Courts of Borneo and Malaya

By Yoomna Rahim

The Chicago Monitor

August 20, 2015

Although many international efforts to combat human rights violations have proved successful in certain circumstances, some of the greatest acts against a collective group of individuals have gone unchecked. This is the story of the Rohingya Muslims of Myanmar (formerly known as Burma, the official name changed in 1988). The Rohingya people have been fleeing Myanmar for almost 30 years because of the intense persecution they face at home, a place that Rohingyas have inhabited as early as 1799. The alleged newly-democratic government denies all Rohingya citizenship, claiming that they are actually illegal Bengali immigrants who have entered their nation in the past half-decade. This dynamic between one of the largest Muslim minorities of Myanmar and the government has bred for an “apartheid-like” state, in which basic democratic liberties such as healthcare and employment have been denied to the Rohingya. By enclosing “the most oppressed people on Earth” into the Rakhine state of Myanmar with almost no resources for the basic sustenance of life, hundreds of thousands of Rohingya Muslims have fled their native country in hopes for asylum in nations such as Thailand and Malaysia, who largely disregard their plight.

Myanmar’s political and social dysfunction is not newfound, however, as their autonomy only traces back five decades. Being tossed around by Britain and Japan for almost a hundred years, Myanmar’s independence story is not an anomaly amidst that of the many British colonies. Myanmar has been plagued with the perils of socioeconomic ruin and political disarray quickly after gaining self-governance in 1948. These national problems were exacerbated by a merciless junta, which followed a small democratic period in Burma between 1948 and 1962. The junta was born out of General Ne Win’s militant constitution that bred economic isolationist policies and ethnic stratification, all in attempts to maintain the “Burmese Way to Socialism.” This was an ideology that became the socialist model for the newly created nation. Ironically, the documents designing these monetary policies, which were released years later, describe Burma’s socialist economy in order to prevent the exploitation of man, “irrespective of race or religion, and be emancipated from all social evils and set free from anxieties over food, clothing and shelter”. Retrospectively, the regime’s hopeful sentiments towards a communal nation included all but the Rohingya. The junta preyed on ethnic and religious minorities, specifically suspected illegal immigrants from Bangladesh.

The regime began targeting the Rohingya in the 1980s, passing the 1982 Citizenship Law. This law declared that citizens are only those who belong to one of the ten national races of Burma as well those able to trace back their lineage in Burma prior to 1823 (the beginning of British control of the Arakan state) . Despite the Rohingya inhabiting the Burmese territory much earlier than what the legislation declares lawful, the junta stripped them of their citizenship because they did not qualify as one of the national races. This action ultimately made the Rohingya stateless criminals in their own homeland. The law essentially legitimized any violent behavior against the Rohingya, as well as altered institutional standards in a way that would erase any employment or education opportunities. Gradually, rising numbers of Rohingya began fleeing the country in 1991, totaling near 260,000 by March of 1992.

Almost thirty years after this first mass exodus of Rohingya, newly-dubbed Myanmar exited its virtually 60-year international isolation, opening both economic and social outlets to the rest of the world. Domestically, the first general election since independence took place in 2010, seen to many as a fraudulent attempt towards democracy as the winner was a previous prime minister and general during the junta. Although Myanmar is no longer the pariah state it once was, it still shares the identical negative values regarding human rights and civil liberties as it did under the regime created 50 years prior.

Despite the conflict being coined as “ethnic cleansing”, the mass attacks made against the Rohingya within Myanmar rely equally upon faith as they do ethnicity. During the alleged democratic government’s rise to power in 2010, the 969 Buddhist Movement gained momentum across the nation. The militant movement’s most foreboding goal was to eliminate the Islamic faith from all of Myanmar. With Ashin Warathu as the face of 969, Rohingya Muslims are persecuted daily because of their faith—facing mass killings, destruction of their homes and mosques, as well as systematic relocation to the treacherous Rakhine state overflowing with refugee camp style homes. Although proponents of 969 claim that Muslims have infiltrated their communities—raping and murdering Buddhists—leading to the claimed systematic decay of Buddhist life collectively, there is little to no evidence of these supposed events. In reality, Rohingya Muslims have been displaced in mass numbers, losing any form of identity and state protection under the heavily Buddhist government.

The most daunting component of surviving as a Rohingya is not limited simply within the borders of Myanmar, however, International attention about the plight has only recently grown because regional nations, such as Thailand and Malaysia, simply do not know how to respond to the massive numbers of Rohingya seeking refuge on their land. As thousands of Rohingya enter the Andaman Sea hoping to escape the treacherous conditions in the Rakhine state back home, Myanmar’s regional neighbors refuse to accept the “boat people.” Not only are the ships essentially stuck at sea with neither Myanmar or its neighboring countries willing to accept them, but the conditions in which Rohingya are lured onto the boats are equally as unnerving. Rohingya are essentially promised a safe trip across the sea by traffickers who then kidnap the men, women, and children, and smuggle them for both sex and slave trafficking purposes…left to starve eventually. Human Rights Watch reports that mass graves of Rohingya Muslims have been found in both Malaysia and Thailand in what have been called abandoned trafficking camps. This raises the question if there is any country that will accept and be livable for the Rohingya.

Despite the Rohingya being one of the largest displaced communities in human history, the world’s most influential leaders have failed to express any outcry to the Burmese government. Myanmar’s very own Nobel laureate Aung San Suu Kyi who is seen for many Burmese as the symbol of democratic reform in the country has remained silent on the Rohingya conflict. Her silence is an example of how political calculation has trumped humanitarian efforts even amongst the most respected individuals. The Dalai Lama has even urged Aung San to utilize her vastly influential role to advocate for the Rohingya people.

Although international law is something which may never be effectively implemented, and questions regarding accountability amongst nations may never be answered, efforts must never cease to be made. The Rohingya people have become aliens not only in their own country, but in our world as a whole, in a way that is formulated to eliminate them almost indefinitely.

By AFP

August 20, 2015

YANGON - A US-based rights group has urged Myanmar to prevent the exclusion of hundreds of thousands of Muslim Rohingya from voting in crucial November elections after the minority were stripped of their identity cards earlier this year.

The Carter Center also warned that growing anti-Islamic hate speech in the Buddhist-majority nation could see religious tensions flare during the upcoming campaign period.

Myanmar authorities began collecting temporary identification documents from minority groups, mainly the displaced Rohingya in western Rakhine state, in April -- a move which takes away their voting rights.

In a report on the looming elections released late Wednesday the centre said it hoped President Thein Sein's decision to revoke the documents "does not result in large-scale disenfranchisement of previously eligible voters".

The advocacy group, which has been invited to observe the Myanmar polls along with the European Union, said Myanmar had substantially improved the political environment in preparation for the November 8 polls, but added "significant challenges remain" .

A host of issues have troubled observers as the country prepares to hold the first nationwide elections to feature Aung San Suu Kyi's opposition in a quarter of a century.

Questions over transparency, media freedom and the dearth of trust in authorities have all caused concern in a nation run by the military for decades until 2011.

Carter warned the campaign could see growing anti-Muslim hate speech, which has been linked to religious bloodshed in a country where hardline monks have become increasingly influential.

It added that members of Suu Kyi's opposition had raised concerns that efforts to portray the party as pro-Muslim -- which have included social media campaigns with crudely altered pictures showing the Nobel laureate wearing a headscarf -- could be politically damaging.

"As the campaign period approaches, it is possible that nationalist groups and political parties will seek to build support by appealing to voters on religious grounds, heightening tensions in an already tense political atmosphere," the report said.

Thein Sein's move to revoke identity documents in March and the subsequent removal of voting rights runs counter to international best practice and appears "discriminatory", said the Carter Centre.

Impoverished Rakhine remains deeply scarred by religious divisions after violence swept across the state in 2012, leaving more than 200 dead and some 140,000 confined to miserable displacement camps, mainly the Rohingya.

Many of those now unable to vote were eligible to cast ballots in controversial 2010 elections, which saw Thein Sein's ruling party court votes in Rohingya areas of Rakhine.

Those polls were marred by widespread accusations of cheating and the absence of Suu Kyi and her party.

The subsequent quasi-civilian government has implemented dramatic political and economic changes that have seen most Western sanctions suspended.

But campaigners have voiced increasing fears that reforms are stalling.

By Morning Star

August 20, 2015

The opposition should win a fair election in November but KENNY COYLE sees little commitment to an all-inclusive society

This November Myanmar (formerly Burma) will go to the polls in elections which will see the participation of the main opposition party the National League for Democracy (NLD). This is despite the current military-dominated government’s ruling that NLD leader Aung San Suu Kyi remains ineligible due to her children holding British citizenship.

Suu Kyi has developed an ambivalent role in Myanmar politics since her release from house arrest in 2010. Earlier this year, she made a highly public visit to China — a move unthinkable without government approval — and she has been a guest of honour at official events to commemorate the centenary of her father, independence hero Aung San.

However, the Nobel Peace Prize winner has been criticised for her continuing silence on the crisis of Myanmar’s Rohingya people, thousands of whom have been killed in clashes or lost at sea and hundreds of thousands forced into exile during the past decade.

Behind this humanitarian catastrophe lurk the familiar ghosts of colonialism as well as domestic agendas.

Precise estimates of the Rohingya population inside the country are impossible as the Myanmar government refuses to recognise the Rohingya ethnicity, instead referring to them as “Bengalis.”

A national census was conducted in 2014 but respondents were only able to choose their ethnicity from one of 135 officially recognised groups categorised in 1982.

Most of Myanmar’s ethnic minorities inhabit areas along the country’s mountainous frontiers.

Karen and Shan groups comprise about 10 per cent each, while Akha, Chin, Chinese, Danu, Indian, Kachin, Karenni, Kayan, Kokang, Lahu, Mon, Naga, Palaung, Pao, Rakhine, Rohingya, Tavoyan, and Wa peoples each constitute 5 per cent or less of the population.

Myanmar presidential spokesman Ye Htut said of the census procedure: “If we ask a family about their ethnicity and they say Rohingya, we will not accept it. If they say Bengali or any other ethnicity it’s fine, but if they say Rohingya we will not register it.”

Rohingyas, whose language is a branch of Bengali, are concentrated in the Myanmar state of Arakan (Rakhine) which borders Bangladesh.

Government data from 2010 put Arakan’s population at about 3.34 million people, of which the Muslim population accounted for 29 per cent. While not all of Arakan’s Muslims are Rohingyas, the figure chimes with most independent estimates that there are more than a million Rohingyas within Myanmar and perhaps another 250,000 outside, principally in neighbouring Bangladesh and Thailand.

Interviewed by Mishal Husein of the BBC in 2013, Suu Kyi framed her response to questions on the Rohingyas within a familiar Islamophobic agenda.

“I think we’ll accept that there is a perception that Muslim power, global Muslim power, is very great, and certainly that’s a perception in many parts of the world and in our country, too…

“This is what the world needs to understand, that the fear isn’t just on the side of the Muslims but on the side of the Buddhists as well… There’s fear on both sides. And this is what is leading to all these troubles. And we would like the world to understand that the reaction of the Buddhists is also based on fear.”

However, this approach not only undermines the very idea of a Myanmar nation based on civic equality but effectively cleaves a country of 135 officially recognised national and ethnic groups into two neat and very unequal components.

Buddhists account for nearly 90 per cent of the country’s inhabitants but that hasn’t stopped the country’s military from conducting ethnically based pogroms against minority nationalities.

For several decades, successive military regimes have discriminated against non-Bamar minorities regardless of their religion.

These minorities are generally Buddhist but also comprise large numbers of Christians, especially among the Chin, Karen and Kachin communities. Islam was not a factor in the army’s onslaughts against these peoples.

One key historical factor fueling the crisis stems from Britain’s colonial legacy in the region.

Burma’s value to British imperialism was in its forests, especially teak and oil. Burmah Oil dominated the latter industry for more than eight decades until nationalisation in 1962. Energy resources continue to draw international attention although today gas production far outstrips oil.

Arakan was an independent state until 1785 when it fell to the Burmese. Britain subsequently annexed Arakan in 1824 in the first of three Anglo-Burmese wars that pushed the frontiers of the empire eastward from India. The third war in 1885 ended Burmese statehood and its remaining territories became part of British India. Burma only became a separately governed colony in 1937.

Estimates vary about the size of the pre-colonial Rohingya population in Arakan and that of subsequent migrations of Bengalis during the period prior to 1937 when Burma and Bengal were both regions of British India. Subseqent migrations of Bengalis during the partition of India in 1948 and the Pakistan-Bangladesh war of 1971 have been used by the Burmese government to discredit the idea that the Rohingya are indigenous to Burma.

Britain’s colonial rule is generally overlooked as a factor in exacerbating ethnic tensions. This is remarkable given the track record of British imperialism. As in almost every other case, British domination over subject peoples was based on the maxim of divide and rule to undermine the majority Burmese or Bamar people.

Until 1937, majority ethnic Bamar (Burmans) were prevented from serving in the British colonial forces in substantial numbers. Instead recruitment was centred on three of the country’s largest minority groups, Kachin, Karen and Chins.

When conflict between the British empire and Japan broke out in 1941, this ethnic division was deepened. During WWII against Japan, Rohingyas also served in British forces in some numbers.

Aung San, who had been a founder member of the Communist Party of Burma, broke with the party and established the Burmese Independence Army. Its membership was drawn largely from the Bamar majority group.

Towards the end of the WWII, the Aung San nationalists reunited in August 1944 with the communists in the Anti-Fascist People’s Freedom League. In 1947, while negotiating independence from Britain, a conference was held at Panglong to bring the major ethnic groups together to create the foundations of a multi-ethnic and democratic Burma.

However, within six months Aung San had been assassinated by right-wing rivals and the communists were driven underground or into rural bases where they fought an armed struggle against the Burmese state for four decades.

National minorities such as the Karen, Shan and Wa likewise established their own forces to resist Bamar domination.

Great hopes have therefore rested on Aung San Suu Kyi’s capacity for national reconciliation and renewal after decades of internal conflict.

There is little doubt that in fair and free elections, Suu Kyi’s National League for Democracy would win. However, her failure to stand up and speak for all Myanmar citizens regardless of language or faith is a worrying sign that, on this issue at least, little will change after November’s results.