Latest Highlight

By Lun Min Mang
June 25, 2015

Rakhine State electoral officials have posted voter lists for public inspection ahead of the November general elections and, as expected, several hundred thousand Rohingya Muslims who hold only temporary ID documents had their disenfranchisement confirmed.

An Aung Mingalar resident checks for his name on the voting list at the ward administration office in Sittwe on June 22. (Kaung Htet/The Myanmar Times)

Sittwe district election sub-commission chair U Oo Tun Thar said yesterday the electoral rolls did not include former “white-card” holders.

“In the past they had been permitted to vote in both elections [2010 general election and 2012 by-election]. But now they are no longer allowed to do so. That’s why we don’t include them in the eligible voter lists,” he said.

In February, the government declared the documents invalid from March 31 under pressure from Buddhist nationalists, while parliament has since amended electoral laws to remove voting rights for white-card holders. The Constitutional Tribunal has also ruled that temporary ID holders cannot vote.

In Sittwe, election officials with loudspeakers and public announcements urged residents to turn out and check that their names and data were correctly presented on the lists.

But Ko Soe Naing, a Sittwe resident, said public interest seemed to be low. “We are fed up with the political parties’ self-interest-oriented politics. That may be a reason for less people out there checking their lists.”

But he also said ethnic Rakhines were keeping an eye on the lists to ensure that former white-card holders were excluded. “Many people are interested in that matter. If they are included, that could be manipulation,” he said.

Disenfranchisement of the Rohin-gya community could help the Rakhine National Party, dominated by ethnic Rakhine Buddhists, achieve its goal of sweeping all seats in the state in November, both for the national parliament and the state assembly.

The National League for Democracy led by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi has little support in Rakhine, where it is seen as representing the interests of the country’s Bamar majority. While she is criticised internationally for not speaking out about abuses against the Rohingya, she is conversely seen in Rakhine State as being too sympathetic to the Ro-hingya cause.

The ruling Union Solidarity and Development Party is also widely distrusted but won some seats there in 2010, largely by rallying Muslim voters to its side.

Most of the white-card holders in Rakhine State are stateless Muslims who identify as Rohingya, but are officially referred to by the government as Bengali. When it announced the cancellation of the white cards, the government also ordered that all temporary ID holders in the country should hand in their documents by May 31 to be eligible to apply for citizenship if they fulfil the legal criteria. The government had said there were 666,831 white cards issued in the state.

One former white-card holder in a camp in Sittwe for Muslims driven from their homes in inter-communal violence in 2012 said he did not believe his name would be on the voter list.

“As the Constitutional Tribunal had decided that granting white-card holders a voting right was unconstitutional, I don’t have much expectation over the voter lists,” the man, who requested anonymity, told The Myanmar Times yesterday.

Leaders of the Arakan National Party were active in parliament in ensuring the disenfranchisement of white-card holders in a direct rebuff to President U Thein Sein, who had proposed earlier in February that they should be granted voting rights in a planned constitutional referendum.

The International Crisis Group, a Brussels-based NGO, said in April that stripping them of their eligibility “severs the last link that many Muslims in Rakhine State feel they have with political life, with potentially serious implications for medium-term stability in that region”.

Rakhine was one of several states and regions, including 21 townships in Yangon, to post electoral rolls on June 22 for a two-week period when the public can check their names and data are entered correctly. Corrected lists will be issued again in August for inspection.

An ethnic Rohingya family from Myanmar inside a house in Ampang in the suburbs of Kuala Lampur. Photo: AFP

By Md. Harun Or Rashid
June 25, 2015

According to an estimate by the UNHCR, about 25,000 people have been taken by boats from January to March 2015 by human traffickers. International media also covered the death of around 400 people in Indonesia, Malaysia and Thailand while the traffickers abandoned them on the sea. The discovery of mass graves in Malaysia and Thailand illustrates this saga of cruelty and exploitation of the refugees.

The Rohingyas are a Muslim minority in Myanmar's eastern Rakhine state, who are culturally discriminated, economically exploited, and politically sidelined by a government that is influenced by the Buddhist majority. Thus, extreme intolerance for the Rohingyas has been mainstreamed in Myanmar, with even the so-called civil society activists considering them as intruders who must be deported to Bangladesh. Bangladesh is now home to 32,000 registered Rohingya refugees, sheltered in two camps in the south-eastern district of Cox's Bazar, whereas thousands are living outside the camps, mixed up with the localities, living in temporary houses, locally known as Taal. According to UNHCR, more than 800,000 individuals in Rakhine State lack citizenship, in addition to other groups potentially at risk in other parts of Myanmar. 

Against this backdrop, the question arises as to how this humanitarian crisis can be solved. The crisis cannot be allowed to continue for decades. International agencies including the UN requested neighbouring countries to host the floating people on a humanitarian ground. Some countries responded to the request but the crisis continues. Receiving more and more floating refugees cannot be a permanent solution. These people must have their right to a secure life and to live peacefully in their homeland.

For a sustainable solution, international agencies including the UN must take serious actions. Alongside the UN, regional associations like ASEAN and SAARC should be held responsible as they have been directly affected by the crisis. Therefore, the member states of these associations should have the political will and interest to resolve the crisis. There requires a combined political will and coordination between SAARC and ASEAN for a comprehensive settlement that is in the mutual interest of both sub-regions of Asia. UNHCR can initiate and mediate in the process, because despite the existence of these two inter-governmental institutions, no joint solution has been worked out. The recent Bangkok conference was a crucial step in the right direction that initiated a dialogue between the South and Southeast Asian states and it was the first time that the participating states exchanged their views in a comprehensive manner. Moreover, the USA, Australia and Japan vowed financial assistance for basic needs of the refugees as well as humanitarian aid for the Rohingyas in Myanmar and Bangladesh. But a matter of concern is that the Bangkok conference failed to think of any significant long term strategy to deal with the crisis. 

Besides, there must be a comprehensive regional policy to tackle the crisis. The majority of the Asian states rejected the International Law on Refugees, established under the 1951 Convention relating to the Status of Refugees and the 1967 Protocol, claiming it to be irrelevant to the Asian refugee experiences. But it is high time for the Asian countries to ratify the convention. Moreover, whilst Asian countries have rejected the international conventions, majority of Asian states including Myanmar and Bangladesh are signatories to the Bangkok Principles on the Status and Treatment of Refugees adopted in 1966 by the Asian-African Legal Consultative Committee (AALCC). But there are some limitations of the Bangkok Principles, including limiting the rights of refugees, in the name of the security of the states, which puts the onus upon the state to decide whether or not the principles are applied. In addition, the Bangkok Principles are not regularly monitored, thus there is no mechanism to enforce or convince the states to follow the provisions. A joint regional intervention by SAARC and ASEAN for a comprehensive settlement of the crisis is, thus, a crucial need at the moment. 

The writer is a Research Associate/Lecturer at the BRAC Institute of Governance and Development, BRAC University.

A young Rohingya man shows reporters his white card ID at Thae Chaung camp in Sittwe township in March (Photo by Will Baxter)

By John Zaw
June 24, 2015

First electoral rolls are missing names of former 'white-card' holders, as promised

Thousands of Rohingya Muslims who cast ballots in previous elections were left off the voting lists published in Rakhine state this week.

The move was expected after the Myanmar government earlier this year stripped Rohingyas of temporary “white-card” identity documents that previously allowed them to vote, though did not permit them to access state services or other rights granted to citizens. The fact that Rohingya were allowed to vote in the 2010 election has remained a point of contention with majority Rakhine. 

Thurein Htut, officer in-charge of Rakhine state’s election commission, said the former white-card holders are not included on the electoral rolls.

“Former white-card holders don’t have a right to vote in the upcoming general election according to the law despite being able to vote in the 2010 election. So they are not mentioned on the voting lists,” Thurein Htut told ucanews.com on Wednesday.

Among those removed from the voting rolls are those with citizenship and naturalized citizen identification cards from IDP camps, admitted Thurein Htut, who said the local government was working to have their names listed on the next ones published.

The Myanmar government revoked the white cards in February and set a deadline of May 31 for cardholders — predominantly stateless Muslims who identify their ethnicity as Rohingya — to turn them in as part of a national citizenship program.

There are around 700,000 white-card holders in Rakhine state and some 400,000 white cards have been collected as of the deadline, according to the government.

Kyaw Hla Aung, a Rohingya community leader from an IDP camp near Sittwe, said the move effectively disenfranchises hundreds of thousands who have lived in the country for generations.

“My father and I worked as government servants but we are regarded as foreigners. We have lived here for generations but we are yet to get national citizenship cards. And my two daughters who are former white-card holders will lose the right to vote in the election,” Kyaw Hla Aung told ucanews.com on Wednesday.

On February 2, parliament granted white-card holders the right to vote in a constitutional referendum. However, widespread protests by Buddhist nationalists and radical monks led to the decision to revoke them.

White-card holders were allowed to vote in the 2010 elections that ushered in the country’s quasi-civilian government.

In spite of the government’s bowing to local pressure, Soe Naing from the Rakhine Social Network in the state capital Sittwe said there were concerns that officials would quietly allow green-card holders on the rolls. 

“We don’t fully trust the government despite it not including former white-card holders on the list. We fear the government will give green-card holder’s the right to vote so we are still keeping an eye on this,” Soe Naing told ucanews.com on Wednesday. Earlier this month, officials began issuing new identity verification cards, called “green cards”, to Rohingya in Rakhine state.

The government and the Buddhist Rakhine community do not recognize Rohingya as one of the country’s official ethnic groups, and instead require them to identify as ‘Bengali’ because they are considered illegal immigrants from neighboring Bangladesh.

An independent non-governmental group based in Brussels, the International Crisis Group (ICG) said in April that: “disenfranchisement of most Muslim votes in Rakhine severs the last link that many Muslims in Rakhine state feel they have with political life, with potentially serious implications for medium-term stability in that region”.

The ICG also warned that in Rakhine state and parts of central Myanmar, there have been serious inter-communal and inter-religious tensions in recent years, which could resurface in the “politically charged atmosphere of an election”.



June 24, 2015

KUALA LUMPUR -- The Dewan Negara was today told that the government has no plan to allow Rohingya migrants registered with the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) to work in the country.

Deputy Human Resource Minister Datuk Ismail Abd Muttalib said it was feared that this would bring about an uncontrolled influx of illegal immigrants holding the UNHCR card into Malaysia.

"If we allow it, there will be manipulation of UNHCR refugees with the influx of more Rohingya migrants waiting at the border to enter the country. If we allow them to work, they will start demanding other needs, such as educational and medical facilities.

"We understand and empathise with them. As human beings, our responsibility is to help, but not by giving jobs," he said in response to a question from Senator Datuk Yoo Wei How on whether the government would allow Rohingya migrants with UNHCR status to work in the country.

Referring to the Immigration Act, Ismail said Malaysian employers were not allowed to employ foreigners without valid travel documents.

He said that though all workers were protected under the Employment Act, those who wanted to seek remedy under the law had to be employed legally.

Meanwhile, Deputy Home Minister Datuk Seri Wan Junaidi Tuanku Jaafar said a total of 1,303,126 illegal immigrants had been rounded up under the Comprehensive Settlement Programme for Illegal Immigrants (6P Programme).

Of the number, he said, 503,161 were legalised to meet the needs of industries.

He said that under the 6P programme, the government collected RM629,065,191 in revenue from levy payment for the first year based on the period of employment allowed under the programme.

Wan Junaidi was responding to a question from Senator Chong Sin Woon who wanted to know the success of the 6P programme.

A crowd gathers around a mass grave with the remains of unidentified Rohingya found at a traffickers camp in Wang Kelian last month, at a cemetery near Alor Setar, Malaysia, June 22, 2015. — Reuters



By Farik Zolkepli
June 24, 2015

KUALA LUMPUR: Bukit Aman is a step closer towards exposing those behind the mass graves and human trafficking camps at the Malaysia-Thai border with the arrests of three migrants.

The Rohingyas with UNHCR cards were nabbed in Johor four days ago.

Inspector-General of Police Tan Sri Khalid Abu Bakar said the migrants were believed to be among those who were at the camp in Wang Kelian.

“Initial investigations show that they might have been victims too but it is still too early to say as we are just beginning to interview them,” he told a press conference after launching the high-definition version of the classic movie Bukit Kepong yesterday.

He said police were keen to find out what happened at the camps.

Asked whether there was any evidence of torture on the exhumed bodies, the IGP said it was not easy to determine whether the victims were tortured or murdered.

“We are still doing the post-mortems and we found one victim with a broken rib cage.

“We cannot say for sure if he was tortured or suffered the injury from a fall,” he said.

Khalid also confirmed that the police were still holding discussions with the relevant agencies over the government’s proposal to assign only one agency to be responsible for border security.

“We have enough enforcement agencies but we really need to improve our equipment and security system.

“If the government feels it is better to have one new department, we will respect that but we will also give our input,” he said.

The IGP said the discussions with other agencies identified problems with jurisdiction and legal issues.

“If smuggling occurs, the army, for example, does not have jurisdiction to arrest and they still need the police to assist,” he said.

Khalid said Thai police had yet to hand over several key suspects and the mastermind of the human trafficking racket.

“We will send officers to question the suspects as Thai police have still not handed them over to us,” he said.

On another matter, he confirmed that Bukit Aman had recorded the statement of Tourism and Culture Minister Datuk Seri Nazri Aziz over causing a public furore and his “challenge” to Johor Crown Prince Tunku Ismail Ibni Sultan Ibrahim.

“We will hand over the investigation papers to the Attorney-General’s Chambers soon,” he said.

If you are going to ‪Glastonbury‬ this week be sure to look for Dr Zarni.

After a day and a night out rocking and rolling, whoever makes a mistake of coming to hear "Burma Update" they will be greeted with the details of ‪‎Myanmar‬ ‪‎Genocide‬ of ‪Rohingya‬, Myanmar Tatmadaw's (feudal army) internal colonial wars against other indigenous minorities, corporate and crony loot of the country, etc. 

Under Speakers' Forum, the opening session, named "Burma Update", 26th June 2015, Friday, 10-11 am

Glastonbury Line-Up 2015 -- WED 24TH - SUN 28TH JUNE 2015 -- here



June 24, 2015

Bangladesh says will not accept 550 migrants without verifying nationality to secure release of detained border guard

London -- Bangladesh's government has rejected conditions reportedly set down by Myanmar for the release of a Bangladeshi Border Guard (BGB) officer detained last week.

Home Minister Assaduzzaman Khan Kamal told reporters Tuesday that Bangladesh will not accept 556 Malaysia-bound human trafficking victims intercepted by Myanmar without first verifying their nationalities, in order to secure the release of the officer.

While Myanmar claims that all of the trafficking victims are Bangladeshi citizens, Bangladesh wants to verify that none are Rohingya Muslims, a stateless group from Myanmar's western Rakhine state. Myanmar does not recognize the term Rohingya, preferring to use "Bengali" which suggests the Muslim ethnic group is from Bangladesh.

"We repeatedly told them we would not bring anyone back without 100 percent scrutiny," said Kamal, adding that by asking for Bangladesh to accept all the victims, Myanmar "went too far and were asking for too much."

He added, however, that he was hopeful a deal could be struck without the condition because Myanmar had agreed to treat the issues separately.

The BGB officer was detained last week after an incident along the border between the two countries, which saw another Bangladeshi officer shot in a "misunderstanding", according to local news website bdnews24.

Earlier in June, Bangladesh accepted almost 200 trafficking victims who it had verified as Bangladeshi citizens.

Myanmar has intercepted several human trafficking boats carrying both Bangladeshi and Rohingya migrants headed to Southeast Asia, but has claimed that the majority are Bangladeshis.


Press Release of Oslo Conference: here

Myanmar's Genocide of Rohingya, Quintana, Penny Green and Zarni - Part 1 of 2


Quintana Penny Green Zarni Human Rights Conversation - Part 2 of 2


George Soros: Myanmar's Rohingya Persecution parallels Nazi genocide


Archbishop Desmond Tutu calls for an end to Myanmar's Slow Genocide of Rohingya


Jose Ramos-Horta calls for End of Myanmar's Persecution of Rohingya


The Plenary with Researchers on Myanmar's Genocide of Rohingya - Part 1 of 3


The Plenary with Researchers on Myanmar's Genocide of Rohingya - Part 2 of 3


The Plenary with Researchers on Myanmar's Genocide of Rohingya - Part 3 of 3


Daw Khin Hla, retired Rohingya teacher and refugee, appeals for end to Myanmar's genocide


Oslo Conference Opening Session Interfaith Prayers for peace and opening remarks


Best-Known Burmese Dissident Singer Mun Awng performs for the Rohingya


Nobel Peace Laureate Mairead Maguire: Message of Solidarity with Myanmar's Rohingya


Tun Dr Mahathir Mohammad on Myanmar's Crimes against Humanity against Rohingya


Q & A from Research Plenary on Myanmar's genocide and beginning of Policy Plenary, Oslo Conference



Head of the OIC Mission at UN in Geneva, Ambassador Slimane Chikh, President of UN Human Rights Council, Joachim Rücker, Director General of ARU, Dr. Wakar Uddin, and OIC Diplomatic Officer, Ms. Dina Madani

RB News
June 24, 2015

ARU Director General Appeals to the President for Special Session on Rohingya

Geneva -- Delegations of Organization of Islamic Cooperation and Arakan Rohingya Union meets with the President of the United Nations Human Rights Council Joachim Rücker at Palaisdes Nations in Geneva. The delegations were led by the Head of the Permanent Mission of the Organization of Islamic Cooperation at the United Nations in Geneva, H.E. Ambassador Slimane Chikh and accompanied by Dr. Wakar Uddin, the Director General of Arakan Rohingya Union, and Ms. Dina Madani of OIC in Geneva.

On behalf of OIC, H.E. Ambassador Slimane Chikh expressed great appreciation to President Rücker for the remarkable work done by the Human Right Council on Rohingya issues during the past several years. Ambassador Chikh commended the comprehensive and balanced reports on Rohingya human rights in Myanmar compiled by Special Rapporteurs Tomás OjeaQuintana and Yanghee Lee. Ms. Dina Madani discussed the increased role of OIC in United Nations Human Right Council General Debate session and the resolutions with regards to Rohingya issue.

Director General of Arakan Rohingya Union, Dr. Wakar Uddin,provided the recent development in Myanmar and in Southeast Asia and the lingering issues on the ground in Arakan state. Dr. Uddin stressed the continuous violation of human rights by the Government forces in Rohingya areas in Arakan, the dire situation in IDP camps, and the human traffickers preying upon the vulnerable IDPs that has led to boat people crisis and numerous death in trafficking camps where mass graves have been discovered. He has indicated that it is not only the political issue that Rohingya people are facing, but a grave humanitarian crisis that has spilled over from Arakan to the sea reaching as far as Andaman Sea and beyond. He has emphatically pointed out that urgent assistance is needed in these humanitarian crises. Dr. Uddin appealed to the President to deploy a mechanism exerting a stronger impact by the HRC resolutions on Rohingya issue in Myanmar. He also requested the President for inclusion of Rohingya human rights as a specific item in the General Debate of the upcoming HRC sessions or a special session in the main event.

President Joachim Rücker expressed sorrow over the plight of Rohingya and the displacement inside and outside Arakan and death toll the community has suffered. The President has discussed a number of avenues to have the Rohingya issue as a category in the General Debate or the Special Session along with the HRC Resolution for a greater impact on the Rohingya human rights. He has encouraged the OIC and ARU to continue to engage with the Human Rights Council, and advised Dr. Uddin to bring Rohingya issues in every opportunity at the upcoming HRC sessions in Geneva. President Rücker has assured the OIC and ARU delegation that the United Nations Human Rights Council is committed to resolve the Rohingya human right issues in Myanmar.



June 23, 2015

The Royal Thai Police has completed the investigation into the Rohingya human trafficking case with a recommendation to the Office of the Attorney-General (OAG) to prosecute a total of 119 suspects.

The investigation was compiled by the 8th Region Police after over two months of investigation.

At a joint press conference attended by the commissioner of the Royal Thai Police Pol Gen Somyot Phumphanmuang, secretary general of the Anti Money Laundering Office (AMLO), and the representative of the OAG, Pol Gen Somyot said the recommendation to prosecute all the suspects was tom ascertain the strong determination of the government to hold human trafficking a serious problem that must be dealt with drastically.

He said warrants have been issued for the arrest of 119 people, 56 of them had been arrested and 63 others still at large.

He said more than 300 witnesses have been questioned and about 100 Rohingya migrants were victims to human trafficking gangs.

He said the police also sought arrest of 30 more suspects from the court yesterday, some of them are foreigners.

AMLO secretary general Pol Col Sihanart Porayoonrat also said AMLO has confiscated assets worth 118 million baht from these human traffickers.

The UNHCR cards issued to Rohingya refugeees, whom the international agency says should be given the opportunity to work in Malaysia. – The Malaysian Insider pic, June 22, 2015.

June 23, 2015

The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) has requested the Malaysian government to provide work permits to 46,581 Rohingya refugees residing in the country.

Minister in the Prime Minister's Department Datuk Seri Shahidan Kassim said the matter was recommended by UNHCR to provide work opportunities for refugees to earn their own income.

"In view of the circumstances in Malaysia, which require foreign workers, the UNHCR recommends granting work permits (foreigners) to Rohingya refugees who have been issued with UNHCR cards," he told reporters at Parliament lobby, in Kuala Lumpur today.

He, however, said his ministry had informed UNHCR that the application could only be made through the Home Ministry.

Meanwhile, Shahidan also requested UNHCR to investigate and take action on UNHCR card forgery cases as there were many reports of card forgery as well as buying and selling of these cards.

In the meantime, he said statistics released by the UNHCR Office, showed there were 153,004 asylum seekers and refugees registered with UNHCR up to May 31.

He said 142,224 refugees were from Myanmar, comprising 49,340 ethnic Chin, Rohingya (46,581), Muslim Myanmar (12,298), Arakanese (7,266), Mon (5,378), Kachin (4,476), Karen Kayin (4,508), Burmese (3,329), Shan/ Thai Yai (1,510) and others (7,538).

There are also refugees and asylum seekers from other countries, including 3,817 from Sri Lanka, Pakistan (1,193), Somalia (1,072) and Syria (938).

Image Credit: U.S. Department of State

By Luke Hunt
June 23, 2015

The bloc takes some tentative steps, with a welcome dose of common sense from Mahathir Mohamad.

For decades ASEAN and its policy of non-interference in a neighbor’s affairs has been the focus of heated criticism, widely seen as an excuse that allowed countries behaving badly on the human rights front to carry on without fear.

That came to a head with Myanmar’s abysmal treatment of its Rohingya population, the exodus of an estimated 25,000 people, and the subsequent discovery 139 graves at 28 hidden transit camps along Malaysia’s northern border with Thailand. Another 3,000 swam ashore from rickety boats.

Improved cooperation between the countries followed an international outcry and demands that ASEAN must help in resolving the issue. That resulted in Thailand handing over suspected leaders of several human-trafficking syndicates to Malaysia.

Malaysian Home Minister Ahmad Zahid Hamidi says authorities are now compiling cases and investigating the suspects before they launch any prosecutions.

One key suspect was identified as Yassin, an ethnic Rohingya Muslim allegedly involved in human-trafficking who escaped into Thailand where police were searching for him.

Importantly, investigations followed a decision by Malaysia and Indonesia to provide temporary shelter for stranded Rohingya and Bangladeshis, ending a policy that turned boats back out to sea, also known as “shooing.” Thailand also said it would no longer turn boats out.

The U.S. then stepped in, saying it would lead a UN resettlement program after appeals by UN chief Ban Ki-moon. Countries as far flung as Gambia agreed to take refugees and Pope Francis compared their plight with the Christian Yazidi people in Iraq who have suffered horrendously under Islamic State occupation.

Even Mahathir Mohamad – the former Malaysian prime minister who has been on the receiving end of much criticism in recent years – was sensible in his approach, arguing the ASEAN policy of non-interference should be put aside when it involved mass killing.

“What happening to them is so terrible that nothing could describe it.” He added, “If Myanmar wants to commit genocide, then leave ASEAN.”

That elicited a terse response from Myanmar’s Deputy Foreign Minister U Thant Kyaw, whose government refuses to recognize the Rohingya Muslims as genuine citizens of Myanmar, although they have been settled in the country’s north since the 16th century.

They were denied citizenship in 1982 when General Ne Win and his military government enacted the Burmese nationality law.

With a schoolboy, incomprehensible logic, Kyaw claimed that the 89-year-old Mohamad’s views might be because of his age.

“I don’t understand why he spoke like that because Myanmar has been cooperating with all member countries for resolving those problems right now and Myanmar has already stated that no country should be singled out through finger-pointing,” he said.

“As you know, ASEAN does not make decisions without consensus. Therefore, it is impossible to expel Myanmar from ASEAN.”

Singapore’s ever cautious Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong said ASEAN countries could work together, influence and encourage each other – but old arguments still die hard. He stressed the group could not solve all the problems nor compel any member to act in a certain way.

Yet it was pressure bought by ASEAN and the rest of the world on Myanmar that prompted Yangon to curb the exodus of thousands of people.

But given Kyaw’s comments and media reports from elsewhere few believe the government of Prime Minister Thein Sein is prepared to act on improving the lot of Rohingya at home.

Unless that situation is resolved, with full recognition of the Rohingya as citizens of Myanmar, then the tragic events of recent months with thousands stranded and starving at sea – and inside ASEAN’s maritime borders – will only be repeated. Which is why Mahathir’s proposal to jettison Yangon should be given serious consideration.

Luke Hunt can be followed on Twitter @lukeanthonyhunt

Young Rohingyan man 'Buraq' shows where the bodies of his friends are buried in a mass grave site near the border crossing into Malaysia from Thailand

By Mark Davis and Peter Cronau
June 23, 2015

As Thai and Malaysian authorities continue their hunt for hidden graves of refugees in a remote border jungle, the biggest gravesite of all may have been discovered hidden in plain sight.

Just 800 metres from the front door of the police centre in the Thai border town Padang Besar, and a five-minute stroll from the Thai immigration office, lie dozens of concealed graves of Rohingya refugees who have fled abject persecution in their homeland Myanmar.

More than 100 secret graves might lie in the small cemetery, and overlooking the site just metres away is the house of the smuggler believed to have put them there.

A survivor of one of the refugee jungle camps who had been press-ganged into helping the traffickers took Four Corners to the graves.

Known as Buraq, for his safety, he pointed out the graves of Rohingya friends who had died or been killed in the camps.

He said the trafficker brought the bodies off the mountain jungles and buried them in the town graveyard to avoid evidence of the dead being found at his jungle camps.

Whenever there was a load of two or three corpses, Buraq would be driven through the streets of Padang Besar at midnight towards the little-used cemetery.

No matter the threat to his life, Buraq is determined to directly accuse those he blames for the deaths of his friends and fellow Rohingyas — if there is a legal system that will listen.

Buraq describes how one friend died.

"Alom had his throat cut," Buraq said, gesturing a slash across his throat, then pointing to a nearby house.

"Slaughtered by that smuggler there."

Pedang Besar is the official crossing point between Thailand and Malaysia.

It was the heart of the traffickers' operations.

The town mayor and his deputy have recently been arrested for their involvement in the trade and a senior Thai general has been arrested on trafficking-related charges.

The scale of the trafficking network is coming to light courtesy of the detailed investigative reports by human rights researcher Matt Smith of Fortify Rights.

"None of these camps could've operated without the full awareness of the Thai authorities and also the Malaysian authorities," Mr Smith said.

"Villagers know what's happening.

"The Thai authorities know what's happening."

Aman Ullah
RB Article
June 23, 2015

“Genocides are like a garden in spring time. They come in different forms, shapes, smells, on different terrains, under different climates, on different soils.” --- Dr. Maung Zarni

The term "genocide" did not exist before 1944. It is a very specific term, referring to violent crimes committed against groups with the intent to destroy the existence of the group. Human rights, as laid out in the US Bill of Rights or the 1948 United Nations Universal Declaration of Human Rights, concern the rights of individuals.

In 1944, a Polish-Jewish lawyer named Raphael Lemkin (1900-1959) sought to describe Nazi policies of systematic murder, including the destruction of the European Jews. He formed the word "genocide" by combining geno-, from the Greek word for race or tribe, with -cide, derived from the Latin word for killing. In proposing this new term, Lemkin had in mind "a coordinated plan of different actions aiming at the destruction of essential foundations of the life of national groups, with the aim of annihilating the groups themselves." The next year, the International Military Tribunal held at Nuremberg, Germany, charged top Nazis with "crimes against humanity." The word “genocide” was included in the indictment, but as a descriptive, not legal, term. 

On December 9, 1948, in the shadow of the Holocaust and in no small part due to the tireless efforts of Lemkin himself, the United Nations approved the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide. This convention establishes "genocide” as an international crime, which signatory nations “undertake to prevent and punish.” It defines genocide as: 

[G]enocide means any of the following acts committed with intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnical, racial or religious group, as such:
(a) Killing members of the group;
(b) Causing serious bodily or mental harm to members of the group;
(c) Deliberately inflicting on the group conditions of life calculated to bring about its physical destruction in whole or in part; 
(d) Imposing measures intended to prevent births within the group; 
(e) Forcibly transferring children of the group to another group. 

Myanmar’s long history of promoting ethnic cleansing against the Rohingya culminated in 2012 with a widespread massacre of Rohingya throughout Rakhine state, which has led many legal experts, academics, and non-governmental organizations (NGOs) to label the atrocity the beginning of genocide in Myanmar.

The 2012 ethnic riots represent an escalation of the long-standing ethnic cleansing policies to those of genocide. More than 240 Rohingya, including children, were killed in the massacres that year. The actions, and inactions, of the Myanmar government throughout 2012 provide concrete evidence of ethnic cleansing and genocide policies against the Rohingya.

The 2012 sectarian violence in Rakhine state between the Rohingya and Rakhine ethnic groups erupted in June and October. The initial violence in June was sparked by the rape and murder of a 28-year-old Rakhine woman on May 28, 2012 by three Muslim men. In retaliation, on June 3, 2012, a large group of Rakhine men stopped a bus and beat and killed ten Muslims who were on board. The ethnic riot quickly intensified with mobs from both communities committing killings and arson. State security forces did nothing initially to halt the violence, but they soon joined in with the Rakhine mobs to attack and burn Muslim neighborhoods and villages.

By October, the violence against the Rohingya population became much more organized and deadly. In the months preceding October, local Rakhinese political party officials and senior Buddhist monks launched a public campaign to vilify the Rohingya and to label them as threats to Rakhine state. Concerned Rohingya raised the warning signs to local government officials who advised them to prepare to leave their village.

On October 23, 2012, thousands of Arakanese men armed with machetes, swords, homemade guns, Molotov cocktails, and other weapons attacked Muslim villages in nine townships throughout Rakhine state. According to Human Rights Watch, “in some cases, attacks occurred simultaneously in townships separated by considerable distance.” As in the violence earlier in the year, state security forces failed to halt the violence and even participated directly in the attacks. The deadliest incident occurred in Yan Thei village in Mrauk-U Township, where at least 70 Rohingya were killed, including 28 children who were hacked to death, 13 of who were under age 5. According to the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, close to 180,000 people were affected by the 2012 violence. Of these, 140,000 persons remain displaced, the majority of which are Rohingya, and an additional 36,000 people live in isolated villages with minimal access to public services. 

According to IRIN News, “A total of 167 people were killed in the violence (78 in June and 89 in October); 223 were injured (87 in June and 136 in October); and more than 10,000 buildings and homes were damaged or destroyed.”

The central government has failed to hold perpetrators of the violence accountable and has not sought eyewitness interviews for testimony regarding the killings. Rather, the government’s actions following the violence illustrate that is has no intention of pursuing justice for the victims. For example, the security services dumped bodies of Rohingya killed in the conflict at remaining Rohingya villages and ordered the villagers to dig mass graves for the deceased. Many of the dead Rohingya had their hands bound and exhibited gunshot wounds, which suggest that they were killed execution style rather than in self-defense. The killing of defenseless persons and the subsequent concealment and denial of those criminal actions, such as the burial of bodies in mass graves, are clear indicators of ethnic cleansing and genocide.

The actions of the local authorities, state security forces, and central government match historical signs of ethnic cleansing and genocide policies at work. Indicators present in Kosovo, Rwanda, and East Timor include a history of massacres against certain ethnic groups; hate and threat propaganda from leaders; justification created for killing an entire ethnic group; and armed groups organized against the target group.

These factors increase the risk of genocide and ethnic cleansing. Both are planned and organized by authorities and their agents. Their planning takes time to ensure compliance by authorities at all levels and passive acceptance of the policy by ordinary citizens. According to Oberschall, “collective violence tends to be perpetrated by authoritarian regimes that have a long record of oppression and human rights violations against minorities.” Research has shown that the target group is dehumanized in official propaganda and depicted as amoral or dangerous to society. Officials falsify history and present justifications for why the entire group, to include the elderly, women, and children, must be viewed as guilty.

Rakhine leaders have a long history of vilifying the Rohingya as the cause of their state’s misfortunes. Since 1970s, the anti-Rohingya Rakhine leaders have instilled in Rakhinese society against the Rohingya. They presented the Rohingya as the problem in their society in literature and teachings. Anti-Rohingya Rakhinese falsified history by labelling the Rohingya as foreigners to Myanmar who were brought in during British colonial rule. The central government’s support of this false story has served to bolster Buddhist hatred toward the Rohingya.

The 1982 Citizenship Law codifies the illegality of the Rohingya in Myanmar, and the mob violence against the Rohingya in 1978, 1991, 2001, and 2002 demonstrate strong government support for the destruction and removal of the Rohingya from Myanmar. These examples adhere to Oberschall’s findings in his research: “quantitative research on indicators for large-scale ethnic collective violence and genocide has found that genocidal states have autocratic governments and a pattern of political exclusion and discrimination against some ethnic groups.”

Throughout Myanmar society, Buddhist nationalism, similar to that seen during the country’s independence movement from British colonial rule, has increasingly influenced the predominantly Buddhist society to expunge all foreigners. The 969 Movement serves as the head of this effort through its leader, the “rabble-rousing” monk known as Ashin Wirathu. The group has “espoused a form of ethno-religious nationalism that encourages Myanmar Buddhists to patronize only Buddhist-owned businesses and seeks to restrict interfaith marriages.” Following the 2012 ethnic riots, Time magazine portrayed Ashin Wirathu’s picture on its July 2013 cover as “The Face of Buddhist Terror.” The 969 Movement stokes anti-Muslim sentiment and seeks to “protect” Buddhism from “aliens” or non-native persons.

The government’s management of the aftermath of the June and October 2012 massacres deliberately inflicted on the Rohingya group “conditions of life calculated to bring about its physical destruction in whole or in part.” This is the third aspect of the definition of genocide in the 1948 Genocide Convention. Rohingya who fled the violence went to IDP sites throughout Rakhine state, with the largest 15 camps located in the area of the state capital, Sittwe. The populations in these sites lack many basic human needs such as sufficient shelter, medical attention, safe water, and latrines. The central government has made no attempt to facilitate a return of Rohingya IDPs to their villages. In contrast, the IDP sites populated by displaced Rakhinese are equipped with adequate food, water, and sanitation, and the government is actively working to return those individuals to their communities.

International humanitarian aid workers have not been fully allowed to return to their programs supporting the Rohingya population following the conflict. The Myanmar government expelled the NGO Medecins Sans Frontieres, the primary health service provider to the Rakhine, after January 2014 when the group released the numbers of victims it treated from violence in Rakhine state. Buddhist leaders have since advocated for the removal of all UN agencies and international NGOs from Rakhine state. Muslim IDPs are not allowed to leave the camps to pursue livelihoods because their movement is restricted by the state security forces. They are also not receiving humanitarian aid nor allowed to go to markets to buy any supplies. As a result, the Rohingya are suffering from acute malnutrition and are dying from easily treatable diseases. Myanmar authorities appear determined to “starve and sicken the Rohingya out of existence.”

The Myanmar government has thus perpetrated many key elements that threaten the existence of the Rohingya: denial of their right to citizenship; far-reaching state discrimination against them; facilitation of public hatred and violence against the Rohingya; and restriction from access to food, medicine, and other basic necessities of life. Together, these elements demonstrate that Myanmar’s policies against the Rohingya have escalated from long standing ethnic cleansing to the initiation of genocide. For those Rohingya trapped in the IDP camps, there is no escape from the brutality of the Myanmar government.

Outside of the camps, Myanmar’s ethnic cleansing and genocide policies have forced hundreds of thousands of Rohingya to flee their homeland to seek safety in neighboring countries: Bangladesh, Thailand, and Malaysia. According to Refugees International, from October 2012 to July 2013 immediately following the sectarian violence, an estimated 785 Rohingya drowned at sea in an attempt to reach safety in Myanmar’s neighboring states, compared to 140 in 2011. For those who succeed in reaching these countries, the Rohingya are still subject to continued human rights abuses due to their stateless status.

The international community established normative behavior for states that receive refugees through the Convention relating to the Status of Refugees (‘1951 Convention’), which was later amended by the 1967 Protocol. “These documents clearly spell out who is a refugee and the kind of legal protection, other assistance and social rights a refugee is entitled to receive.” Refugees are authorized under this Convention to receive several rights, to include the right not to be punished; the right not to be expelled; the right to work; the right to housing; and the right to freedom of movement. The Convention does not protect economic migrants, defined as persons who have not fled persecution, as they enjoy the protection of their own government when abroad.

However, Bangladesh, Thailand, and Malaysia have not ratified the Refugee Convention of 1951, and they do not have any domestic legislation for the protection of refugees. They view the smuggling of Rohingya into their territories as the illegal entry of economic migrants rather than as asylum seekers. Unfortunately for the Rohingya, there is limited space for the UNHCR to implement its mandate in these countries. The Rohingya journey to these countries where they face certain continued persecution in order to “escape systemic oppression, discrimination and human rights violations, and not only for economic reasons.”

Without documentation of identity or nationality, the Rohingya suffer prolonged and unwarranted imprisonment in Bangladesh, Thailand, and Malaysia. The Rohingya are unable to reenter Myanmar without documentation of their residence in the state, and the detaining states cannot determine where to deport the stateless detainees.



By Kayes Ahmed
June 23, 2015

Today I want to introduce you to a bigot and a Nobel laureate who ultimately is a coward and self-serving politician like the best of them. I am of course talking about Aung San Suu Kyi, the Burmese politician and the winner of the Nobel Peace Prize.

This award has elevated her to a position of great moral and political authority in Burma (Myanmar if you must), but she has not used that great power for human rights, better political environment, or the advancement of the quality of life for her people. What she is doing is talking and giving speeches and little else. Ms. Suu Kyi is, however, extraordinarily close-mouthed when it comes to the suffering the Rohingya population of Burma.

The State of Myanmar does not recognise the Rohingyas as its citizens, and the autocrats who lead the country promote systematic and brutal oppression of the Rohingyas. They are being subjected to ethnic cleansing, thrown out of their homes, and drowning like rats in the waters of the ocean.

All of this would result in protests and sanctions from the rest of the world, if the Rohingyas were not Rohingya Muslims. The fact these poor people are Muslims seem to have made the Rohingyas the target of great pogroms which are carried out with impunity.

I will be the first to accept that Muslim Jihadists and their atrocities are setting new and abominable standards. ISIS and its marauders are doing their own pogroms and killing, maiming, and enslaving people of all faith with impunity.

Does the crime of the co-religionist condemn the Rohingyas to murder and mayhem? The answer seems to be yes.

A serene looking Buddhist monk named Ashin Wirathu and his 969 movement is propagating violence against the Rohingya including killing of women and children based on one simple thread – that they are Muslims and should be wiped out from Myanmar, which is mainly Buddhist.

Very much like his ISIS cousins, the monk makes no apology for the sectarian violence that he brings upon his hapless countrymen, albeit, the Muslim ones.

“Wirathu plays a central role with his hate speech and the Islamophobia that it creates, given that the Rohingya are surrounded by a hostile community that can be whipped into violence very quickly,” says Penny Green, director of the International State Crime Initiative at Queen Mary University of London.

This murderous monk has a serene face, and like all monks, a shaved head and saffron robes. He prays in a quiet monastery in Mandalay. That is where all similarities between a God-fearing messenger of peace and compassion (Buddhist religion is based around compassion for all beings) ends, abruptly and brutally.

He advocates the wholesale extermination of nearly a million Rohingyas. He wants women and children all killed, and when necessary eaten! This man and his cohorts have managed to pressure the Yangon government to pass a birth control which for now suggests that minorities (other people too) skip a child and reduce the birth rate.

He was also the vocal supporter of a law that forbids marriage between a Burmese and a Rohingya. There are pop songs that are very popular in Myanmar which simply revolve around sectarian hatred and violence.

The whole crisis is now centre-stage with the Rohingyas flooding Southeast-Asia in rickety boats and subjected to inhumane condition by the smugglers. There is some movement afoot to at least give shelter to the people.

However, the underlying reasons are far from addressed or even understood. The Buddhist sectarian impulse is cleverly exploited by the 969 movement. They simply bring out the bogeyman of Islamophobia and the outrage that is committed by ISIS in the name of Islam.

Here is a quite from the Nobel laureate Aung Sung Suu Kyi, “I think we’ll accept that there is a perception that Muslim power, global Muslim power, is very great, and certainly that’s a perception in many parts of the world and in our country, too.”

As you see the Nobel laureate has seamlessly tied the knot of ISIS murders to the murdered Rohingyas. Shame on her!

At the core of the issue is the Nazi like nationalism of the 969 movement egged on by the military, a part of the Buddhist clergy, and alas also by the humanist forces such as Aung San Suu Kyi.

The nationalists are intent on wiping out the Muslims in all of Burma. Maung Zarni, a Burmese democracy activist based in London put the finger on the problem when he said, “Their intent is genocidal in the sense that the Muslims of Burma — all of them, including the ethnically Burmese — are considered leeches in our society the way the Jews were considered leeches and bloodsuckers during the Third Reich when Nazism was taking root.”

There is a real parallel to the way the Burmese civil society is treating the Rohingyas to the way the Jews were treated by the Nazis all across Europe in the early part of last century. The Muslims are called “Kalars”, a derogatory name assigned to the Muslims by the 969 movement and accepted by the Burmese civil society.

George Soros, one of America’s iconic billionaires says this about the Jewish comparison:

“You see, in 1944, as a Jew in Budapest, I too was a Rohingya,” Soros told the Oslo gathering in a video statement.

“Much like the Jewish ghettos set up by Nazis in Eastern Europe during World War II, Aung Mingalar has become the involuntary home to thousands of families who once had access to health care, education, and employment.”

Now, would you think someone like Aung San Suu Kyi, with the moral power of the Nobel Prize, would call out the thugs that are fanning the sectarian flames in Myanmar that bring untold misery upon hundreds and thousands of people.

Here is what she says to justify the murders: “This is what the world needs to understand, that the fear isn’t just on the side of the Muslims but on the side of the Buddhists as well.”

“There’s fear on both sides. And this is what is leading to all these troubles. And we would like the world to understand that the reaction of the Buddhists is also based on fear.”

This is the core of the defense of the Buddhist nationalist and the murderers. The great humanitarian has bought this hook, line, and sinker!

The Dalai Lama in the true Buddhist tradition of compassion has been making statements and adding his moral authority against the persecution of the Rohingyas. He called out Suu Kyi. The Dalai Lama told The Australian newspaper that he’d raised the Rohingya issue with Suu Kyi

“It’s not sufficient to say: ‘How to help these people?’” the Dalai Lama told the paper.

“It’s very sad,” he added from India, where he lives in exile. “I mentioned about this problem and she told me she found some difficulties, that things were not simple but very complicated.”

Yes, it is all very sad.

What is sadder still, is the rumblings in the Jihadi community about starting a Jihad in Myanmar in defense of the Rohingyas whether they want it or not. This may then escalate into something both Bangladesh and India may get dragged into. That would be the outcome that may suit the crazies of the Islamic Jihad and the 969 movement, but not humanity.

What we need is courage now from the likes of Suu Kyi to stand against the hatred from all sides and avoid a future of murder, mayhem, and lunacy.

Aung San Suu Kyi, time for you to use the great teachings of Buddhism, compassion, and your great moral authority to stop the inevitable descent into the hell that follows hatred and intolerance!

Kayes Ahmed is a businessman running multi-national operations from Colorado, USA.


June 23, 2015

The actor-producer insists that his films will be commercial but will send out strong messages. 

Celebrity ambassador for the United Nations High Commission for Refugees (UNHCR), John Abraham, on Saturday lunched with Barlin, a Somalian refugee who is now an Indian social worker, Sri Lankan refugees Divya and her sister, currently residing in Tamil Nadu, the Rohingyas from Myanmar and a few Afghani and Iranian refugees.

And the 42-year-old actor-producer is inspired to make a film about refugees in India because cinema is the best voice to express their plight. "India is a great country and we are accommodating as many people as we can. But Divya and her sister still had to seek special permission from the Tamil Nadu government to come and visit me today. The youth needs to be aware of such permissions that refugees need to seek," he pointed out, addressing the little-known fact that refugees need special documentation.

John, who turned producer with Vicky Donor, is very clear that he wants to make mainstream cinema. "My films too will be in the commercial format but I want to get a message across," he insists.

Back in 2006, John and Kabir Khan had shot a film in Afghanistan soon after the Taliban had been overthrown by the ISAF, a group of countries headed by the US. "While I was there, I saw a lot of Afghanis leave their country and flee to neighbouring countries like India. Since, then I've been inspired to make real-life stories," he reveals. His last production, Madras Cafe, explored the Sri Lankan crises, the assassination of our late Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi, and the plight of refugees in India today.

"As an actor and producer, I will only do films that are close to my heart, film which carry a lot of weight and are meaningful," he asserts.

Rohingya activist and lawyer Wai Wai Nu, a former political prisoner, poses at her office in Rangoon in July, 2014. (Reuters)

June 23, 2015

Wai Wai Nu, a young Rohingya activist based in Rangoon, was among the guests at a dinner hosted by US President Barack Obama at the White House on Monday night.

The dinner was an Iftar—the traditional breaking of the daily Ramadan fast at sunset—held in observance of the Muslim holy month of Ramadan.

Wai Wai Nu, a 27-year-old activist and former political prisoner who is working to build trust and promote peaceful coexistence and prosperity in her home state of Arakan in Burma’s west, was seated at the president’s table.

Wai Wai Nu was jailed along with her family under the former military junta after her father, a Rohingya, was elected as a member of parliament following the 1990 elections—the results of which were never honored by the ruling regime.

In remarks at the dinner, the US president referenced the plight of Muslims suffering around the world during Ramadan, including the stateless Rohingya minority in Burma.

“Tonight, we keep in our prayers those who are suffering around the world, including those marking Ramadan in areas of conflict and deprivation and hunger,” Obama said.

“Those fleeing war and hardship in boats across the Mediterranean. The people of Gaza, still recovering from last year’s conflict. The Rohingya in Myanmar, including migrants at sea, whose human rights must be upheld.”

He added: “We’re proud to have Wai Wai Nu with us tonight, a former political prisoner who’s working on human right issues for the Rohingya and equal rights for women.”

A crowd gathers around a mass grave with the remains of unidentified Rohingya found at a traffickers camp in Wang Kelian last month, at a cemetery near Alor Setar, Malaysia, June 22, 2015. — Reuters

By AFP
June 22, 2015

KAMPUNG TUALANG (Kedah) — Malaysian authorities today held a sombre mass funeral for 21 suspected ethnic Rohingya found in human-trafficking graves last month, with fellow Muslims praying for the unidentified victims to find a place in heaven.

The remains were what police said were the first of 106 exhumed so far from pits at trafficking camps found in late May in jungles in northern Malaysia along the Thai border, a discovery that laid bare the brutal extent of the region’s migrant crisis.

About 100 local villagers offered quiet Muslim prayers as 21 wooden coffins – containing 19 men and two women – were lowered into deep graves cleared by earth-movers at an Islamic graveyard in the northern state of Kedah.

Malaysian police carry a coffin with unidentified remains of Rohingya people found at a traffickers camp in Wang Kelian last month, to be buried in a mass grave at a cemetery near Alor Star, Malaysia, June 22, 2015. — Reuters

The discovery of camps and graves on both sides of the Thai-Malaysian border and a flood of thousands of starving boat people to Southeast Asian shores in May has highlighted the plight of the Rohingya. 

A Muslim minority from Myanmar, they have for years sought to escape what they say is worsening persecution by the country’s Buddhist majority. 

Fleeing abroad by the thousands each year, they typically put their lives in the hands of often-brutal smugglers and traffickers who arrange a perilous passage by sea and land, usually destined for Muslim-majority Malaysia. 

“These are innocent Muslims, like brothers and sisters to us. We are really sad that they had to undergo misery and pain. I am sure they will take their rightful place in the heavens above,” said Mohamad Yusuf Ali, 57, a local carpenter of Rohingya origin. 

Despite not knowing the unidentified victims, scores of Malaysians and Rohingya turned out for the ceremony in the sleepy village of Kampung Tualang despite fasting for the month of Ramadan. 

During Ramadan, the faithful avoid consuming food or liquid during daylight hours, offer more prayers, and reflect on what it means to be Muslim. 

‘Allah will punish the traffickers’ 

“I hope Allah will punish the criminals who were responsible for their deaths. The Rohingya people did not do anything wrong. They were only looking for a better life,” Mohamad Yusuf said. 

A Malaysian police officer, speaking on condition of anonymity, said the remains of 106 people had been exhumed so far and that authorities were still conducting post-mortems on the majority of them. 

Police had earlier said 139 grave sites were found at more than two dozen abandoned jungle camps in the Malaysian state of Perlis. They are yet to offer a final tally of dead, or announce the suspected causes of death. 

A government minister said last month that 12 Malaysian police officers were being investigated for possible involvement in the camps, but authorities have since released no new information on their investigations. 

Earlier in May, Thai police said seven camps were found on their side, and 33 bodies have been discovered. Fifty-one people have been arrested, including a senior army general, and more are being sought. 

Rights groups – which have long accused Malaysian authorities of tolerating abusive and deadly human-trafficking – and the US government have called for a full and transparent investigation. 

“The (traffickers) will never have a place in heaven. All for money, they are prepared to beat and kill a human being,” Mohamad Noor Abu Bakar, 48, a Rohingya Muslim resident of Malaysia, told AFP.

Rohingya Exodus