By Simon Lewis

The Guardian

June 22, 2015

Influential group of monks also plans to encourage people to vote for candidates who ‘will not let our race and religion disappear’ in this year’s elections

An influential group of Buddhist monks in Burma is proposing to ban Muslim schoolgirls from wearing headscarves, in the latest sign of growing religious tension in the country.

The Organisation for the Protection of Race and Religion, a panel of monks known locally by the acronym Ma Ba Tha, said the headscarves were “not in line with school discipline”.

Ma Ba Tha held a conference in Rangoon at the weekend. Some 1,300 monks from monasteries around the country gathered to discuss plans to promote a nationalist agenda as the country heads toward landmark elections later this year.

In a list of recommendations released late on Sunday, Ma Ba Tha told its members to lobby the government to put further restrictions on the country’s beleaguered Muslims, and included references to the wearing of either headscarves or burqas.

“We will demand seriously for the government to ban Muslim students wearing the burqa in government schools and to ban the killing of innocent animals on their [Muslims’] Eid holiday,” it said, referring to Muslim cultural practices that Buddhist nationalists believe go against the culture of Buddhist-majority Burma. 

Explaining the move, Ma Ba Tha monk U Pamaukkha said: “When they [Muslims] live in Myanmar, they need to obey the law and regulations of the country. We are not targeting or attacking their religion.”

The group also said it would “show the people the right track” when it came to the elections, expected in November, encouraging people to vote for candidates who “will not let our race and religion disappear”.

The group would keep monitoring “crimes by non-Buddhists” and using Facebook to spread news about alleged threats to Buddhism in Burma, its statement said.

Ma Ba Tha was officially formed in June 2013, when bouts of inter-communal violence were spreading around the country, with Buddhist mobs targeting members of the Muslim minority. Riots have been triggered by social media posts reporting alleged rapes of Buddhist women by Muslims.

Inter-communal violence in western Burma’s Rakhine State the previous year displaced some 140,000 people, mostly stateless Muslims identifying themselves as Rohingya, who have since taken to the sea in their thousands fleeing oppressive conditions, sparking a regional human smuggling crisis.

The monks have already proved their ability to wield influence over Burma’s quasi-civilian government, which replaced a military junta in 2011. After a Ma Ba Tha signature campaign, president Thein Sein’s administration drafted four laws restricting interfaith marriage and religious conversion, banning polygamy and limiting population growth.

While the laws have met with little resistance in a parliament dominated by former and serving military officials, so far only the population control law – which enables officials to restrict women to one child every three years – has been passed.

The prominent nationalist monk U Wirathu spoke at the conference on Saturday, pledging that Ma Ba Tha would increase its pressure on the government to pass the remaining laws. 

The monk also extolled the growth of Ma Ba Tha in its first two years. “It’s as if we’ve come from the sky,” he said.

The group of monks is at the vanguard of a nationalist movement that threatens to overshadow gains made by Burma’s reformers, with many suggesting it has the backing of an anti-reform faction in the ruling elite.

David Mathieson, a senior researcher on Burma for Human Rights Watch, said: “The Ma Ba Tha have become an unaccountable and arrogant political force based on extremist religious and social views, like a fifth column using Buddhism to serve shady political and economic interests.”

(Photo: Reuters)

By Richard Javad Heydarian

Al Jazeera

June 22, 2015

For decades, the Southeast Asian region has been hailed for its multicultural diversity, economic miracles that gave birth to tiger cub economies of Malaysia and Singapore, and the almost total absence of inter-state conflict. Next to the industrialised powers of Japan, China, and South Korea, much of Southeast Asia has stood as the embodiment of Asia's growing fortunes.

Perennially underperforming countries like the Philippines and Indonesia are now seen as among the most promising emerging markets. And with regional countries aiming to establish a common market, Southeast Asia is poised to become a major global investment destination. In recent weeks, however, the region has been in the global spotlight - but not for good reasons.

For long, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) has been bound by the "One Caring and Sharing Community" motto.

But the Rohingya migrant crisis, triggered by an ongoing civil strife in Myanmar, has put into question the region's commitment to its founding ideals. The region is confronting a humanitarian crisis of epic proportions, and the world is scrambling for an immediate response.

A humanitarian crisis

For long, at least going as far back as the colonial period, Myanmar has been home to the Rohingya, a Muslim minority ethnic group in a majority Buddhist country.

There are an estimated 1.3 million of them in Myanmar, but they have struggled to gain recognition as citizens in their own country. They were even excluded from the latest national census in Myanmar. For decades, they have suffered various forms of persecution and marginalisation, but recent years have seen a spike in inter-ethnic strife in the state of Rakhine, which has been a home to many from the Rohingya minority group. 

Up to 140,000 Rohingyas are reported to have left their homes in search of safety in neighbouring countries. The refugee crisis has been compounded by the simultaneous waves of Bangladeshi citizens escaping crushing poverty at home in search of greener pastures in the relatively more prosperous states of Southeast Asia.

Year after year, a network of organised trafficking groups traversing the Indian Ocean has precariously loaded groups of refugees and/or economic migrants into creaking boats, crossing towards Southeast Asian countries such as Malaysia, Thailand, and Indonesia.

Malaysia has hosted up to 45,000 Rohingya over the years. But as the number of Rohingya refugees has increased - due to growing violence in Myanmar, with some experts and human rights groups going so far as warning about a potential campaign of ethnic cleansing - some Southeast Asian countries recently began to consider pushing back the refugees into the high seas.

The ensuing buck-passing has left up to 6,000 desperately hungry, sickly and tormented Rohingya and Bangladeshi men, women, and children at an unacceptable risk. Hence, the refugees were dubbed as the "boat people", stateless and stuck in a maritime wilderness - and left to fend for themselves under atrocious conditions.

Changing tide

The move was met by a chorus of condemnation from across the world, with a whole host of non-governmental organisations, international bodies, and governments calling for immediate and unconditional humanitarian relief and rescue for the stranded asylum seekers. Meanwhile, the government of Myanmar has repeatedly denied responsibility for the crisis.

It didn't take long before the Philippines expressed its willingness to accept as many as 3,000 Rohingya, a decision that elicited international praise and placed tremendous pressure on some neighbouring countries to revisit their policy of denying the refugees. The Catholic-majority country has long served as a refuge for persecuted minorities from across the world, providing safe haven to 1,500 Jewish refugees during World War II and thousands of Vietnamese refugees during the Cold War.

Citing the Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees (1951) and the Convention Relating to the Status of Stateless Persons (1954), Manila reaffirmed its obligations, as a signatory state, to provide refuge to asylum seekers from Myanmar. Soon, Malaysia and Indonesia reconsidered pushing back the refugees into the high seas and offered to provide temporary humanitarian relief.

Seeking a coordinated response, the governments of Malaysia, Indonesia, and Thailand held high-level talks and tried to put pressure on Myanmar to change its course and provide protection and citizenship rights to the Rohingya minority group.

In late-May, Thailand hosted an international conference, attended by 17 nations, to tackle the refugee crisis, but the government of Myanmar refused to attend unless the organisers dropped the term "Rohingya" in the invitation letter, and later engaged in a verbal spat with a UN representative over granting Rohingya citizenship rights. 

A long journey

The lack of high-level representation among regional states, however, underlined the limits of the gathering in pressuring Myanmar to take responsibility for the crisis. It is also not clear how the region seeks to battle organised trafficking networks.

Since 2009, Myanmar's military regime has embarked on a process of political liberalisation, introducing more competitive elections, increasing representation for civilians in the government, and downgrading restrictions on opposition groups. In response, investments have poured in and the West has relaxed its sanctions against the Southeast Asian country. There was some genuine hope that Myanmar will eventually transition into a democracy.

But the unfolding humanitarian crisis has exposed the follies of such rose-tinted expectations, forcing some Western countries to reconsider their pre-mature embrace of so-called democratic reforms by a regime that denies citizenship to a 1.3 million people from a minority group, which has been suffering an escalating campaign of persecution in recent years.

More broadly, the crisis says a lot about how the ASEAN region is far from fully realising its ideal of becoming a multicultural, sharing and caring community. It's high time for regional governments to step up to the challenge and address this humanitarian crises head on.

Richard Javad Heydarian is a specialist in Asian geopolitical/economic affairs and author of "How Capitalism Failed the Arab World: The Economic Roots and Precarious Future of the Middle East Uprisings."

By Mayuri Mei Lin

The Malay Mail Online

June 21, 2015

KUALA LUMPUR — Local authorities have already started the process of extraditing “Yassin”, the man believed to be responsible for the abandoned Rohingya death camps discovered recently in Wang Kelian, Perlis.

Home Minister Datuk Seri Zahid Hamidi said once “Yassin” is brought to Malaysia, authorities here will move to prosecute the man, who is currently in the custody of Thai officials.

“(The extradition) process has already started.

“We are working on getting an extradition and we will then prosecute when the individual named Yassin is brought over,” Ahmad Zahid said during a buka puasa event with a local orphanage.

Singapore news broadcaster Channel News Asia reported on Monday that Thai police had arrested several individuals believed to be the brains behind the human trafficking syndicate, at least one of whom will be handed over to Malaysian authorities.

“We are thankful to Thailand for not just giving cooperation but also for arresting a few of our suspects, including Yassin,” Zahid was quoted as saying.

Local news portal the Malaysian Insider also reported on Monday that another camp was found on Malaysian soil, some 100m from the Thai border at Hutan Simpan Mata Aye in Perlis, which Zahid claimed were merely temporary camps.

Malay daily Utusan reported, however, that those camps, which could accommodate 300 people, were more proper for having access to clean water and electricity, as well as facilities such as a surau, kitchen and clinic.

Malaysia is one of the main destinations for ethnic Rohingya fleeing oppression and violence in Myanmar, with more fleeing their state-sanctioned persecution in search of a better land.

Over 1,000 Bangladeshi migrants and Rohingya refugees landed in Langkawi on May 10 and were subsequently sent to the Belantik detention centre in Kedah.

After two weeks of turning away boats filled with thousands of refugees, Malaysia and Indonesia finally relented on May 20, agreeing to take in some 7,000 refugees on condition that they be repatriated within a year.

By Yorkshire Standard

June 21, 2015

A protest has been held in Bradford city centre to highlight the persecution inflicted upon the Rohingya people.

Groups of activists gathered to call on the international community to aid the Rohingya, a stateless Muslim ethnic group living primarily in Rakhine State in Buddhist-majority Myanmar, who are not recognised as citizens by the ruling government.

United Nations officials and human rights groups have reported evidence of severe human rights abuses inflicted upon the Rohingya people, including incitement of anti-Muslim violence.

President of the Rohingya Survival Foundation UK, Nijam Uddin, said: “We are here to remember the people of Burma, the innocent Muslims, the Rohingyan community that is being tortured.

“They are being tortured, slaughtered, raped, beaten. Their businesses are being burnt, their homes are being destroyed, all because they are not accepted in the Burmese community.”

Former Bradford West MP George Galloway also said: “For us here, our eyes are not averted from this crime. We are cursing it in our hearts, we are denouncing it from our lips and we are demanding that those who can, who have the power, to raise their hands to bring it to an end.”

Other speakers included members of the Rohingyan community, religious leaders, and former Bradford Lord Mayor Ghazanfer Khaliq.

The protest was announced a few weeks ago on social media, and over 700 people said they would attend.

Aman Ullah

RB Analysis

June 21, 2015

“Human security means that people can exercise [their] choices safely and freely – and that they can be relatively confident that the opportunities they have today are not totally lost tomorrow.” -- UNDP

Human security is a universal concern of human life and dignity. The consequences of human security issues such as famine, disease, and ethnic disputes do not stay within national borders. Rather, the international community is affected by them. According to the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), “human security means that people can exercise [their] choices safely and freely – and that they can be relatively confident that the opportunities they have today are not totally lost tomorrow.” Human security has two primary aspects. First, it means safety from “chronic threats [such] as hunger, disease and repression.” Second, it constitutes “protection from sudden and hurtful disruptions in the patterns of daily life – whether in homes, in jobs or in communities.” The Rohingya are deprived of human security in both of these facets due to their lack of citizenship within Myanmar.

The concept of human security stresses the necessity for people to have the opportunity to meet essential needs and earn a living. It is an integrative concept rather than a defensive concept in the way that territorial security is defined. Security for people occurs only when all people are included in a country’s development. The Rohingya are not included in Myanmar’s development; rather, they receive no state protection because they are excluded from citizenship in the country. In fact, the right to citizenship, or a nationality is “widely recognized as a fundamental human right.” Thus, the exclusion of the Rohingya from citizenship within Myanmar is a violation of their human rights and renders them fundamentally insecure.

The human right not to be stateless is codified as an international norm in article 15 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, which states that ‘every person has the right to a nationality and that this nationality cannot be arbitrarily denied’. This right is also recognized in the 1961 Convention on the Reduction of Statelessness, which requires signatories to provide citizenship for persons who may otherwise be stateless.

This includes provisions for persons born within a state’s borders to be granted citizenship and for states to prevent situations whereby a person may lose his or her citizenship without gaining another. The human right to a nationality is important because citizenship is necessary to fully exercise civil, political, economic, and social rights within that state’s territory. Nationality also enables an individual to receive protection by their nation both domestically and internationally. Without citizenship, the Rohingya receive no protection within Myanmar or abroad.

The Myanmar government has removed all human security from the Rohingya population. Rather, the discrimination inflicted upon the Rohingya in Myanmar constitutes a state policy of ethnic cleansing against them. According to Anthony Oberschall, “ethnic cleansing is the use of force or intimidation for removing people of a certain ethnic or religious group from an area or territory that is their homeland. It used to be called ‘mass deportations.’”

Myanmar’s violation of Rohingya human rights are specifically targeted against the Rohingya ethnic group. Crimes that take place during ethnic cleansing include: . . . murder, torture, arbitrary arrest and detention, executions, rape and sexual assault, military and paramilitary attacks on civilians, robbery and extortion, destruction of cultural and religious buildings and monuments, destruction of homes, confinement of civilians in camps, purposeful starvation, and some others. . . . The purpose of these crimes is to get the target population to flee (kill and assault some, and the others will flee), to rob its property and make it destitute, to administer extra-legal punishment and revenge for alleged disloyalty or helping enemies, and to prevent return by having nothing to return for. Every one of these crimes exists in Myanmar’s persecution of the Rohingya. Local Rakhine leaders use the Rohingya as a convenient scapegoat for all of their society’s failings, and national politicians support discrimination against the Rohingya as a popular vote-getting scheme.

The stateless Rohingya receive no protection as a result of Myanmar’s 1982 Citizenship Law, and they are targeted with threats to their security under six of the seven main categories recognized by the UNDP: political, economic, food, health, personal, and community. (1994, HDR) 

Political Security

The Rohingya suffer political insecurity through their exclusion from the political process and through the state’s policy of discrimination against them. Political security means the protection of basic human rights by the state and freedom from political repression. In stark contrast to this definition, the Rohingya are the target of human rights violations and have no civil or political rights under the Myanmar political system. The Rohingya have been excluded entirely from the formation of the Rakhine state government and the Myanmar central government.

Since the government excluded the Rohingya from Myanmar citizenship, they are given no political rights. As a result, they are frequently the subject of state repression. For example, the stateless Rohingya are regularly the victim of arbitrary detention in Myanmar. According to the UNDP, the police are common agents of state repression. State security forces in Myanmar habitually enforce checkpoints to restrict the movement of Rohingya within the country. They have a history of failing to protect the Rohingya from, and sometimes participating in, ethnic riots. Rather than receive protection from the state, the Rohingya are the target of institutionalized discrimination.

Economic Security

The Rohingya are marginalized economically in Myanmar due to their stateless status. Economic security requires “an assured basic income – usually from productive and remunerative work or in the last resort from some publicly financed safety net.” Employers are afraid of hiring undocumented people, so the Rohingya are unable to gain beneficial, long-term employment. Instead, they must rely on ‘daily work’ of poorly paid manual labor that does not last for long periods of time. The Rohingya have lived under movement restrictions for many years, and, since 2012, there has been an increase in government checkpoints, which further limit their ability to access essential services and to make a living. The Rohingya are regularly subject to extortion and arbitrary taxation of what meager money they acquire. They do not receive any economic support from the government, and they are unable to provide for the essentials of life. The pitfall of economic, or income, insecurity has serious repercussions on their ability to secure access to food.

Food Security

Food security requires that people have access to food, either by growing it, buying it, or acquiring it through a public food distribution system. Even when there is enough food available, people can still starve when they are unable to purchase or obtain food. Food security is a significant concern throughout Myanmar. Malnutrition is common with about 35 percent of infants, and continual inflation undercuts the ability of Myanmar’s poor to purchase basic foods, such as rice. For the marginalized Rohingya, the issue of food security is even worse. Without access to gainful employment, the Rohingya are unable to purchase food. They are subject to compulsory food donations, deliberate food shortages, and land confiscations by the state. Food security issues are worse for the Rohingya living in internally displaced persons (IDP) camps since the 2012 ethnic riots, which will be described in detail in part three of this chapter. Many Rohingya starve from lack of food.

Health Security

Rohingya have little to no health security. Health security means the prevention of death by poor nutrition and an unsafe environment, such as polluted water which contributes to diarrhea. Denial of access to health services aggravates the conditions.

According to the UNDP, developing countries spend little on health care and those at greatest risk for health security cannot afford doctors. In the case of Myanmar, health security for all citizens is abysmal. The government spends only 0.5 percent of gross domestic product (GDP) on health services. Medicines are largely unavailable except to the wealthy or well connected. Malaria (700,000 cases per year), tuberculosis (130,000 per year), and HIV/AIDS (estimated 350,000 cases in 2005) are common in Myanmar. As for the stateless Rohingya, their condition is even worse as they are denied access to what meager social service of health care exists in Myanmar.

Within the IDP camps, health aid does not exist and there are near daily reports of Rohingya deaths from preventable conditions. Many of these deaths occur when pregnant women face birth complications. Due to movement restrictions and their lack of citizenship, Rohingya cannot travel to see a doctor. The Myanmar government has exacerbated health issues in the IDP camps by restricting access by humanitarian aid groups, which primarily provide medical attention and food to the Rohingya. In addition to the lack of medical attention, Rohingya in the IDP camps do not have access to safe water or sufficient latrines. These conditions accelerate the spread of disease in the camps with the result that the Rohingya regularly die of diseases, which could otherwise be prevented.

Personal Security

One of the most conspicuous forms of discrimination against the Rohingya involves violations of their personal security. Personal security from physical violence is the most prominent aspect of human security, with threats from other groups of people in ethnic conflict as primary threats to personal security. UN institutions have carefully documented over two decades of human rights abuses against the Rohingya, which include systematic killings, rapes, and forced labor as a part of state policy.

Rohingya are routinely targeted with land confiscations and forced relocations. Local authorities have a history of refusing to protect the Rohingya against discrimination and violence in their communities. In 2001 and 2002, state security forces failed to intervene and sometimes participated in widespread mob attacks against Muslim communities across the country, which resulted in an unknown number of deaths and injuries. In some cases, local authorities increased tensions by encouraging the violence and intervening only at a late stage of the violence to end it.

Community Security

Rohingya communities are discriminated against as a whole in Myanmar without any state protection. Threats to community security endanger human security because “most people derive security from their membership in a group,” such as the Rohingya ethnic group, that provides cultural identity and a common set of values. The Muslim Rohingyas face threats against their community due to their Muslim religion and expressions of their faith, as well as their stateless status. The Rohingya are restricted from access to state-run secondary education, and the Myanmar government restricts Rohingya high school graduates from travelling outside Rakhine state to attend college or university. The Rohingya are required to obtain government permission to marry and are restricted in the number of children they can have legally. Myanmar government authorities restrict gatherings to celebrate Islamic holidays and do not permit repairs to mosques. Simply being a member of the Muslim Rohingya ethnic group invites persecution in Myanmar. Discrimination against the Rohingya cripples their community’s ability to provide security for its members.

By The Brunei Times

June 20, 2015

A LOCAL man came home with greater humility and sense of humanity upon his return from handing over donations for Rohingya refugees in Malaysia.

On June 10, Hj Roslan Hj Mustafa, a former paramedic, and his nephew travelled to Malaysia, where some 30,000 Rohingya refugees are taking refuge under the auspices of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR). The two returned to Brunei a week later.

“We have social media groups amongst families members and friends, where we agreed to contribute what we can to those in need,” he said in an interview with The Brunei Times.

The contribution was only collected from family members and close friends. The donation was not open to the public.

The contribution comprised 14 cartons of baby formula, feeding bottles and women sanitary products. Hj Roslan said the items were specifically requested by Islamic Relief Malaysia (IRM) as they were in need of these items.

The cash donation was also used to buy food items.

“We used the money collected to purchase the essential items in shops in Kedah,” he said.

The UN and world human rights groups consider the Rohingya the most vulnerable and persecuted community in the world. Millions of Rohingya refugees have fled to neighbouring countries following a crackdown by the Myanmar government.

Hj Roslan said after watching the news of the conditions and sufferings that the Rohingya Muslims had to endure, he could not stand idle and let it happen without doing anything.

“That is why I represented my family and close friends to contribute what we can. We collaborated with IRM to execute our mission, however our contribution was small if compared to the assistance that they need,” he said.

Hj Roslan arrived in Selangor on June 12 and there he meet up with representatives from the IRM.

The group left for Kedah after Maghrib prayers and arrived at their hotel around 1am. Hj Roslan expressed his gratitude to IRM for providing him with the logistics throughout his stay in Kedah.

On June 14, they went to Belantik Immigration Depot in Kedah which housed the Rohingyas, to hand over the donations. He wanted to see for himself that the amanah (trust) entrusted to him by all the donors reached those who needed it.

“I did not get to meet them (the Rohingya) while at the Belantik Immigration Depot due to security reasons. I cannot imagine the challenges that they faced (to come here),” he said.

During his visit, Hj Roslan also had the opportunity to visit one of the schools set up especially for children of Rohingya refugees.

Ethnic Rohingya Committee of Arakan Malaysia (ERCAM) set up the Knowledge Garden Learning Centre in 2013 to enable the children to receive proper education.

The centre is situated at Seri Kembanga, Selangor Darul Ehsan and houses 110 students. They are given a formal education and learned Bahasa Malaysia, English, Mathematics and Science and Religious Studies.

The school has five full time teachers. The children come from areas such as Seri Kembangan, Serdang, Kajang and Cheras.

At the centre, Hj Roslan met with ERCAM’s chairman, Mohd Rafiq Khairul Bashar who shared their financial struggles in supporting the centre and the children.

Hj Roslan said many more children could not afford to go to the centre due to distance and financial problems. At the centre, he took the opportunity to mingle with the children.

“They have five classes in one place. The youngest student is four years old and the oldest is 12 years old. The centre is also home to eight orphans. It is facing financial problems and relies on donation to sustain its daily operations.”

After seeing for himself the condition of the centre, Hj Roslan raised the possibilities of future donation plans for the centre. He said it was a motivation for them to help and the support from his family and friends so far had been more than what he imagined.

In February, Hj Roslan also helped handover donations from families and friends for flood victims in Malaysia.

By AFP

June 20, 2015

The country will extend the funds through global agencies such as the UN High Commissioner for Refugees, says Foreign Minister Fumio Kishida.

TOKYO: Japan on Saturday (Jun 20) offered US$3.5 million to help the Rohingya boat people who have fled Myanmar where they faced severe discrimination.

Foreign Minister Fumio Kishida said Japan remained committed to helping national reconciliation efforts on various fronts in Asia, including between Myanmar's government and "ethnic minority groups".

"With regard to non-regular immigrants, including women and children trying to cross the Indian Ocean, Japan has decided to extend US$3.5 million" through global agencies such as the UN High Commissioner for Refugees, he said in a public address.

The money will go to providing food and shelter as well as to fund data analysis of their maritime movements, the foreign ministry said.

The plight of the persecuted and impoverished Rohingya has drawn international attention as thousands of them and Bangladeshi migrants cram into boats and struggle desperately to reach other Southeast Asian countries.

The Muslim Rohingya complain of systematic discrimination and mistreatment by Myanmar's Buddhist-majority government, which refuses to even recognise them as citizens.

Aman Ullah

RB Opinion

June 20, 2015

“Imagine you had no identity or a place to call home. Your rights to study, work, travel, marry and practice your religion didn’t exist – because you belong nowhere. .....You have no way to prove who you are or where you’re from, which restricts the ability to gain full citizenship status. Wherever you try to find refuge and you’re locked up in detention because of who you are......This is the life of a Rohingya.” --- Amie Hamling

On Sunday June 10, 2012, Myanmar declared a state of emergency in the western state of Rakhine after clashes between Buddhists and Rohingya left 50 people dead. Ten days later, on June 20, more than 90,000 Rohingya refugees have fled Myanmar to the Bangladeshi border, only to be denied access. The irony is that, June 20 is World Refugee Day. 

JUNE 20 marks World Refugee Day. World Refugee Day is a day to celebrate the strength and resilience of nearly 60 million people worldwide who have been displaced by war and human rights abuses. They are ordinary people, living through extraordinary times, trying to find safety for themselves and their families, and to rebuild their lives in dignity. The theme, ‘Real People, Real Needs’ recognizes the plight of refugees around the globe and the work yet to be done to ensure their health and welfare.

For years, many countries and regions have been holding their own Refugee Days and even Weeks. One of the most widespread is Africa Refugee Day, which is celebrated on 20 June in several countries.

The UN General Assembly, on 4 December 2000, adopted resolution 55/76 where it noted that 2001 marked the 50th anniversary of the 1951 Convention relating to the Status of Refugees, and that the Organization of African Unity (OAU) had agreed to have International Refugee Day coincide with Africa Refugee Day on 20 June.

The General Assembly therefore decided that 20 June would be celebrated as World Refugee Day.

As Prof Dr C R Abrar of Dhaka University remarks, “this year the World Refugee Day is being commemorated at a time when on the one hand the plight of refugees and asylum seekers has reached new heights, while on the other, globally a compassion fatigue appears to have set in. Termed as 'the worst refugee crisis' since World War II, 2014 witnessed a steep growth in the number of people forced to flee their homes with 59.5 million people forcibly displaced, compared to 51.2 million a year earlier. The recent media footage and reports on desperate people escaping violence at home and undertaking perilous journeys across the Gulf of Aden, the Red, Mediterranean and the Andaman Seas, are glaring testimonies of the scale of this humanitarian crisis.” 

The UN estimates that one in every 122 persons that inhabit the globe is now a refugee, internally displaced, or an asylum seeker. A recent UNHCR report goes on to record that “Were this the population of a country, it would be the world 24th biggest”. The UN figures further inform that almost nine out of every ten refugees (86 percent) were in regions and countries considered economically less developed. 25 percent of the total stock is based in what the UN has ranked as Least Developed Countries. Therefore, the global distribution of refugee remains massively distorted away from wealthier nations and towards the poor nations. 

In the Rakhine State of Myanmar, about 140,000 people have been forced to leave their homes in the aftermath of inter-communal violence in June and October 2012. The majority of them are the Rohingya, with smaller numbers of Rakhine, Kaman and other ethnicities. Most of the Rohingya are living in temporary camps and shelters with restriction on their freedom of movement and a lack of basic healthcare. Reports suggest that they are subjected to different forms of extortion, forced labour and arbitrary taxation including financial restrictions on marriage.

Under the Burma Citizenship Act of 1982, Myanmar has granted citizenship to 135 different ethnic groups, but not the Rohingya. Instead the Rohingya population remains stateless and the Myanmar government constantly reaffirms that this group is not welcome in Myanmar. Therefore, the plight of the Rohingya is twofold -- they are subjected to serious human rights violations and they are also stateless.

Given this situation, thousands of Rohingya have continued to flee Myanmar and sought safety elsewhere. Abuse and exploitation are common along the way and many lose their lives at sea. A statement published by UNHCR last week shows that an estimated 86,000 people, mostly Rohingya, have sailed on boats since June 2012. More than 1,300 have died on the journey and hundreds have been ill-treated in overcrowded camps run by traffickers and people smugglers.

The conflict in Rakhine State in Myanmar has given rise to a regional problem that now spans across Malaysia, Indonesia, Thailand and India. UNHCR is advocating for these host countries to grant the Rohingya temporary stay arrangements until the situation stabilises sufficiently in Rakhine State for them to return.

Although UNHCR can alleviate the suffering of displaced populations, it takes political decisions to resolve the root causes of conflicts and achieve peaceful co-existence of communities. On this World Refugee Day, let us all urge the international community to pave the way for a peaceful solution which will allow the Rohingya to finally return to the society that they were once part of.

RB News

June 20, 2015

Director General of Arakan Rohingya Union addresses the OIC Ambassadorial Special Session

Geneva, Switzerland -- United Nations Human Rights Council continued to provide coverage on persecution of Rohingya ethnic minority and Rohingya Human Right issues in Myanmar on the second and third day of the HRC sessions. On the second day, June 16th, in the minority issues Session, several member States and NGO expressed serious concerns about the wide range of human right violations currently faced by the Rohingya people, stressing that the impact of such violations is taking a toll on the Rohingya population, thus resulting in a large scale exodus of Rohingya through the sea routes to Southeast Asian countries. The delegates also stated that the human trafficking and discovery of mass graves of Rohingya victims are the direct result of the persecution of Rohingya minority in Myanmar. On June 17th, in the Internally Displaced Persons session, the concerns over the dire condition in Rohingya IDP camps were strongly expressed by several delegates.

At the OIC Ambassadorial special session on June 17th, delegations from the 57-member states discussed the expediency in addressing the current humanitarian crises in Southeast Asia and the need for adequate humanitarian relief supplies in IDP camps. Several delegations had called for stepping up the engagement with the Government of Myanmar and to take concrete steps to find a solution to the citizenship and human right issues of the Rohingya.

Dr. Wakar Uddin, Director General of Arakan Rohingya Union, spoke on the current issues and the new developments on the ground and in Nay Pyi Taw. Dr. Uddin specifically addressed the issues of forced verification, the new green card/ID report, anti-Muslim and-Rohingya legislations, white cards, and voting rights. He further stressed the need for a strong concerted plan that involves the Government of Myanmar in the multi-national rescue operations at the sea. He stated that it is the responsibility of the Government of Myanmar to immediately repatriate the rescued Rohingya victims to their homes and villages. He said the government should return full and equal citizenship rights to Rohingya and re-instate their ethnic identity. 

Dr. Uddin appealed the international community to demand the Government of Myanmar to abandon the regional policy imposed on Rohingya. “Your Excellencies, besides these there is a regional rule in Arakan, arbitrarily imposed by the former military junta decades ago, that is the instrument for all the human rights violations such as restriction of movement, marriage, worship, higher education, and at least a dozen of other violations; these must be immediately removed and their basic rights reinstated. The international community must be firm with the Government of Myanmar in demanding the restatement of these basic human rights to Rohingya; how can there be any progress on the ground while committing these violations by the Government forces are still rampant - how long Rohingya people have to wait to get their rights back?” Dr. Uddin concluded.

By AFP

June 19, 2015

KUALA CANGKOI, Indonesia: Muhammad Yunus came ashore in Indonesia by accident after a harrowing boat journey -- but he and hundreds of other Rohingya migrants are delighted to be spending Islam’s holiest month in the world’s most populous Muslim-majority country.

The boat people in Aceh province are among thousands of Rohingya and Bangladeshi migrants who arrived in countries across Southeast Asia in May after a Thai crackdown threw the people-smuggling trade into chaos and sparked a regional crisis.

Yunus had hoped to reach relatively affluent Malaysia, like many of the region’s migrants, but after a months-long voyage was dumped in shallow waters off Aceh.

He is nevertheless relieved to have washed up in Indonesia -- particularly in time for Ramadan, which starts on Thursday -- and be far from his native Myanmar, a predominantly Buddhist country where the Rohingya have long faced discrimination and are denied citizenship.

“Praise be to God, we were saved and brought to a Muslim country,” said the 35-year-old religious education teacher, who was rescued off the coast of Aceh on May 10 with around 580 other migrants.

“The people here are very kind and have helped us, they see Rohingya refugees as their brothers.”

Others, such as 16-year-old Muhammad Shorif, who fled a Rohingya refugee camp in Bangladesh where he had lived with his family, echoed his sentiments.

“I miss mother’s cooking in the refugee camp,” he said, but added he was “very happy” to be in Aceh for Ramadan, when Muslims are required to fast from sunrise to sunset.

Ramadan will be a busy time for Yunus, who left Myanmar in 2012 when his Islamic school was destroyed during fierce communal violence between local Buddhists and Rohingya, as he acts as prayer leader for the Rohingya in the camps.

He said that at the time he fled, it was impossible for Muslims to worship in peace, with mosques being razed to the ground and security forces stopping them from performing prayers.

Yunus spent several years at a camp in Bangladesh but got on a boat earlier this year in an attempt to escape the pitiful conditions there.

Acehnese also suffered

A resident of Sittwe, the capital of Myanmar’s Rakhine state where persecuted Rohingya have fled in droves, told AFP there were no restrictions imposed by local authorities this year during Ramadan, and local Muslims could worship in mosques.

Nevertheless, the situation has long been tense, with many Muslims in the city living segregated under armed guard.

It is a starkly different picture in Aceh, where people have flocked to give donations of food and money to the new arrivals and are planning to bring them delicacies to break fast during Ramadan, which ends with the Muslim holiday of Eid.

Many in the area sympathise with the Rohingya’s plight because of their own painful recent history -- Aceh was left in ruins by a decades-long separatist conflict, which only ended when the 2004 Indian Ocean tsunami hit the province, leaving more than 170,000 dead in Indonesia alone.

“During the conflict in the past, we endured suffering. But there are Rohingya who have had worse experiences than people in Aceh,” said Syamsuddin Muhammad, a 55-year-old fisherman who came to the migrant camp to donate money collected by his village.

The Acehnese are also trying to improve the migrants’ living conditions. At first they were given shelter in a sports centre before being moved to shabby buildings in the fishing town of Kuala Cangkoi, and this week they were taken to a village inland, where they are being housed in better buildings.

Since coming ashore emaciated and filthy after months at sea, many of the migrants appear to be recovering swiftly. Images of one desperate group in a green wooden boat off Thailand shocked the world -- but AFP tracked some of them down last month at a camp in another part of Aceh, where they had eventually arrived, and found many relaxed, dressed in fresh clothes and less gaunt and emaciated.

Despite the migrants’ immediate relief at having made it to a welcoming nation, they are likely to be living in limbo for years as few countries are willing to resettle migrants, including those who have genuine refugee status, and there are a huge number waiting for resettlement.

Many end up living a half-life in the shadows, eking out a living in the informal sector, far from their loved ones.

Even Yunus, who is happy to have ended up in Aceh, longs for his family back in Myanmar during Islam’s holiest month.

“I miss my wife and children,” he said, struggling to hold back tears.

By ANTARA News

June 18, 2015

Jakarta - President Joko Widodo (Jokowi) led a limited cabinet meeting to discuss ways to handle the refuges evacuated from around Mount Sinabung as well as the Rohingya asylum seekers in Aceh.

"We have to respond quickly to issues concerning Mount Sinabung," President Jokowi said during the meeting at the Presidential Office here on Thursday.

Among those attending the meeting were Coordinating Minister for Human and Culture Development Puan Maharani, Minister of Social Affairs Kofifah Indar Parawansa and Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs A. M. Fachir.

Mount Sinabung erupted once again and forced local people to relocate to safer places, according to the president.

"We need to develop drainage systems in the refugee camps. Of the 370 new houses being built for refugees, only 130 have been completed so far," Jokowi pointed out.

The head of state has asked institutions concerned to expedite the construction of facilities for the refugees so they can be relocated to the new settlements.

"Besides housing, the other problem we face is related to jobs. They should be given agricultural fields to farm the way they used to in their villages," he stated.

Till June 17, the number of refugees from around Mount Sinabung totaled 10,714 people, or 2,882 families. They are currently being accommodated in 10 locations in Kabanjahe city, according to data from the disaster mitigation office of North Sumatra.

Supported by personnel from other institutions, the office has been evacuating villagers living within a 7-kilometer radius of the peak of Mount Sinabung.

The refugees are from the villages of Jaraya, Kutatengah, Sigarang Garang, Madingding, Kutagugung and Kutarayat.

Sinabungs volcanic activity has been worsening, with the mount spewing ash clouds continuously since the alert status was raised on June 2 at 11 p.m. local time.

During the meeting, the president also inquired about the Rohingya asylum seekers currently in temporarily accommodations in Aceh province.

By Bernama

June 17, 2015

BUDAPEST -- Norway has praised Malaysia and Indonesia over their handling of the Rohingya refugee problem which is now a hot issue among ASEAN countries.

Malaysia's Dewan Negara deputy president Datuk Doris Sophia Brodi said Norway had also promised to use its influence to convince the United Nations (UN) and Myanmar to seek a solution to the problem.

Norway Foreign Deputy Minister Morten Hoglund gave the praise and assurance when receiving a visit by a delegation of five senators headed by Doris Sophia at his office in Oslo recently.

"We thank the Government of Norway for its concern and cooperation offered, and stress that since the Rohingya refugees is a global problem, it should be tackled likewise.

"The long Malaysian border results in the country being inundated by almost three million illegals. As such, Malaysia cannot solve the problem alone but needs the help of international communities, like Norway," she said in a statement here today.

The delegation, which is on a working visit to Norway and Hungary to boost bilateral cooperation between the two nations, comprised senators Datuk Boon Som Inong, Datuk Khairuddin E. S. Abd Samad, Datuk Ng Chiang Chin and Datuk Dr Lucas Umbul.

It visited Norway for three days, beginning June 10, and is now in Hungary for a four-day working visit from last Sunday.

Meanwhile, Doris Sophia said Hungary was prepared to offer scholarships to Malaysian students who furthered their studies there.

She said the offer was extended when the entourage made a courtesy call on Hungary National Assembly Hall Speaker, Laszlo Kover.

However, she added that currently, no university in Hungary had received accreditation from the Malaysian Qualification Agency (MQA).

"In this regard, Hungary urges the Malaysian Education Ministry and MQA to look into the matter."

RB News

June 17, 2015

BROUK President Tun Khin was invited by the French Foreign Ministry to discuss the Rohingya crisis on 11th June. Tun Khin met Diddier Ortolland, head of Southeast Asia Division and other officials at Ministry of Foreign Affairs France. 

During the meeting the BROUK President addressed the current update situation and urged French officials to immediately raise the issue in UN Security Council. 

Tun Khin stated, “Our people are dying every day. The International Community knew it but they are not doing enough. I appeal that we do not to let another Rwanda repeat for Rohingya. Please help end the genocide of more than 1 million Rohingya. The Burmese government’s plan is to drive us out of our own ancestral land and, if any Rohingya are left standing, they intend to build an apartheid against us”. 

“It is time for the United Nations Secretary General Ban Ki Moon to intervene to stop Rohingya Genocide where Persecution of the Rohingya minority by the Myanmar government amounts to genocide, according to field research from the International State Crime Initiative (ISCI), based at Queen Mary University of London,” said Tun Khin. 

At the end of the meeting BROUK also called on theFrench government with the US, UK and EU countries to pressure the Government of Myanmar to do the following: 

1. To immediately end its policies and practices of genocide; 

2. To restore full and equal citizenship rights of the Rohingya; 

3. To institute the right of return for all displaced Rohingya; 

4. To effectively provide the Rohingya with all necessary protection; and 

5. To actively promote and support reconciliation between communities in Rakhine State, Myanmar. 

The trip was organised by Info Birmanie. Tun Khin also gave many Interviews on current events related to the Rohingya Genocide in French Media and other journals.

John Zaw

UCA News

June 17, 2015

Will new 'green cards' lead to citizenship or push it further out of reach for the persecuted minority?

Officials in Rakhine state last week began issuing new identity verification cards to Rohingya Muslims in 14 townships. Authorities say the move creates a path to citizenship for the embattled ethnic minority, yet many Rohingya fear it will instead drive them further away.

Khin Soe, an immigration officer in Sittwe, said the new identification cards have been issued following a decision by the government to reclaim a previous form of temporary identification for Rohingya — so-called ‘white cards’.

“We are issuing green cards and accepting application forms for verifying citizenship for those who want it. Then we will carry out the process according to the 1982 citizenship law,” Khin Soe told ucanews.com on Wednesday.

The Myanmar government revoked the white cards in February and set a deadline of May 31 for cardholders — predominantly stateless Muslims who identify their ethnicity as Rohingya — to turn them in as part of a national citizenship program.

Some 400,000 white cards have been collected as of the deadline, according to the government.

The green cards are valid for two years, but holders who do not wish to apply for citizenship can stay in the country indefinitely by applying for extensions, Khin Soe said.

Several factors have complicated the citizenship program, including delays in reclaiming all white cards and questions about what would be required of the Rohingya community to apply for citizenship on the basis of the new identification cards.

The government and the Buddhist Rakhine community do not recognize Rohingya as one of the country’s official ethnic groups, and instead require them to identify as ‘Bengali’ because they are considered illegal immigrants from neighboring Bangladesh.

Under the 1982 citizenship law, any path to citizenship would require identifying as Bengali.

“We have explained to Muslims already about the issuing of green cards as a step to citizenship … but the process is not as quick as retrieving the white cards because the [Rohingya] have taken a ‘wait and see’ approach,” Khin Soe said.

He added that only 71 green cards have so far been issued in three townships.

Rohingya communities remain skeptical of the citizenship program, said Kyaw Hla Aung, a community leader in Sittwe township.

“I know that many people are not accepting the green cards because they have lived here for generations. I feel that we don’t need them because the process seems to move us farther away from citizenship and our rights,” he said.

The issuing of green cards may also have an impact on national elections scheduled for November.

On February 2, parliament granted white card holders the right to vote in a constitutional referendum. However, widespread protests by Buddhists and monks led to the decision to revoke them.

White-card holders were allowed to vote in the 2010 elections that ushered in the country’s quasi-civilian government.

Khin Soe said it was not clear if green card holders would be allowed to vote, saying that would be up to the Election Commission.

U Faruk, a committee member at the Dar Paing IDP camp north of Sittwe, said that residents remain hesitant to accept the green cards and are unwilling to identify as Bengali.

“We have long expected our right of citizenship because we have lived in Rakhine state for many decades, and we have lived peacefully alongside Rakhine Buddhists,” he told ucanews.com on Wednesday.

“I prefer Rohingya citizenship to Bengali since we are not from Bangladesh.”

By Rolan Lee

New Straits Times

June 16, 2015

AUNG San Suu Kyi’s enforced silence throughout almost twenty years of house arrest helped her become a global democratic icon, but her voluntary silence about the deplorable situation of Myanmar’s Muslim Rohingyas jeopardises this standing.

During her lengthy house arrest, Suu Kyi demonstrated a stoic dignity and steadfast commitment to the welfare and rights of Myanmar’s ordinary people, earning her standing as a much loved national figure and as a worthy Nobel Laureate.

Since her release from house arrest in 2010, Suu Kyi has been far from silent, speaking freely about political matters, including the economic liberalisation, ethnic and international relations, and the national constitution. With a re-energised National League for Democracy (NLD) party, the Lady, as she is adoringly known to many in Myanmar, was elected to Parliament in 2012, giving her an official platform to express her political views. 

Over the last five years, she has had a lot to say, platforms from which to say it and, owing to her iconic status, a willing audience in Myanmar and internationally.

The Lady has become suddenly silent as Myanmar’s discriminatory policies towards the Rohingyas have created a regional migration crisis. This silence risks irrevocably tarnishing her image and political credibility as a future Myanmar and Asean leader, prompting many to ask why does Suu Kyi stay silent.

The answer can be found, in part, by looking at domestic Myanmar electoral politics.

Myanmar has a substantial ethnic Bamar Buddhist majority with ethnic minorities concentrated around the periphery of the country. 

The ethnic minorities support their own political parties while nationwide parties, like Suu Kyi’s NLD, will compete with the government for votes from the Buddhist-majority centre.

In recent years, this Buddhist constituency has become increasingly influenced by Buddhist nationalism. Activist monks like the nationalist U Wirathu, described by Time magazine as the “Face of Buddhist Terror”, have worked to promote anti-Muslim feeling among the country’s Buddhist majority. 

Consequently, today there is a growing anti-Muslim constituency in Myanmar. Politicians are nervous that there could be enough voters willing to punish those seen to be pro-Muslim to cost them an election. 

The unchecked rise of Buddhist nationalism is in part a problem of Suu Kyi’s own making. Her refusal to strongly condemn U Wirathu and his ilk from the outset emboldened Buddhist nationalists and gave them the political space to organise and recruit. 

An early condemnation by the popular Suu Kyi could have gone a long way to limiting their influence today. However cynical, the bottom line here for the ambitious politician Suu Kyi is that there are few votes to be won by speaking up for the Rohingyas, but potentially many to be lost.

Losing votes is not something Suu Kyi, the politician, is prepared to risk. She is determined to become Myanmar’s president. Her continued stated policy priority is to change the national constitution, which currently bars her from becoming president because she married a foreigner.

But a desire to win votes does not tell the whole story about why Suu Kyi has been silent on the Rohingya situation. There are other equally compelling reasons which could explain her silence, among these, her relationship with her political party, the NLD.

Suu Kyi’s political ambitions require the support of the NLD. She co-founded the party and despite being unable to contest a seat, led it to a landslide election victory in 1990 before the military government invalidated the results and imprisoned its leaders.

The NLD is yet to taste political office but is favoured to win Myanmar’s next election. Many believe the NLD’s aging organisational leadership has little desire to support the Rohingyas and risk alienating the nation’s Buddhist majority voters.

These leadership figures supported her during her years of house arrest, so it could be her silence is motivated in part by her sense of moral obligation to them and their joint project — the political success of the NLD.

The NLD’s leaders are predominantly Buddhist and, like Suu Kyi, are from the country’s majority Bamar ethnicity. None of the NLD leadership has criticised Suu Kyi’s failure to speak up on behalf of the Rohingyas, so it is reasonable to assume she represents the majority position.

It is worth considering, too, whether Suu Kyi’s personal beliefs and attitudes towards religion and ethnic politics have influenced her decision to ignore the welfare of the Rohingyas.

She often speaks about the influence of her father, independence hero Aung San, on her political involvement. It is likely many of her current political positions are informed by her commitment to his legacy as the creator of Myanmar as a federal nation-state where Buddhists and ethnic Bamars dominate. 

Suu Kyi’s writings on minority issues, while rhetorically supportive of ethnic rights, suggest she holds a strong Bamar Buddhist identity. This makes it likely she will reflexively take political positions consistent with the perceived interests of Myanmar’s majority ethnic and religious group, the Bamar Buddhists.

In a democratic sense, these positions could well be presented as simply supporting the will of the majority of the people, rather than any anti-minority agenda. 

However, the country’s substantial Bamar Buddhist majority means, in Myanmar, democratic arguments will always be strongly stacked in their favour.

Seeking to understand the reasons why Suu Kyi has chosen to stay silent about the mistreatment of the Rohingyas is important because her standing globally means she has huge influence over the policies and attitudes of many countries, particularly the United States and Europe, towards Myanmar. Even if she fails in her bid to become president, her standing in Myanmar guarantees her an influential political role in a strategically important country of over 50 million people.

Even while she is silent, Suu Kyi’s failure to speak in defence of a persecuted Muslim minority says plenty about her vision for Myanmar. 

The writer is a doctoral candidate at the School of Humanities and Social Sciences, Deakin University, Australia.

Liz Mys

RB Opinion

June 16, 2015

It seems the hysteria is dying down; to the circle of the usual activists and those who fight relentlessly to get as much attention to the cause and to the few news and organizations who are still covering the story. But it’s the same cycle, attention and news for a while and everyone else carries on till some other big story hits. 

The “boat people” which has been termly coined with the latest breaking story, uncovered massive exploitation ring, some known for a while and some newly “discovered” information of torture, ransom and detention.

As much as sensationalism goes, not much has changed in regards to a great breakthrough and hope for the Rohingya. Someone once wrote “sadly the Rohingya people’s sufferings do not appear to be deemed newsworthy by world media”. ..and pretty much true.

We have heard from the Dalai Lama, the respected Desmond TuTu and Barrack Obama the President of the United States who made a statement of a few words, referring to the plight and matter as “a great test for the democracy of future” and “to take very seriously this issue of how the Rohingya are treated”. 

World heads and world leaders and famous people championing the plight of the Rohingya; but what has it actually accomplished?

For now the heat is on the trafficking ring, so that will stop for a bit. But sadly in time, many more will be pushed to take that risk again for a better chance at life and a new cycle will start. 

We have help given to the ones who have made land in Indonesia and some in Malaysia. Help with money and aid to house them and care for them after the harrowing ordeal at sea. Many organizations and individuals have gone there- don’t get me wrong, it’s a fantastic gesture to see the level of kindness and love, humanity with people from all over coming to help. It’s beautiful and it is heartwarming. 

Remember the words by Chinua Achebe “While we do our good works let us not forget that the real solution lies in a world in which charity will have become unnecessary.”? Not to devalue the humanity and humanitarian gesture and not saying to remove charity at all, because God knows we the people of the world with its current global condition, charity will continue and it kinda has to. 

It’s looking at a solution. A durable shot at changing the situation and maybe a bit of the world. 

Just look at where we are at now.

Paranoia. The whole world is gripped with it. Fear. Oh my god yeah. 

Hatred. Racism. 

Greed. Phisshh…. wheels turning to explore and exploit the already down and out, making money out of the misery of others. 

For the Rohingya, the conditions don’t exist for them to go back where they came from. The Burmese government stripped the Rohingya of the right to hold temporary identification cards, but did not guarantee the full rights of a citizen. So what is that really? Feels like a living nightmare that your house, although it’s yours but you’re not allowed to have any rights, someone else gets to dictate what and how you get to live and you will probably get killed or your family members, while all you can do is you just watch it happen. 

A process of “ethnic cleansing and genocide”, let that sink in your perspective for a bit. 

It’s no use to use the plaster effect, Band-Aid actions if you will, it doesn’t help the root of all the happenings we are witnessing. 

Temporary measures would not be durable nor good for the people. Many more Rohingya children will be born “Stateless” in the countries who have been kind to take them in and many many more will be born in the camps. Many more will go to the seas again. No rights and dignity as a world citizen, and at the mercy of the host country still dictating what can be allowed to be provided to the Refugees. 

Boycott Burma. The nations of ASEAN, God bless them, whatever gestures, pressured or otherwise, that they have given. It puts a lot of stress on their own governments to take in the people but still not solving the stateless position of the Rohingya. Another child would grow up without rights to proper education, another mother would be giving birth to a child whose future of his life and roots will be soon be erased if this continues and just living on a hope or dream to be elevated instead of persecuted. 

Boycott Burma, with trade and economic sanctions. The leaders of ASEAN countries should stop being an indirect accomplice to the Ethnic cleansing of the Rohingya. Full rights to return home and all the rights as a citizen of Myanmar must be demanded with no compromise till that is achieved, instead of complaining, instead of just fixing up meetings and more exchanges of diplomatic words. 

I am not of a political expert or anything like that but maybe just enough to dream of a better way because I am sick of watching the way the people have to live, merely existing sometimes. Maybe cordon off land on Myanmar soil with Peacekeeping force mending and looking out for angry mobs targeting the Rohingya for a change. And let the people build back their lives in a system, working towards coexistence with the country, I don’t know how. But living and running in fear, in severe lack of rights, no freedom and unknown, bleak future is not what they or we want in any spot in our lives or country. 

The POTUS has spoken and says to “take very seriously this issue of how the Rohingya are treated”. How about doing something to stop the persecution, stop the Genocide. 

So can we do it? Countless petitions has been signed, many more demonstration and protests and talks have been done. What does it take for us, you, me, we, them, and the other leaders to put a stop on a 21st century genocide? 

If Justice stands for something then the Rohingya deserves to live on the land their past generations have lived on, if humanity is preached and worshipped by the majority people there, then brotherhood should be respected and restored. If peace is possible let it be what we wish for others too. 

A dream maybe, a human need to belong and live in peace, not pieces, co existing well, because it is possible. 

I remember a young Rohingya man asked me once when I visited the camp last year, most heartbreaking question I couldn’t find words to answer while I stood & listened to them is this 

“Why? (the injustice) ..We have dreams too” #Rohingya