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ျမန္မာ ျပည္ေျမာက္ပိုင္း ကခ်င္ျပည္ နယ္ၿမိဳ႕ေတာ္ ျမစ္ၾကီးနား၊ ကခ်င္ သီးသန္႔ ရပ္ကြက္ တစ္ခုတြင္ ျပင္းအားျမႇင့္ ဗုံးေဖာက္ရန္ ျမန္မာ အစိုးရ အာဏာ ပိုင္မ်ား စီမံျပဳလုပ ္ခဲ့ေၾကာင္း ေဒသခံ တာ၀န္ရိွ သူမ်ား ေျပာသည္။ 

TNT ဗုံး တစ္လုံးအား ဒူကေထာင္ ရပ္ကြက္ (Du Kahtawng) ကခ်င္ ႏွစ္ျခင္း ခရစ္ယာန္ ဘုရားေက်ာင္း ေရွ႕ႏွင့္ ရပ္ကြက္ အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ေရး ႐ံုးအနီးရိွ မီးအားျမႇင့္ စက္ၾကီး (Transformer) တြင္ ကပ္ေထာင္ ေနစဥ္ ရပ္ကြက္ လုံျခဳံေရး ကင္းမွ ၾကိဳတင္ ေတြ႕ရိွ လိုက္ျခင္း ျဖစ္သည္။ 

ၾသဂုတ္လ (၂၅)ရက္ နံနက္ပိုင္း ၁ နာရီခြဲ ခန္႔တြင္ အမည္ မသိ ေယာက္က်ား (၃) ဦး ရပ္ကြက္အုပ္ ခ်ဳပ္ေရး ႐ံုးနား ဆိုင္ကယ္ တစ္စီးရပ္ တန္႔ကာ အနီးရွိ မီးအား ျမႇင့္စက္တြင္ မိုင္း တပ္ဆင္ျခင္း ျဖစ္သည္ဟု ထိုည ရပ္ကြက္ ညမီးကင္း တာ၀န္က် သူမ်ားႏွင့္ နီးစပ္ သူမ်ား ေျပာသည္။ 

႐ံုးအနီး ဆိုင္ကယ္ႏွင့္ လူ တဦးအား ညကင္း တာ၀န္က် သူမ်ားက မသကၤာ၍ သြားေရာက္ၿပီး အက်ိဳးေၾကာင္း ေမးျမန္းရာ ဆိုင္ကယ္ ဆီျဖည့္ရန္ ရပ္တန္႔ ေနျခင္း ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း ဗမာလို ျပန္လည္ ေျပာဆိုသည္။ 

သို႔ေသာ္ ထိုေနရာတြင္ ဆီဆိုင္မရိွျခင္းေၾကာင့္ လုံျခဳံေရးကင္းမ်ားမွ ၎အား ႏွင္ထုတ္ရာ မီးအားျမႇင့္စက္ဘက္မွ လူတစ္ေယာက္၊ ရပ္ကြက္ရုံးဘက္မွ လူတစ္ေယက္ ထြက္လာၿပီး ရပ္ေနေသာ ဆိုင္ကယ္တစ္စီးျဖင့္ (၃) ေယာက္ အျမန္ေမာင္းေျပးၾကသည္ဟုဆိုသည္။ 

ညမီးကင္းေစာင့္သူမ်ားက မီးအားျမႇင့္စက္ဆီ သြားေရာက္ၾကည့္႐ႈရာ တပ္ဆင္ေနေသာ ၀ိုင္ယာမီးႀကိဳးစမ်ားႏွင့္ အတူ TNT ဗံုးတလုံးကုိ ေတြ႔ရိွသည္ဟု ၎တို႔၏ေျပာျပခ်က္အရ သိရသည္။ 

ယင္းကိစၥႏွင့္ ပတ္သက္ၿပီး ဒူကေထာင္ ရပ္ကြက္အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ေရး႐ံုးသို႔ ကခ်င္သတင္းဌာနမွ ဆက္သြယ္ေမးျမန္းခဲ့ရာ ဟုတ္မွန္ေၾကာင္းႏွင့္ မီးအားျမႇင့္စက္ၾကီးတြင္ေထာင္ထားေသာဗုံးအား ၾသဂုတ္ ၂၅၊ ၾကာသပေတးေန႔က ျမစ္ၾကီးနားအေျခစိုက္ ေျမာက္ပိုင္းတိုင္းစစ္ဌာနခ်ဳပ္ (မပခ)မွ ဗိုလ္မွဴးတစ္ဦး ဦးေဆာင္သည့္ BE အဖြဲ႔မွ ျဖဳတ္လိုက္သည္ဟု ရွင္းလင္းေျပာဆိုသည္။ 

ဗုံးေထာင္သည့္ေနရာသည္ ရပ္ကြက္အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ေရး႐ံုးႏွင့္အတူ ပတ္လည္တြင္ ရပ္ကြက္ေစ်းၾကီးႏွင့္ ကခ်င္ႏွစ္ျခင္းခရစ္ယာန္ ဘုရား ေက်ာင္း ရွိကာ လူအစည္ကားဆုံး ေနရာျဖစ္သည္။ 

ျမစ္ႀကီးနားၿမိဳ႕ အမွတ္ (၁) ရဲစခန္းအား ကခ်င္သတင္းဌာနမွ ဆက္သြယ္ေမးျမန္းခဲ့ရာ ယင္းအေၾကာင္းအရာအား သိရွိလိုပါက ရဲစခန္းသို႔ လူကိုယ္တိုင္လာေရာက္စံုစမ္းပါရန္ ျပန္လည္ေျဖဆိုခဲ့သည္။ 

ယင္း မေအာင္ျမင္ေသာ ဗုံးခြဲအၾကမ္းဖက္လုပ္ရပ္ကို ျမန္မာအစိုးရမွ စီမံလုပ္ေဆာင္ျခင္းျဖစ္သည္ဟု ရပ္ကြက္ျပည္သူမ်ား ထင္ျမင္ခ်က္ေပးပါသည္။ 

ျမန္မာအစိုးရက ၾသဂုတ္လ (၁၂) ရက္တြင္ ပထမအၾကိမ္ သတင္းစားရွင္းလင္းပြဲျပဳလုပ္ၿပီး KIO အား “ေသာင္းက်န္းသူအျဖစ္” ေဖာ္ျပခဲ့သည္။ 

ေဒသခံႏိုင္ငံေရးေလ့လာသူမ်ားက ယခုလုပ္ရပ္သည္ သမၼတဦးသိန္းစိန္ ဦးေဆာင္ေသာ ျမန္မာအစိုးရအဖြဲ႔သစ္၏ စီမံခ်က္ျဖစ္ၿပီး KIO အား “ေသာင္းက်န္းသူ၊ အၾကမ္းဖက္သမားအျဖစ္” ျပည္သူမ်ား ထင္ေယာင္ထင္မွား ျဖစ္ေစရန္ရည္ရြယ္ လုပ္ၾကံ ဖန္တီးျခင္း ျဖစ္ႏိုင္ သည္ဟု သုံးသပ္သည္။

Credit : Koko (KNG)




In a speech delivered in Napyidaw on Aug 17, Burma’s President Thein Sein said his government will allow exiles to return home and will consider leniency with respect to offenses other than murder. The Irrawaddy has collected the opinions of exiled Burmese regarding his offer.

The Right Time Will Come 

Personally speaking, the reason I came out of Burma in the first place is to return home. But, there must be a change. For those who return, they must be the ones who will be able to contribute to the good of the society. As a journalist, I could be able to contribute to media development. So, I am ready to go home. I have been waiting for the chance to go home for more than 20 years. I am just living in Thailand, the closest country to mine, because I want to go back.The government has to create the right environment for all of us to go home. Will it release political prisoners? How much media persons like us will be able to work when we are there? I want to go back to my own country in a dignified way, not like I am going back to prison. We are concerned about the recent invitation by the President. What he said about exiles was not clear yet. But I hope the right time will come soon. That time the country should be quite stable and there must be a guarantee for those who plan to return. We are not criminals. I mean those who have been working for restoration of democracy and freedom in Burma. The government must initiate some sort of guarantee first. As human being, it is important for us to go home with dignity. There will be many things to do inside the country by applying knowledge and skills that we have learnt when we are in exile. So, I think all of us will eventually return if our country is peaceful and stable, and changes are being taken place.—Aung Zaw, Editor and Founder of The Irrawaddy Magazine




No Invitation is Necessary

First, the government needs to make already-started talks between its representative and Aung San Suu Kyi substantial, which should eventually lead to a genuine and fruitful political dialogue process. Second, it needs to stop its military offensives against ethnic nationalities and declare a nationwide ceasefire for internal peace. Third, its needs to release political prisoners, including Min Ko Naing and Ko Ko Gyi, who have been imprisoned for their peaceful activities for restoration of democracy in the country. If those conditions are met, we can say that our country is marching firmly towards it path to democracy and peace. Under such circumstances, the government doesn't even need to invite exiles to come back. The recent invitation by the president wasn't clear. It was made without those conditions. It would be a different story if he made his announcement under those conditions. We didn't run away from our country. We just came out of it to work for bringing about democracy, human rights and internal peace in our country.—Aung Moe Zaw, chairman of the Democratic Party for a New Society


Change Can only Come from Within




 I am watching the situation. I will go back next month. It will be better for artists like us to exist inside the country as we have more audiences there. Changes for Burma can only come from inside the country. We can't make changes from exile.—Godzilla, comedian




Too Soon to Think of Returning

We still can't consider going back home just because President Thein Sein said his government will consider leniency for us. The starting point for resolving Burma's current problems has yet to be reached, as long as our colleagues who remain behind bars for their beliefs are not released. Why did we leave our country? We did so because we believe that our country and people will only be in a situation conducive to peace and prosperity when there is no longer a dictatorship and we are able to establish a democratic system. The recent developments in Burma haven't met with any prospect that will help to realize our desire, so I would say that going home is still something we shouldn't think about.—Nyi Nyi Aung, former political prisoner and a current US citizen who was temporarily detained while visiting Burma last year.




No Return without Reunion


I was glad to hear that the president invited exiles to come back. But things that happened in the past make it difficult for us to believe his offer. Burma's previous military leaders asked students who participated in a nationwide pro-democracy uprising in 1988 and left the country after the military coup in September of the same year to come back. What happened to those who returned? Some disappeared, while others were imprisoned. Their lives were gradually worn down. If the government wants us to go back, there must be a guarantee. Of course, we want to go home. We have been working for 23 years because we want to go back. Who wouldn't want to go home? There are two things in our hearts—to be back in the country, and to continue our fight for what we believe in a dignified way. We don't need business opportunities or political seats. However, if the government wants to invite exiles who were involved in the 8-8-88 [August 8, 1988] uprising, they should allow them to reunite with other members of the 8-8-88 family who are still languishing in different prisons for their beliefs. As long as part of our family is in prison, the rest of us cannot be completely happy. So release the political prisoners, including the '88 generation students. Stop civil war as soon as possible. Also, recognize our efforts for genuine change and bringing about human rights in our country.—Aung Myo Min, director of the Human Rights Education Institute of Burma


Not the Answer to Burma's Problems

Inviting exiled Burmese to come home is not the answer to all of Burma's political problems. To really solve the problem, the government must enter into a dialogue with opposition groups and ethnic forces. Even though the president said his administration will allow exiles to return home, government troops are still deployed in different ethnic areas and engaged in clashes with ethnic armies almost every day.—Naw Zipporah Sein, general secretary of the Karen National Union




Improve Lives of Burma's People First

If the government really wants exiles to come back, it needs to improve the lives of people living inside the country. There are now more than 2,000 political prisoners in Burma, and they must be released. The government must also cease its military offensives in ethnic areas. We will be able to trust the recent government offer only if it is accompanied by efforts to bring about internal peace.—Wai Hnin Pwint Thon, a student of economics in London and the eldest daughter of Mya Aye, a leader of the 88 Generation Students Group




Return to be Silenced?

There is no way that we can go back inside the country and just keep our mouths shut. Even if we do go in, we will have to continue to protect local people, no matter which government rules or which companies come to invest. We have to work to bring more benefit to them. So I will only think about going home if I can fight for their benefit and what they deserve in terms of natural resources, environment and survival.—Wong Aung, coordinator of the Shwe Gas Movement


No Welcome for Former Soldiers

If dissidents in a country are to be given amnesty, the constitution of that country has to be amended first and a new law should be promulgated. It may be easy for those who were involved in political activities to go back to Burma by pledging that they will keep themselves away from politics.But it will be difficult for the return of former military personnel who participated in anti-government protests. Existing military laws and tribunals at different levels have to be revoked in order for those soldiers to go back. I don't have any plan to go home unless there is a clear announcement by the government.—Myint Wai, a former member of the Burmese air force who is currently working with the Thai Action Committee for Democracy in Burma.Just Another Fake AmnestyThe president said members of exiled opposition groups can go back to Burma while his government doesn't come up with any concrete plan to tackle the major issues the country faces. So we don't believe his nonsense words. It seems to me that his recent invitation was similar to his announcement of amnesty to prisoners in May, which in fact was only a one-year reduction of prison terms. It doesn't make much sense.—Aung Lart, a member of the Foreign Affairs Committee of the All Burma Federation of Student Unions


Invitation to a Tight Corner

If the government wants exiles to come back, it has to create the right environment for them to go home. It is very risky though. I mean, what are we going to do if we go back? Will we enjoy reunion with our mothers? Or will we go into business? It will be no problem if we only do those things. But if we plan to get involved in politics again or work for what we believe inside the country, we must ensure in advance that we will be able to do so. Otherwise, we will just end up being thrown into a tight corner. —Sein Win, managing editor of Mizzima News

Only if We Can Continue Our Work


The invitation was quite general. The president didn't say clearly which sector his government wants exiles to work for. Did he ask us to go back and work as NGOs? What kind of development was he taking about? Media development? Or did he ask us to come and get involved in social activities? Or will his government allow us to engage in political activities? The reason we left the country was to find ways to make it a better place. We didn't leave just so we could live abroad. I have been in exile for 23 years. I am not just sitting still. I have been working as much as I can for my country. If we are allowed to do the same inside the country, we will be more than happy to go home. But we won't go back if we are just asked to return and do nothing. We will continue our work from where we can. Actually, the Democratic Voice of Burma (DVB) has planned to move into the country if it is allowed to run there. We have already said that DVB is a public news media agency. —Toe Zaw Latt, DVB's Thailand bureau chief


Don't Believe a Word of It


We shouldn't go back. I want to say that we shouldn't believe the words of those who never keep their promises.—Ashin Zawana, former political prisoner and person-in-charge of the Mae Sot office of the International Burmese Monks Organization

No Hurry to Return to Prison

I spent almost 20 years in prison. There was no guarantee in the president's speech. Our colleagues are still in prison and the government has yet to release them. The previous government made a similar invitation. Many of those who believed the offer and went back home were arrested and thrown into jail. I am not ready to stay inside prison again. Although the new government is supposed to be a civilian one, most of its members are from the previous military regime. Also, there are no conditions conducive to democracy inside the country. As long as the 2008 Constitution is not amended, no democratic values will be realized in the country, so I still don't believe the president's recent offer to exiles. Even if I am asked to go back with a guarantee, I still won't return. I don't believe his government, as it only makes changes on paper and there is no actual implementation. So I still don't have any plan to go home. —Lin Thant, reporter for The Irrawaddy.

Credit: Irrawaddy News



Burmese and US banknotes are pictured in Rangoon. (Photo: AP)


As Burma's president, former general Thein Sein, acknowledges that the country's economy is struggling under the weight of multiple challenges, the question that is foremost on many minds right now is how his government will restructure a foreign-exchange regime that is fast becoming his administration's most pressing problem.

Since the beginning of this year, the Burmese currency, the kyat, has appreciated by more than 25 percent, putting severe pressure on the country's export sector and threatening any effort to restart the economy after decades of stagnation under direct military rule.

Currently sitting at around 750 kyat to the dollar, compared to more than a 1,000 kyat to the US unit a year ago, the exchange rate received a rare mention by a Burmese ruler last week, when Thein Sein, speaking to an audience of economists, businessmen and local aid organizations, said on Wednesday that the strengthening local currency is hurting the economy.

To reduce the burden on exporters, the government has cut export revenue tax on seven items—rice, beans and pulses, sesame, rubber, corn, marine products and animals and animal products—from 7 to 2 percent, and given them an exemption from commercial tax for a period of six months, from Aug 15 to Feb 14, 2012.

“We very much welcome the government's decision to provide a tax cut,” said Hla Maung Shwe, the vice-chairman of the Myanmar Fisheries Federation—adding, however, that with a loss in revenue of around 25 percent, “exporters are still feeling the pinch.”

There are several reasons for the appreciation of the kyat. Besides the declining value of the dollar worldwide, other factors include high oil and gas prices (Burma's biggest export is natural gas) and a spending spree by cronies of the military elite, who in the run up to this year's transition to ostensibly civilian rule used their massive dollar reserves to buy up property, gems and state assets.

The danger now, say experts, is that the exchange rate could reach a point where repatriated earnings from exports are no longer sufficient to cover the costs of production, inflicting huge losses on businesses that could force enterprises to shut down.

Another problem that could emerge is that locally manufactured goods could be squeezed out of the domestic market by cheap imports—something that would have far-reaching effects on an economy that has long been geared to self-sufficiency. 

“The economic, social and political consequences of this chain of events could be serious,” wrote U Myint, a leading Burmese economist and the top economic advisor to Thein Sein, in a recent paper addressing the exchange-rate issue.

If any good has come of this situation, it is that Naypyidaw seems to be taking U Myint's warning to heart. The government recently told Burmese business leaders that it was preparing to change the official exchange rate, currently set at around six kyat to the dollar, and would soon terminate its use of Foreign Exchange Certificates (FECs), which are circulated in place of US dollars domestically.

Dumping an unrealistic and grossly inefficient system that has long distorted the country's economy is definitely a step in the right direction, but it is one that will require a degree of expertise that is completely lacking among the country's key decision makers.

That's why the government has turned to the International Monetary Fund (IMF) for advice. This will first of all involve asking Naypyidaw to provide key macroeconomic data, such as foreign exchange reserves, balance of payments, national budget, money supply, and GDP—including its sectoral composition and growth rate—household income and expenditures surveys, foreign direct investment inflows, and foreign trade statistics.

There is little, however, that the IMF can do in practical terms.


Because Burma hasn't paid back its debts to multilateral financial institutions—and because the US wields effective veto power over the IMF—the country is barred from receiving and new financial aid.

That shouldn't matter, however, because Burma is believed to have abundant foreign exchange reserves (thanks to its sales of gas, gems and other natural resources), which it would need if it decided to simply float the kyat, discarding a fixed exchange rate that has long since ceased to have any relation to economic reality.

Floating the kyat “would require quite literally little more than the stroke of a pen,” according to Australian economist Sean Turnell, an expert on Burma's economy at Macquarie University.

In fact, introducing a floating currency would only be a matter of making official the informal system that has long been in place in Burma, where for decades most international transactions have been based on an unofficial exchange rate determined by market forces.

If the Burmese government allowed the kyat to float, it would reduce bureaucracy, increase economic freedom and hinder those elements that use the current exchange-rate arrangements as a vehicle for corruption.

The only danger, however, is that bringing a degree of common sense to Burma's exchange rate system could create the false impression that the country's economic problems can be solved without other, more fundamental changes.

“The exchange rate issue is important, but it's far from the most serious of Burma's economic problems, which have their roots in the lack of property rights, reasonable policy making, a voracious state apparatus, etc,” said Turnell.

According to a 2008 paper by Dr. Tin Soe, a former professor and head of a department at the Rangoon Institute of Economics, Burma's economy since the early 1960s, when the country first came under military control, has been characterized by “inconsistency, instability, interruption and discontinuation, rigidity and limited scope and vision, lack of transparency, unpredictability and uncertainty, quantitative physical targets-orientation, inefficient and ineffective implementation and use and abuse of consultancy and advisory services.”

In other words, if Thein Sein really wants to make a difference, his government will have to break half a century of bad habits. Floating the kyat would be a start, but it will take much more than this to clean out the Augean stables of Burma's economy. 


Credit: Yeni - Irrawaddy News
 ဧရာဝတီတုိင္း ဟသၤာတၿမိဳ႕မွာ ၾသဂုတ္လ ၂၇ ရက္ေန႔ ညက ဗုဒၶဘာသာဝင္ေတြနဲ႔ အစၥလာမ္ ဘာသာဝင္ေတြ အၾကား အခုိက္အတန္႔ တင္းမာမႈ ျဖစ္ပြားခဲ့ေပမယ့္ ၿမိဳ႕ေပၚရွိ သံဃာေတာ္မ်ားရဲ႕ ၾကားဝင္ ျဖန္ေျဖမႈေၾကာင့္ အေျခအေနဟာ ေအးေအးခ်မ္းခ်မ္း ၿပီးဆုံးသြားတယ္လုိ႔ သတင္းရရွိပါတယ္။
Wikipedia
ဧရာဝတီတုိင္း ဟသၤာတၿမိဳ႕။ (image: wikipedia)

ျဖစ္ပုံမွာ ၂၇ ရက္ ည ၈ နာရီခန္႔က ဟသၤာတၿမိဳ႕ ဥယ်ာဥ္ေတာင္ရပ္ ဗလီေက်ာင္းအနီး ဗိုလ္ျမတ္ထြန္းလမ္းေပၚမွာ ဆုိင္ကယ္စီးလာသူ ႏွစ္ဦးနဲ႔ စက္ဘီးစီးလာသူ ႏွစ္ဦးတုိ႔ မေတာ္တဆ ထိခုိက္မိရာကေန စကားမ်ားၿပီး ခုိက္ရန္ျဖစ္ပြားခဲ့မႈက စတင္ခဲ့တာလုိ႔ စုံစမ္း သိရွိရပါတယ္။

အခင္းျဖစ္ပြားရာမွာ ပါဝင္တဲ့ အစၥလာမ္ဘာသာဝင္ ႏွစ္ဦးက အနီးရွိ ဗလီထဲ ဝင္ေျပးသြားလုိ႔ မေက်နပ္တဲ့ လူတစုက တာေလး၊ ဝတ္တန္း၊ ေရႊကူ၊ ဥယာဥ္ေတာင္ရပ္ကြက္ေတြက လူထုကုိ ေခၚေဆာင္ၿပီး ဗလီေရွ႕မွာ သြားေရာက္ စုရုံးခဲ့တယ္လုိ႔ သိရပါတယ္။ မ်က္ျမင္သက္ေသ ဟသၤာတ ေဒသခံတဦးက ..

“ျဖစ္စဥ္က အမႈမွန္ မေပၚေပါက္မွာ စိုးလုိ႔ ေတာင္းဆုိတဲဲ့သေဘာပါ။ ရိုက္မယ္ျပဳမယ္ ထုတ္ေပး၊ လက္စားေခ်မယ္လုိ႔ တေယာက္မွ မေျပာပါဘူး။ ျပန္ခုိင္းလုိ႔ေတာ့ မျပန္ဘူး၊ ထုိးတဲ့ တရားခံ ၅ ေယာက္လံုးကို ေဖာ္ေပး၊ ဥပေဒနဲ႔အညီ ေဆာင္ရြက္ေပးဖို႔ ဗမာဘက္က ေတာင္းဆုိတယ္။ သူတို႔ေတာင္းဆုိတာကို ဘာသာေရး ေခါင္းေဆာင္ေပါ့၊ ဗလီက ေကာ္မတီေတြကလည္း ခြင့္ျပဳတယ္” 

ညသန္းေခါင္ယံ အခ်ိန္အထိ လူစု မကြဲတဲ့အတြက္ ဟသၤာတၿမိဳ ့သာသနာ့ဗိမာန္ ေက်ာင္းတုိ္က္မွ သံဃာေတာ္နွစ္ပါး ဦးေဆာင္ၿပီး ၾကားဝင္ ေမတၱာရပ္ခံၾကလို႔ လင္းအားႀကီး တနာရီခြဲခန္႔မွာ လူစုကြဲသြားတယ္လုိ႔ သိရွိရပါတယ္။

“ေအးေအးခ်မ္းခ်မ္းပဲ ျပန္သြားပါတယ္။ ရမ္းရမ္းကားကား ဘာသာေရး အဓိကရုဏ္း ပံုစံမ်ိဳး ျဖစ္မသြားပါဘူး။ ခရုိင္ရဲတပ္ဖြဲဲ႔မွဴးကေတာ့ ျပႆနာျဖစ္တဲဲ့ ဝတ္ေက်ာင္းမွာ တပ္ဖြဲ႔အင္အား အျပည့္နဲ႔ တညလံုး ေစာင့္ေနတာေပ့ါ”

အခင္းျဖစ္ပြားမႈေၾကာင့္ ဟသၤာတ ခရုိင္တြင္းရွိ ရဲစခန္းေတြက ရဲတပ္ဖြဲ႔ဝင္ေတြနဲ ့ခလရ (၁၈) က တပ္ဖြဲ႔ဝင္ေတြ ဟသၤာတၿမိဳ႕ကုိ ညတြင္းခ်င္း လာေရာက္ၿပီး လုံျခဳံေရး ယူထားတယ္လုိ႔လည္း သိရပါတယ္။

Credit : RFA Burmese




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ဒီဗြီဘီ

မေန့ ဩဂုတ္လ ၂၇ ရက္ေန့က ဟသၤာတျမို့နယ္က ပလီေက်ာင္းတခုကို အရပ္သား ၃၀၀ ေလာက္ ၀ိဳင္းထားျပီး သူတို့အလိုရွိတဲ့ လူႏွစ္ဦးကို ထုတ္ေပးဖို့ ေတာင္းဆိုတဲ့ ျပႆနာတခု ျဖစ္ပြားခဲ့ပါတယ္။

ဒီျပႆနာကို ေဒသဆုိင္ရာ အာဏာပိုင္ေတြနဲ့ သံဃာေတာ္ေတြက ၀င္ေရာက္ေျဖရွင္း လိုက္ရတယ္လို့ ေဒသခံတဦးက ေျပာပါတယ္။

၂၇ ရက္ေန့က ဟသၤာတ ဥယ်ာဉ္ေတာင္ရပ္ကြက္၊ ဗိုလ္ျမတ္ထြန္းလမ္းမွာ ဆိုင္ကယ္ ေမာင္းနင္လာသူတဦးနဲ့ စက္ဘီးစီးနင္းလာတဲ့ လူရြယ္ ၂ ဦးတို့ ထိခိုက္မိရာကေန အခ်င္းမ်ားျပီး ထိုးၾကိတ္ခဲ့သလို ႏွစ္ဦးက အနီးက ပလီအတြင္းကို ထြက္ေျပး ၀င္ေရာက္ပါတယ္။

ဗလီေက်ာင္း၀င္းထဲ ထြက္ေျပးသြားတဲ့ လူရြယ္ ၂ ဦးကို ထုတ္ေပးဖို့ အထိုးခံလိုက္ရတဲ့ ကိုစိန္၀င္းရဲ့ ေဆြမ်ုိးသားခ်င္းေတြက ဗလီျပင္ပကေန ေတာင္းဆိုရာကေန လူထု ပိုမိုမ်ားလာတာလို့ ေဒသခံတဦးက ေျပာပါတယ္။

“ဗမာစီးလာတဲ့ ဆိုင္ကယ္နဲ့ ကုလားေလး စီးလာတဲ့ စက္ဘီး ျငိတာကေန တေယာက္နဲ့ တေယာက္ အခ်င္းမ်ားျပီး ကုလားေလး ႏွစ္ေယာက္က ထိုးလိုက္တာ။ ထိုးျပီးေတာ့ သူတို့က ဗလီေက်ာင္းထဲ ၀င္ေျပးတာ။ ဒါကို အထိုးခံလိုက္ရတဲ့ဘက္က တရားခံကို ထုတ္ေပးဖို့ ေတာင္းဆိုရင္းနဲ့ လူအုပ္မ်ားလာေတာ့ ခရိုင္အုပ္ခ်ုပ္ေရးမႉး၊ ခရိုင္ရဲတပ္ဖြဲ့မႉးတို့၊ ျမို့နယ္အုပ္ခ်ုပ္ေရးမႉးတို့ ျမို့မိ၊ ျမို့ဖေတြက ၀ိဳင္းျပီးေျဖရွင္းေပးၾကတယ္။”

အခင္းျဖစ္စဉ္မွာ ထိုးႏွက္ျပီး ဗလီတြင္း၀င္ေရာက္သူႏွစ္ဦးကို ဗလီတာ၀န္ရွိသူေတြ ၀ွက္ထားတယ္လို့ အျပင္မွာ ေတာင္းဆုိသူေတြက ထင္ျမင္ေပမယ့္ အဲဒီႏွစ္ဦးဟာ ဗလီထဲကို ျဖတ္ျပီး က်န္ထြက္ေပါက္ကေန ထြက္ေျပးသြားျပီး ရပ္ကြက္တခုမွာ ေရာက္ရွိေနတာကို ေဖာ္ထုတ္ ဖမ္းဆီးမိတာလို့ ဆိုပါတယ္။

တရာခံႏွစ္ဦးကို ဖမ္းမိခ်ိန္မွာ လူအုပ္က ပိုမ်ားလာတဲ့အတြက္ ျမို့လူထု ေလးစားရတဲ့ ဘုန္းၾကီးႏွစ္ပါးက ၀င္ေရာက္ ဖ်န္ေျဖေပးခဲ့ျပီးေနာက္ ျပႆနာ ေျပလည္သြားခဲ့တယ္လို့ သူက ဆက္ေျပာပါတယ္။

“တရာခံကို ရဲစခန္းမွာ ထားျပီးေတာ့ ျမို့လူထု ေလးစားတ့ဲ ဓမၼဗိမာန္ေက်ာင္းတိုက္က ရဟန္းႏွစ္ပါးကို အကူအညီေတာင္းရတာေပါ့။ လူထုကို ဖ်န္ေျဖေပးဖို့ေပါ့။ အဲဒါနဲ့ ဦးေကတုမာလာ ဆိုတဲ့ ဦးဇင္းကပဲ လူမ်ုိးေရး အဓိကရုဏ္းဆိုတာ မျဖစ္သင့္တဲ့ဟာ၊ ဘာသာ ကိုးကြယ္မႈကို ဖယ္လိုက္ရင္ လူလူခ်င္း ရန္ညိႈးထားတာ မေကာင္းတဲ့ ကိစၥမို့လို့ သူေျပာတာကို နားေထာင္ပါ။ သူညိွနိႈင္းေပးပါမယ္ဆိုျပီး တဖက္အာဏာပိုင္ကိုလည္း အျဖစ္မွန္ကို ေဖာ္ထုတ္ေပးဖို့၊ ဥပေဒအရ ထိေရာက္စြာ အေရးယူဖို့နဲ့ တဖက္ကလည္း ျငိမ္းျငိမ္းခ်မ္းခ်မ္းနဲ့ စည္းကမ္းရွိရွိ ေနာက္ေနာင္ ဒါမ်ုိး မျဖစ္ဖို့ အကုန္ရွင္းေပးလိုက္ေတာ့ ညတနာရီခြဲေလာက္မွာ ကိစၥ အားလံုးျပီးသြားတယ္။”

ဆရာေတာ္ရဲ့ အမိန့္အတုိင္း ဒီျဖစ္ရပ္ကို အတတ္နိုင္ဆံုး လ်င္လ်င္ျမန္ျမန္နဲ့ အေကာင္အထည္ေဖာ္ေအာင္ လုပ္ေပးမယ္ဆိုတာကို ခရိုင္တပ္ဖြဲ့မႉးကုိယ္တုိင္ေရာ ျမို့နယ္အုပ္ခ်ုပ္ေရးမႉး၊ စခန္းမႉးေတြကပါ ေျပာဆိုခဲ့ၾကတဲ့အတြက္ ေက်ေက်နပ္နပ္နဲ့ ျပႆနာ ျပီးဆံုးသြားတယ္လို့လည္း ေျပာပါတယ္။

အထိုးခံလိုက္ရတဲ့ ကိုစိန္၀င္းဟာ ေဆးရံုမွာ ေဆးကုသမႈ ခံယူေနရတာကလြဲရင္ ဘယ္သူမွ တစံုတရာ ထိခိုက္မႈ မရွိခဲ့ပါဘူး။
(မဇၩိမ) ။       ။ ေသာၾကာေန႔ ပထမအႀကိမ္ ျပည္သူ႔လႊတ္ေတာ္ ဒုတိယ ပံုမွန္ အစည္းအေဝးတြင္ ႏိုင္ငံေရး အက်ဥ္းသားမ်ား လြတ္ေျမာက္ေရးႏွင့္ ပတ္သက္သည့္ အဆိုသည္ လႊတ္ေတာ္ ေဆြးေႏြးပြဲမ်ား အတြင္း ေထာက္ခံ
ေဆြးေႏြးသူ အမ်ားဆံုးရရွိခဲ့သည့္ အဆိုတခုျဖစ္ကာ တပ္မေတာ္သား လႊတ္ေတာ္အမတ္မ်ားပါ ပထမဆံုးအႀကိမ္ ဝင္ေရာက္ေထာက္ခံ ေဆြးေႏြးသည့္ အဆိုတခုျဖစ္ခဲ့သည္ဟု ျပည္သူ႔လႊတ္ေတာ္ အမတ္မ်ားက ေျပာသည္။

မတ္လအတြင္းက က်င္းပခဲ့သည့္ လႊတ္ေတာ္ စည္းေဝးပြဲမ်ားႏွင့္ ယခု က်င္းပဆဲ လႊတ္ေတာ္ အစည္းအေဝးမ်ားတြင္ တင္သြင္းခဲ့သည့္ အဆိုတခုကို ေထာက္ခံေဆြးေႏြးမႈမွာ အမတ္ ၁ ဦးမွ ၄ ဦး အထိသာ ရွိခဲ့သည္။

သို႔ေသာ္ ျပည္သူ႔လႊတ္ေတာ္ အမတ္ ဦးသိန္းၫြန္႔ ၾကာသပေတးေန႔တြင္ တင္သြင္းခဲ့သည့္ “ယံုၾကည္ခ်က္ေၾကာင့္ အက်ဥ္းက်ခံ ေနရသူမ်ားအတြက္ အေထြေထြ လြတ္ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းသာခြင့္ သမၼတမွ ထုတ္ျပန္ေပးေရး” အဆိုကို ျပည္သူ႔ လႊတ္ေတာ္တြင္ ေသာၾကာေန႔က ေဆြးေႏြးရာ၊ တိုင္းရင္းသားပါတီမ်ားမွ လႊတ္ေတာ္အမတ္မ်ား သာမက တပ္မေတာ္သား အမတ္မ်ား၊ စုစုေပါင္း ၁၅ ဦး ေဆြးေႏြး ေထာက္ခံခဲ့ၾကျခင္းေၾကာင့္ ေထာက္ခံမႈ အမ်ားဆံုးရသည့္ အဆိုတခုဟု လႊတ္ေတာ္အမတ္မ်ားက ေျပာၾကသည္။
meetlotdaw1
ႏိုင္ငံေရး အက်ဥ္းသားမ်ား လြတ္ေျမာက္ေရးႏွင့္ ပတ္သက္သည့္ အဆိုကို တပ္မေတာ္သား လႊတ္ေတာ္အမတ္မ်ား ပထမဆံုးအႀကိမ္ ဝင္ေရာက္ေထာက္ခံ ေဆြးေႏြး (ဓါတ္ပံု မဇၥ်ိမ)

၂၅ ရာခိုင္ႏႈန္းေဝစုမွ တပ္မေတာ္သား လႊတ္ေတာ္ အမတ္မ်ားျဖစ္သည့္ ဗိုလ္မႉးႀကီး ေ႒းလႈိင္၊ ဗိုလ္မႉးႀကီးတင့္ဆန္း
တို႔မွ အခ်ဳိ႕ေသာ တပ္မေတာ္သားမ်ားသည္ အေၾကာင္းအမ်ဳိးမ်ဳိးေၾကာင့္ အရပ္ဘက္ တရား႐ံုးမွ ျပစ္ဒဏ္မ်ား က်ခံခဲ့ရၿပီး ထိုသူမ်ားသည္ ႏိုင္ငံအတြက္ အလုပ္လုပ္ခဲ့သူမ်ား ျဖစ္ျခင္းေၾကာင့္ ထိုသူမ်ားပါ လြတ္ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းသာခြင့္တြင္ ပါဝင္ေစလိုသည့္ အတြက္ ဦးသိန္းၫြန္႔၏ လြတ္ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းသာခြင့္ အဆိုကို ေထာက္ခံေၾကာင္း ေဆြးေႏြး သြားၾကသည္။ တေန႔တည္းမွာပင္ အင္းစိန္ေထာင္တြင္း တံခါးပိတ္ တရား႐ုံးက ဗိုလ္ႀကီးေဟာင္း ေနမ်ဳိးဇင္ကို အီလက္ထေရာနစ္ ဥပေဒ ခ်ဳိးေဖာက္မႈျဖင့္ ေထာင္ဒဏ္ ၁၀ ႏွစ္ခ်မွတ္လိုက္သည္။

ယင္းကဲ့သို႔ တပ္မေတာ္သား လႊတ္ေတာ္အမတ္မ်ား ပါဝင္ေဆြးေႏြးျခင္းမွာ ပထမဆံုး ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္းလည္း ျပည္သူ႔ လႊတ္ေတာ္ အမတ္ ဦးခိုင္ေမာင္ရည္က ဆိုသည္။

“ဒါ ပထမဦးဆံုး ေဆြးေႏြးျခင္းပဲ ေဆြးေႏြးတဲ့သူေတြကလည္း ဗိုလ္မႉးႀကီးအဆင့္ ရွိသူေတြ ထိပ္ဆံုးမွာ ထိုင္တဲ့
ႏွစ္ေယာက္ ခုံနံပတ္ ၁၊ ၂ အဲဒီမွာထိုင္တဲ့ ႏွစ္ေယာက္က ထေဆြးေႏြးသြားတာ” ဟု မဇၩိမကို ေျပာသည္။

ဦးသိန္းၫႊန္႔၏ အဆိုပါ အဆိုကို တိုင္းရင္းသား စည္းလံုးညီၫြတ္ေရး ပါတီ အပါအဝင္ တိုင္းရင္းသား ပါတီမ်ား
ျဖစ္သည့္ ရွမ္းတိုင္းရင္းသားမ်ား တိုးတက္ေရးပါတီ၊ ရခိုင္တိုင္းရင္းသားမ်ား တိုးတက္ေရး ပါတီ၊ ဖလံုစေဝၚ ပါတီ၊ မြန္ေဒသလံုးဆိုင္ရာ ဒီမိုကေရစီ ပါတီ၊ ခ်င္းတိုးတက္ေရး ပါတီမ်ားမွ ေထာက္ခံ ေဆြးေႏြးခဲ့ၾကသည္။

ယင္းအျပင္ အမ်ဳိးသား ဒီမိုကေရစီ အင္အားစု ပါတီမွ ခြဲထြက္ကာ ပါတီသစ္ေထာင္ခဲ့သူ ဦးသိန္းၫြန္႔၏ အဆိုကို အမ်ဳိးသား ဒီမိုကေရစီ အင္အားစုပါတီမွ ဦးစိုးဝင္းႏွင့္ ေဒါက္တာ သန္းဝင္းတို႔မွလည္း ေထာက္ခံခဲ့ၾကသည္။ သို႔ေသာ္ ႀကံ့ဖြံ႔အမတ္မ်ားျဖစ္သည့္ ဦးစံလင္းႏွင့္ ေဒၚလဲ့လဲ့ဝင္းေဆြတို႔မွ ကန္႔ကြက္ ေဆြးေႏြးခဲ့ၾကသည္ဟု သိရသည္။

ဦးသိန္းၫြန္႔၏ အဆိုတြင္ “ယံုၾကည္ခ်က္ေၾကာင့္ အက်ဥ္းက်ခံေနရသူမ်ား အတြက္ အေထြေထြ လြတ္ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းသာခြင့္ သမၼတမွ ထုတ္ျပန္ေပးေရး” ဟု သံုးႏႈန္းထားျခင္းေၾကာင့္ ျပည္ထဲေရးဝန္ႀကီး ဒုတိယ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ႀကီး ကိုကိုမွ
ႏိုင္ငံေတာ္ သမၼတ ဦးသိန္းစိန္ထံ ဆက္လက္ တင္ျပေပးရန္ လႊတ္ေတာ္ ဥကၠ႒ သူရဦးေရႊမန္းက ေမတၱာရပ္ခံခဲ့ၿပီး ဒုဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ႀကီး ကိုကိုက သမၼတထံ ဆက္လက္ တင္ျပေပးမည္ ျဖစ္သည္။

ႏိုင္ငံေရး အက်ဥ္းသားမ်ားႏွင့္ ပတ္သက္သည့္ အဆိုကို ဦးသိန္းၫြန္႔မွ ယခုလ ၈ ရက္ေန႔တြင္ လႊတ္ေတာ္႐ံုး တင္ျပထားခဲ့ၿပီး၊ ႀကံ့ခုိင္ဖြံ႔ၿဖိဳးေရး အမတ္တဦးျဖစ္သူ သူရဦးေအးျမင့္မွလည္း လြတ္ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းသာခြင့္ႏွင့္ ပတ္သက္သည့္ အဆိုကို ယခုလ ၂ဝ ရက္ေန႔တြင္ လႊတ္ေတာ္႐ံုးသို႔ တင္ျပထားသည္ဟု သိရသည္။

ေသာၾကာေန႔ လႊတ္ေတာ္ ေဆြးေႏြးပြဲမ်ားတြင္ ႏိုင္ငံေရး အက်ဥ္းသားမ်ားႏွင့္ ပတ္သက္သည့္ ယင္းအဆိုကို
ေဆြးေႏြးသူမ်ားျခင္းေၾကာင့္ ထိုအဆို တခုတည္းသာ ေဆြးေႏြးႏိုင္ခဲ့ၾကသည္ဟု ျပည္သူ႔လႊတ္ေတာ္ အမတ္မ်ားက
ေျပာၾကသည္။

ျပည္သူ႔လႊတ္ေတာ္၏ ေမးခြန္းမ်ားတြင္ ဦးသိန္းၫြန္႔မွ ေမးျမန္းသည့္ ေမးခြန္းျဖစ္သည့္ သကၤန္းကၽြန္းၿမိဳ႕နယ္မွ လူကုန္ကူးခံရသူ ၂၆ ဦး ႏွင့္ပတ္သက္သည့္ ေမးခြန္းကို အလုပ္သမားဝန္ႀကီး ဦးေအာင္ၾကည္မွ လူကုန္ကူးမႈ က်ဴးလြန္သူဟု ယူဆရသူ ဦးေက်ာ္ျမင့္ကို ဖမ္းဆီးစစ္ေဆးေနၿပီ ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း ေျဖသည္။

ယင္းအျပင္ ေရွ႕ေန စာေမးပြဲမ်ား ျပန္လည္ က်င္းပခြင့္၊ လိုင္စင္ သိမ္းခံရသူမ်ား အတြက္ ျပန္ထုတ္ေပးရန္ ရွိမရွိကို ဦးသိန္းၫြန္႔မွ ေမးျမန္းရာ တရားသူႀကီးခ်ဳပ္ ဦးထြန္းထြန္းဦးမွ “တရား႐ံုးမွ သတ္မွတ္ထားသည့္ ဥပေဒ ၁၂/၇ အရ ေရွ႕ေန စည္းကမ္း မလိုက္နာသူမ်ားကို ေရွ႕ေန လိုင္စင္ ျပန္ထုတ္ေပးရန္ မရွိပါ” ဟု ျပန္လည္ ေျဖၾကားခဲ့သည္။

ဦးသိန္းၫြန္႔၏ ေနာက္ထပ္ေမးခြန္းတခုျဖစ္သည့္ ၂ဝဝ၈ ဖြဲ႔စည္းပံု အေျခခံဥပေဒတြင္ တရား႐ံုးမ်ား တခါးဖြင့္ၿပီး
ျပည္သူ႔ေရွ႕တြင္ တရားစီရင္ရန္ ေဖၚျပထားေသာ္လည္း အင္းစိန္ေထာင္တြင္ အထူးတရား႐ံုးမ်ား ဖြင့္ကာ တခါးပိတ္ စစ္ေဆးေနျခင္းသည္ ဥပေဒႏွင့္ ကိုက္ညီမႈ ရွိမရွိ ေမးသည္ကို ျပည္ေထာင္စု တရားသူႀကီးခ်ဳပ္မွ အထူးတရား႐ံုးမ်ား လုပ္ရျခင္းသည္ သက္ေသမ်ား တရားခံမ်ား၏ လံုၿခံဳေရးအရ၊ လုပ္ရျခင္းျဖစ္ၿပီး ျမန္မာျပည္တြင္ တခါးပိတ္ စစ္ေဆးျခင္းမရွိပါဟု ျပန္လည္ ေျဖၾကားသည္။

ယင္းအျပင္ ဦးသိန္းၫြန္႔မွ သေဘၤာသားမ်ား ကားသြင္းခြင့္ရွိမရွိ ေမးခြန္းကို ေမးျမန္းခဲ့ရာ စီးပြားကူးသန္းဝန္ႀကီး ဦးဝင္းျမင့္မွ ပို႔ကုန္သြင္းကုန္ စည္းကမ္းအတိုင္း လုပ္ေနျခင္းေၾကာင့္ သေဘၤာသားမ်ား ကားသြင္းခြင့္ မရွိေၾကာင္း
ေျဖသည္။

ေသာၾကာေန႔ အမ်ဳိးသား လႊတ္ေတာ္ အစည္းအေဝးတြင္ အမ်ဳိးသား လႊတ္ေတာ္ အမတ္ ဦးခက္ထိန္နန္က ဖားကန္႔ေဒသရွိ ေက်ာက္စိမ္းမ်ားကို ေရရွည္ စနစ္တက် ထိန္းသိမ္း တူးေဖၚေရးအဆို တင္သြင္းရာ အမ်ဳိးသား လႊတ္ေတာ္ အမတ္မ်ားအားလံုး သေဘာတူလက္ခံခဲ့ၾကသည္။

ဦးခက္ထိန္နန္၏ အဆိုကို သတၱဳတြင္းဝန္ႀကီး ဦးသိန္းထိုက္က ျဖည့္စြက္ ေဆြးေႏြးရာတြင္ အဆိုပါ ေဒသအတြင္းရွိ
ေက်ာက္စိမ္းလုပ္ကြက္မ်ားကို ေလွ်ာ့မည္ျဖစ္ကာ တိုင္းရင္းသား အမည္ခံ တ႐ုတ္လူမ်ဳိးမ်ား၏ လုပ္ငန္းခြင္အတြင္း ႀကီးစိုးမႈမ်ားကိုလည္း စိစစ္သြားရန္ ရွိသည္ေၾကာင္း ေျဖၾကားသည္ဟု အမ်ဳိးသား လႊတ္ေတာ္ အမတ္ ဦးဖုန္းျဖင့္ေအာင္က ဆိုသည္။

“လုပ္ကြက္ေတြကို ေလ်ာ့ပါမယ္ စက္ေတြနဲ႔ တူးတာေတြလည္း ေလွ်ာ့ပါမယ္၊ တိုင္းရင္းသား အမည္ခံၿပီးေတာ့ တ႐ုတ္ေတြ ႀကီးစိုးေနတာေတြကိုလည္း သက္ဆိုင္ရာ ကခ်င္ျပည္နယ္ အစိုးရေနၿပီးေတာ့ စနစ္တက် စစ္ေဆး ပါမယ္ ေဒသခံေတြ ဦးစားေပးတဲ့ စနစ္ကို က်င့္သံုးမယ္ အဲဒီလိုေျပာပါတယ္” ဟု ဦးဖုန္းျမင့္ေအာင္က မဇၩိမကို
ေျပာသည္။

ယင္းအျပင္ အမ်ဳိးသား လႊတ္ေတာ္တြင္ အလုပ္သမားဝန္ႀကီး ဦးေအာင္ၾကည္မွ အလုပ္သမားမ်ားႏွင့္ ပတ္သက္သည့္ ဥပေဒမူၾကမ္းကို တင္သြင္သြားၿပီး အဆိုပါမူၾကမ္းကို လာမည့္တနလၤာေန႔တြင္ လႊတ္ေတာ္မွ ဆက္လက္ ေဆြးေႏြးမည္ ျဖစ္သည္။

ဦးေအာင္ၾကည္၏ ဥပေဒမူၾကမ္းတြင္ အလုပ္သမားသမဂၢမ်ား ဖြဲ႔စည္းႏိုင္ရန္၊ အလုပ္သမားမ်ားမွ မေက်နပ္ခ်က္မ်ား ရွိပါက သက္ဆိုင္ရာ၏ အစီအစဥ္ျဖင့္ ဆႏၵျပခြင့္ႏွင့္ အလုပ္ရွင္ အဖြဲ႔အစည္းမ်ား ဖြဲ႔စည္းေရး စသည့္အခ်က္မ်ား ပါဝင္ေၾကာင္း ဥပေဒမူၾကမ္းကို ဖတ္ခြင့္ရသူ ဦးဖုန္းျမင့္ေအာင္က ဆိုသည္။

အမ်ဳိးသားလႊတ္ေတာ္၏ ေသာၾကာေန႔ အဆိုမ်ားတြင္ အမ်ဳိးသား လႊတ္ေတာ္ အမတ္ ဦးခင္ေရႊ၏ ေဒၚလာေဈး
ျပန္လည္သတ္မွတ္ေပးရန္ အဆိုကို တနလၤာေန႔တြင္ ေဆြးေႏြးရန္ရွိၿပီး ဦးခင္ေရႊ၏ ေနာက္ထပ္ အဆိုတခုျဖစ္သည့္ ခရီးသြား လုပ္ငန္းမ်ားကို ဟုိတယ္ႏွင့္ ခရီးသြားလုပ္ငန္းကို ဝန္ႀကီးဌာနမွ ဦးစီးမႈမရွိဘဲ ဝန္ႀကီးဌာနမွ ပုဂၢိဳလ္မ်ား အပါအဝင္ ပုဂၢလိက လုပ္ငန္းရွင္မ်ားႏွင့္ ဖြဲ႔စည္းရန္ အဆိုကိုလည္း လႊတ္ေတာ္မွ အတည္ျပဳေပးခဲ့သည္။

ေသာၾကာေန႔ လႊတ္ေတာ္မ်ားကို နံနက္ ၁ဝ နာရီတြင္ စတင္ၾကကာ၊ ျပည္သူ႔လႊတ္ေတာ္သည္ မြန္းလြဲ ၂း၃ဝ တြင္ ၿပီးဆံုးၿပီး အမ်ဳိးသားလႊတ္ေတာ္သည္ ညေန ၄း၁၅ တြင္ ၿပီးဆံုးသည္။ လႊတ္ေတာ္ ႏွစ္ရပ္သည္ စေန၊ တနဂၤေႏြတြင္ ေခတၱ ရပ္နားမည္ျဖစ္ကာ တနလၤာေန႔တြင္ ျပန္လည္ စတင္မည္ျဖစ္သည္

Credit : (မဇၩိမ)

Members of Myanmar's army-dominated parliament have called for an amnesty for political prisoners after a UN envoy called for the release of prisoners of conscience.

Burma's parliament calls for release of political prisoners
The regime, which came to power after controversial November elections, appears keen to improve its image and recently held the first talks between democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi and President Thein Sein Photo: AFP/GETTY

A proposal for a general amnesty was raised in Burma's lower house on Friday.

"They firmly hope that the president would make (an) assessment and release an order of amnesty," the New Light of Myanmar reported.

The plight of around 2,000 political prisoners, many of whom are serving double-digit jail terms, is a key concern of the international community, along with other human rights abuses and democratic reforms.
It is the first time that serving military members of parliament have taken part in a discussion of a general amnesty since a nominally civilian government took over in March. A quarter of seats are reserved for the army.

The regime, which came to power after controversial November elections, appears keen to improve its image and recently held the first talks between democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi and President Thein Sein, a former general.

But the UN special rapporteur on human rights in Burma, Tomas Ojea Quintana, said serious concerns remained as he concluded a visit to the country on Thursday.

The UN envoy, who visited Yangon's notorious Insein jail during his five day trip, voiced fears over allegations of torture during detention and the use of prisoners as porters for the military.

"Of key concern to me and the international community is the continuing detention of a large number of prisoners of conscience," Mr Quintana said.

In a move that rights groups said was woefully insufficient, Burma reduced all current jail sentences by one year in May and commuted the death penalty to life imprisonment.

Amnesty International said that political detainees are imprisoned using vague laws that criminalise peaceful political activists.

They are held in poor conditions and moved to jails far from their homes and families.

Opposition leader Suu Kyi was freed from seven years of house arrest in November shortly after the election, Myanmar's first in 20 years.
Mr Quintana, who also held talks with the Nobel laureate last week, urged Myanmar's parliamentarians, many of whom shed military uniforms to contest the election, to hold "open and inclusive debates on issues of national importance".hare1

Credit :http://www.telegraph.co.uk
 
 
 By Zin Linn>>

Human Rights Special Rapporteur Mr Thomas Ojea Quintana on his Burma tour from 21 to 25 August separately met Union Parliament Speaker Thura Shwe Mann, National Parliament Speaker Khin Aung Myint, Union Chief Justice Tun Tun Oo, Chairman of the Union Election Commission Tin Aye, Union Minister for Home Affairs Lt-Gen Ko Ko, Union Minister for Defence Maj-Gen Hla Min, Union Minister for Foreign Affairs Wunna Maung Lwin, Union Minister for Labour and for Social Welfare, Relief and Resettlement Aung Kyi, Union Attorney-General Dr Tun Shin and Deputy Chief of the Police Force Police Brig-Gen Zaw Win.
The explanation of Union Parliament Speaker Thura Shwe Mann to the UN Envoy was published in the New Light of Myanmar on Thursday.

“As Myanmar (Burma) is a member of the international community, it has embraced the opportunities to address democracy and human rights cases like the global community. Though, every country has different processes from other countries based on own culture, custom and historical background. As the Human Rights Special Rapporteur reviewed, Myanmar is on the correct path to democracy and will continue to march along the correct path,” Thura Shwe Mann said.
He also said, “Necessary laws will be ratified to make sure that Parliament representatives serve the public interest or bring about the people’s fundamental rights, democracy and human rights without party attachment, localism, racism and regionalism. So, the existing laws will be under review to abrogate and amend inconsistent ones and endorse new ones. Only then will multiparty democracy rights will do well in future. The power to issue writs has been grant to bring democracy and rights to the people. The government, judicial bodies, service personnel and the people will abide by the enacted laws through the check and balance.”
He also said that Parliament representatives know that armed conflicts due to misunderstanding among national races do not bring any benefits to the nation. Hence Parliament committees include the Committee for National Races Affairs and Internal Peace in addition to the Committee of Fundamental Rights, Democratic Rights and Human Rights of Citizens.
He said that the Judicial and Legal Affairs Committee has been formed to handle legal affairs in an effective way. The Parliament committees carry out tasks inside Parliaments, so it is safe to say that the tasks are carried out by the public. The report on progress in addressing land confiscation cases will be submitted to the Parliament session, and the government’s Guarantees, Pledges and Undertakings Vetting Committee will watch and see, he explained.
Union Parliament Speaker wants the Human Rights Special Rapporteur to prevent the acts of certain countries and organizations that trouble Myanmar (Burma) and the people at a time when Myanmar and the people are working together for democracy and human rights.
Finally, Thura Shwe Mann said, Myanmar (Burma) will accept and appreciate Special Rapporteur’s suggestions, people’s stances and international community’s suggestions. Moreover, the Human Rights Special Rapporteur can watch what Myanmar is working for democratization, Speaker Thura Shwe Mann said.
Even though, the UN envoy called on Burma Thursday to immediately probe human rights abuses, saying serious concerns remained regardless of signs of progress under the new questionable civilian government.
He also expressed concern about the condition in ethnic conflict areas, including attacks against civilians, extrajudicial killings, sexual violence, arbitrary arrest, the recruitment of child soldiers and forced labor.
Mr. Quintana’s visit followed key opposition figure Aung San Suu Kyi met with President Thein Sein last week. It was a top-level talk with the government’s chief since her release in November, after a controversial election. Quintana also held talks with Suu Kyi during his most up-to-date trip.
Quintana has not been issued a visa to visit Burma since March 2010, when he suggested forming of a commission of inquiry. Quintana last visited Burma in February 2010 but was not allowed to see opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi, who was under house arrest at the time. His consequential requests to revisit Burma have been refused.
In yesterday AFP News, Mr. Quintana, the UN special rapporteur on human rights in Burma said, “This is a key moment in Burma’s history and there are real opportunities for positive and meaningful developments to improve the human rights situation and bring about a genuine transition to democracy,”
According to him, the new government has taken a number of steps towards transition to democracy. However, many serious human rights questions are still to be addressed. He has been repetitively calling for the release of Burma’s estimated 2,000 political prisoners.
KIA ကခ်င္လြတ္ေျမာက္ေရး တပ္ဖြဲ႔နဲ႔ အစုိးရ ကုိယ္စားလွယ္တုိ႔ ျငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရး အတြက္ ေတြ႔ဆုံေဆြးေႏြးခဲ့ေပမဲ့ အခုအခ်ိန္အထိ တိက်တဲ့ အေျဖ မရရွိေသးပါဘူး။ ဒီအေတာအတြင္း ၾသဂုတ္လ ၁၂ ရက္ေန႔ သတင္းစာရွင္းလင္းပြဲမွာ KIA/KIO အဖြဲ႔က ႏွစ္ဖက္ ျငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရး သေဘာတူညီခ်က္ေတြကုိ မလုိက္နာဘဲ ခ်ဳိးေဖာက္ခဲ့တယ္လုိ႔ ျပန္ၾကားေရး၀န္ၾကီး ဦးေက်ာ္ဆန္းက ေျပာပါတယ္။ ၂၀၁၁ ခုႏွစ္ ၾသဂုတ္လ ၂ ရက္ေန႔က KIA ကခ်င္လြတ္ေျမာက္ေရး တပ္ဖြဲ႔နဲ႔ အစုိးရ ကုိယ္စားလွယ္တုိ႔ ေတြ႔ဆုံခ်ိန္မွာ KIA က ေမးျမန္းခဲ့တဲ့ ထာ၀ရ ျငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရး အတြက္ အစုိးရက ဘယ္လုိ အဓိပၸါယ္ ဖြင့္ဆုိျပီး KIA ကုိ ဘယ္လုိ သေဘာထားသလဲ ဆုိတဲ့ ေမးခြန္းအေပၚ အစုိးရ ကုိယ္စားလွယ္ရဲ႕ ေျဖၾကားခ်က္ေတြကုိ ေကာက္ႏွဳတ္ တင္ျပထားပါတယ္။


(Part-1)



(Part-2)



(Part-3)





Credit :netmedia
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Credit : RFA Burmese





Daw Aung San Suu Kyi is quoted as saying "President Thein Sein really wants change" - according to Bangkok Post.

But what really is President Thein Sein in Burma's military-controlled political system?
Remember President San Yu? Sure the Revolutionary Council (1962-74) and Burma Socialist Programme Party (1974-1988) all of which were Ne Win's creatures - were not the "elected" Government of the Republic of the Union of Myanmar (correct name?). But the Army is the backbone of this new Than Shwe creature.

This new creature with Thein Sein as its face and nominal leader may end up devouring its Creator, just as the BSPP self-destruted and brought Ne Win down from the throne, by default. 

But so what? The biological clock is ticking for Than Shwe anyway.

What about the Army's Class rule? What about the military-sponsored Bama colonalism towards non-Bama ethnic communities? 

Some say retired Burmese diplomat and economist U Myint, U Thant's grandson Thant Myint-U, the regime's hired mouth Nay Win Maung, etc. are "backing the President". But how? 

What are these new presidential gurus and mouthpieces going to do when, not if, the real generals move against the President (and all his men)? 
And what is the future of the NLD as the flagship opposition?

We now have the flagship opposition which no longer considers itself "opposing the dictatorship" (albeit in new clothing), nor pursues power sharing arrangement", according to NLD leader U Win Tin.

Is the NLD, legal or illegal, is morphing into a National Pagoda Trust (Gaw Pa Ka) or prisoners of conscience (POC)-Rescue mission?

I wouldn't worry about the military ruling the country resistance-free or reforming the State successfully. The economy is its Achilles Heel and the militarized State has neither intellectual capacity nor political will to turn itself into anything workable.

Represssion and resistance will go hand in glove. The ethnic resistance cannot be wiped out, even after some centuries. Just look at the Balkans, Southern Thailand, or Northern Ireland. For the Bama resistance against the State, it has not stopped since 1958.

Whether or not it has succeeded is irrelevant. The point is the Burmese conflicts will continue on, destroying any prospects for peace or prosperity for the little men and women on the street.

This is all familiar to the Burmese familiar with the country's past.


Dr Zarni (m.zarni@lse.ac.uk) is Visiting Fellow, Department of International Development, LSE in United Kingdom.











Viewing cable 04BRUSSELS4013, EUROPEAN COMMISSION CONCERNED ABOUT ROHINGYA


Reference IDCreatedReleasedClassificationOrigin
04BRUSSELS40132004-09-21 12:022011-08-26 00:00UNCLASSIFIED//FOR OFFICIAL USE ONLYEmbassy Brussels

This record is a partial extract of the original cable. The full text of the original cable is not available.

UNCLAS BRUSSELS 004013 
 
SIPDIS 
 
SENSITIVE 
 
E.O. 12958: N/A 
TAGS: PREF PREL BG BM EUN USEU BRUSSELS
SUBJECT: EUROPEAN COMMISSION CONCERNED ABOUT ROHINGYA 
REFUGEES 
 
1. (SBU)  Summary.  The European Commission (EC) is concerned 
about the plight of Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh, 
including the lack of adequate educational opportunities for 
refugee children.  Those living outside official refugee 
camps without official status are at greater risk.  The EC 
would provide significant funding if the GoB agreed to allow 
the local integratation of the Rohingyas.  End Summary. 
 
2.  (SBU) On 9/10, PRM Assistant met with EC officers -- DG 
RELEX Administrator for Southeast Asia and Uprooted Peoples 
Thomas Gnocchi and DG RELEX Bangladesh desk officer Ana 
Beatriz Martins -- to discuss the Rohingya refugees.  Martins 
spoke at length about the living conditions in both the 
official camps and the "unofficial" Teknaf camp.  According 
to Martins, conditions in the official camps are relatively 
good.  However, he noted that the exceedingly low levels of 
education in the camps have become a focus of concern. 
Gnocchi said that the Bangladeshi government requires lessons 
to be taught in Burmese so as to keep the ties alive and 
encourage future return.  Since there are few teachers who 
speak the required language, many refugee children are not 
receiving satisfactory schooling and their future is in 
jeopardy. 
 
3.  (SBU) The "unofficial" camp in Teknaf, on the other hand, 
is facing more immediate difficulties and hardships. "The 
living conditions in Teknaf," stated Martins, "are abysmal." 
Unfortunately, the peculiarities surrounding their situation 
merely serve to complicate their eligibility for aid.  Many 
of its residents have unknowingly lost their status as 
refugees, often as a result of failed attempts to repatriate 
to Rakhine State.  Martins added that as a result the 
Bangladeshi government recognizes them not as refugees, or 
even as former refugees, but as illegal immigrants. 
 
4.  (SBU) With the help of the UNHCR, the EC is pushing for 
the implementation of a self-sufficiency program that aims to 
increase accessibility to educational and vocational 
training.  Thus far, the Bangladeshi government has neither 
endorsed nor denounced this program.  This is significant 
considering the continued hard-line approach by the 
government to the plight of these refugees.  Gnocchi noted 
that the Rohingyas, numbering 19,500 persons, comprise a 
small fraction of the overall migration problem.  He added 
that Bangladesh has the capacity to absorb this rather small 
group, but refuses to for fear of igniting a mass movement of 
refugees.  Martins acknowledged the legitimacy of such fears, 
but stated that they could be avoided if a low profile was 
maintained. Gnocchi added that the EC is willing to offer 
significant development projects in the region if local 
integration were accepted as an option by Bangladesh. 
 
5. (SBU) In response to the current stagnation surrounding 
the plight of these refugees, the EC is in the process of 
redefining its vision for Bangladesh, according to Martins. 
They plan to pursue deeper discussion on the issue with 
Member States under the Dutch Presidency.  Martins added that 
the current turmoil plaguing the region both heightens this 
need and frustrates any possibility of resolving the issue. 
Martins and Gnocchi inquired about future coordination with 
the U.S. on this issue. 



ႏုိင္ငံေတာ္ တည္ၿငိမ္ေအးခ်မ္းမႈကို အေႏွာင့္အယွက္ မျပဳေၾကာင္း ေသခ်ာသည့္ အခ်ိန္က်မွသာ ႏုိင္ငံေရး အက်ဥ္းသားမ်ားကို ျပန္လႊတ္ေပးမည္ဟု အမ်ိဳးသားလႊတ္ေတာ္ ဥကၠ႒ ဦးခင္ေအာင္ျမင့္က ကုလသမဂၢ လူ႔အခြင့္အေရး အရာရွိ မစၥတာ ေသာမတ္စ္ အုိေဟး ကင္တားနားႏွင့္ ေနျပည္ေတာ္၌ ေတြ႕ဆုံစဥ္ ေျပာဆုိလုိက္သည္။ 


ရန္ကုန္ မဂၤလာဒံု အျပည္ျပည္ဆုိင္ရာ ေလဆိပ္တြင္ မစၥတာ ေသာမတ္စ္ အိုေဟး ကင္တားနား သတင္းစာရွင္းလင္းပြဲ ျပဳလုပ္စဥ္ (ဓာတ္ပံု - ဧရာဝတီ)

ယခုအစုိးရသည္ သေဘာထားေပ်ာ့ေျပာင္းေၾကာင္း၊ ႏုိင္ငံေတာ္၏ လုပ္အားစုမ်ားကုိ အဆုံးအရႈံးခံၿပီး အက်ဥ္းေထာင္ထဲ ထည့္ထားျခင္းမ်ိဳးအား မည္သည့္အစုိးရကမွ် ျပဳလုပ္လုိမည္ မဟုတ္ေၾကာင္း၊ ႏုိင္ငံေတာ္ တည္ၿငိမ္ေအးခ်မ္းမႈကုိ အေႏွာင့္ အယွက္ မျပဳေၾကာင္း ေသခ်ာသည့္ အခ်ိန္တြင္ အက်ဥ္းသားမ်ားအား ျပန္လည္လႊတ္ေပးမည္ ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း မစၥတာကင္တားနား၏ ေတာင္းဆုိခ်က္ကုိ ဦးခင္ေအာင္ျမင့္က ေျဖၾကားသည္ဟု ယေန႔ထုတ္ သတင္းစာမ်ားတြင္ ေဖာ္ျပထားသည္။

မစၥတာကင္တားနားသည္ အမ်ိဳးသားလႊတ္ေတာ္ ဥကၠ႒ ဦးခင္ေအာင္ျမင့္ႏွင့္ သီးျခားေတြ႔ဆုံခဲ့ျခင္းျဖစ္သည္။

ကုလသမဂၢ အေထြေထြ အတြင္းေရးမႉးခ်ဳပ္ အပါအ၀င္ မိမိႏွင့္ အာဆီယံႏုိင္ငံမ်ားက အက်ဥ္းသားမ်ား လႊတ္ေပးရန္ တုိက္တြန္းေၾကာင္း၊ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္အား ထိန္းသိမ္းထားမႈကုိ ရုပ္သိမ္းၿပီးေနာက္ ႏုိင္ငံအတြက္ အက်ဳိးရွိေစမည့္ ေတြ႔ဆုံေဆြးေႏြးမႈမ်ား ေဆာင္ရြက္ေနသည့္ နည္းတူ တျခားသူမ်ားအား လႊတ္ေပးျခင္းျဖင့္ အလားတူ အက်ိဳးသက္ေရာက္မႈ ရွိမည္ဟု ယုံၾကည္ေၾကာင္း မစၥတာကင္တာနားေျပာဆုိသည္ဟု ေရးသားထားသည္။

ထုိ႔အျပင္ အင္းစိန္ေထာင္သို႔ သြားေရာက္ၿပီး ႏုိင္ငံေရး အက်ဥ္းသား ကုိညီညီထြန္း၊ ကုိၿဖိဳးေ၀ေအာင္ အပါအ၀င္ အက်ဥ္းသားႏွင့္ အခ်ဳပ္သား ၆ ဦး၊ အက်ဥ္းသူ ၁ ဦးတို႔ကုိလည္း ေတြ႕ဆုံခဲ့သည္။

မစၥတာကင္တားနားသည္ ယမန္ေန႔က ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံမွ ျပန္လည္ထြက္ခြာခဲ့ၿပီး မထြက္ခြာမီ ရန္ကုန္မဂၤလာဒုံေလဆိပ္တြင္ သတင္း စာရွင္းလင္းပြဲ ျပဳလုပ္ခဲ့ရာ ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံ၏ လူ႔အခြင့္အေရးႏွင့္ ပတ္သက္၍ အစုိးရအား ယခုထက္ပုိမုိ လုပ္ေဆာင္ရန္ တုိက္တြန္း ထားသည့္ ေၾကညာခ်က္တေစာင္ ထုတ္ျပန္ခဲ့သည္။

ထုိေၾကညာခ်က္တြင္ ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံ၌ ျပစ္မႈက်ဴးလြန္သည္ဟု သံသယရွိသူမ်ားကို စုံစမ္းစစ္ေဆးေနစဥ္ အေတာအတြင္း ရုိက္ႏွက္ျခင္း၊ လိင္အဂၤါအပါအ၀င္ ခႏၶာကုိယ္၏ တခ်ိဳ႕ အစိတ္အပုိင္းမ်ားအား မီးရႈိ႕ကာ ႏွိပ္စက္ညႇဥ္းပမ္းျခင္း၊ နာမက်န္း ျဖစ္ေနစဥ္ ေဆး၀ါးကုသမႈ လုံေလာက္စြာမေပးျခင္း၊ အစာေရစာျဖတ္ေတာက္ျခင္း၊ အိပ္စက္ျခင္းခြင့္ မေပးျခင္းမ်ားရွိေၾကာင္း၊ ထုိ႔အျပင္ အက်ဥ္းသားမ်ားကုိ စစ္တပ္၏ ေပၚတာအျဖစ္ အဓမၼ လုပ္အားေပးခုိင္းေစျခင္းမ်ားလည္း ရွိေၾကာင္း စစ္ေဆးေတြ႔ရွိရသည့္အတြက္ စုိးရိမ္သည္ဟု ေဖာ္ျပထားသည္။

မစၥတာ ကင္တားနားသည္ ျပည္သူ႔လႊတ္ေတာ္ဥကၠ႒ သူရ ဦးေရႊမန္း၊ ျပည္ေထာင္စု တရားသူႀကီးခ်ဳပ္ ဦးထြန္းထြန္းဦး၊ ျပည္ေထာင္ စု ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲေကာ္မရွင္ ဥကၠ႒ ဦးတင္ေအး၊ ျပည္ထဲေရး ၀န္ႀကီး ဒုတိယ ဗုိလ္ခ်ဳပ္ႀကီး ကုိကုိ၊ ကာကြယ္ေရး ၀န္ႀကီးဌာန ၀န္ႀကီး ဗုိလ္ခ်ဳပ္လွမင္း၊ ႏုိင္ငံျခားေရး ၀န္ႀကီး ဦး၀ဏၰေမာင္လြင္၊ အလုပ္သမား၀န္ႀကီးဌာနႏွင့္ လူမႈ၀န္ထမ္း၊ ကယ္ဆယ္ေရးႏွင့္ ျပန္လည္ ေနရာခ်ထားေရး ၀န္ႀကီးဌာန ၀န္ႀကီး ဦးေအာင္ၾကည္၊ ျပည္ေထာင္စု ေရွ႕ေနခ်ဳပ္ ေဒါက္တာထြန္းရွင္၊ ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံ ရဲတပ္ဖြဲ႔ ဒုရဲခ်ဳပ္ ေဇာ္၀င္းတုိ႔ႏွင့္လည္း သီးျခားစီ ေတြ႔ဆုံခဲ့ေသးသည္။

ျပည္ေထာင္စု တရားသူႀကီးခ်ဳပ္ ဦးထြန္းထြန္းဦးႏွင့္ ေတြဆုံစဥ္ မစၥတာကင္တာနားက ယုံၾကည္ခ်က္ေၾကာင့္ အက်ဥ္းက်ခံေနရသူ မ်ားကိစၥကုိေျပာဆုိရာ၌ ဦးထြန္းထြန္းဦးက ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံတြင္ ယုံၾကည္ခ်က္ေၾကာင့္ အက်ဥ္းက်ခံေနရသူ မရွိဘဲ ျပစ္မႈက်ဴးလြန္၍ ျပစ္ဒဏ္ က်ခံရသူမ်ားသာ ရွိေၾကာင္း ျပန္လည္ေျပာဆုိသည္ ဟု သတင္းစာတြင္ ေရးသားထားသည္။

ျပည္ထဲေရး ၀န္ႀကီး ဒု ဗုိလ္ခ်ဳပ္ႀကီး ကုိကိုကလည္း ယုံၾကည္ခ်က္ေၾကာင့္ အက်ဥ္းက်ခံရသည့္ အက်ဥ္းသား ဆုိသူမ်ားတြင္ မူးယစ္ ေဆး၀ါးမႈ၊ လူသတ္မႈ၊ ဗုံးေဖာက္ခြဲမႈ၊ ေသာင္းက်န္းသူမ်ား၊ တျခားျပစ္မႈမ်ားႏွင့္ အက်ဥ္းက်သူမ်ား ပါ၀င္ေၾကာင္း၊ ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံတြင္ အစုိးရသစ္ ေပၚေပါက္ၿပီးေနာက္ သမၼတ ဦးသိန္းစိန္က လြတ္ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းသာခြင့္ ေပးခဲ့ၿပီးျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း၊ အခါအားေလ်ာ္စြာ လြတ္ၿငိမ္း ခ်မ္းသာခြင့္ကုိ ဆက္လက္ေပးသြားမည္ ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း မစၥတာကင္တာနားက ေျပာဆုိသည္ဟုလည္း သိရသည္။

ကုလသမဂၢ လူ႔အခြင့္အေရး စုံစမ္းစစ္ေဆးသူ မစၥတာ ေသာမတ္စ္ အုိေဟး ကင္တားနားသည္ ၿပီးခဲ့သည့္ ၾသဂုတ္လ ၂၁ ရက္ေန႔က ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံသုိ႔ ေရာက္ရွိလာၿပီး အစုိးရအဖြဲ႔၀င္မ်ား၊ ျမန္မာ့ဒီမုိကေရစီေခါင္းေဆာင္ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ အပါအ၀င္ အမ်ိဳးသား ဒီမုိကေရစီ အဖြဲ႕ခ်ဳပ္ ဗဟုိအလုပ္အမႈေဆာင္မ်ား၊ တျခားေသာ ႏုိင္ငံေရး ပါတီမ်ား၊ လူ႔အခြင့္အေရး လႈပ္ရွားသူမ်ားႏွင့္ လည္း ေတြ႔ဆုံခဲ့သည္။ 

ႏုိင္ငံေရး အက်ဥ္းသားမ်ား ကူညီ ေစာင့္ေရွာက္ေရးအသင္း ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံ (AAPP) ၏ တြဲဖက္အတြင္းေရးမႉး ကိုဘုိၾကည္က “ႏုိင္ငံ ေရး အက်ဥ္းသားမရွိဘူး ဆုိတဲ့စကားက ႏုိင္ငံတကာက လူေတြနဲ႔ေတြ႕ရင္ သူတုိ႔ အၿမဲတမ္းသုံးတဲ့ စကားပါ။ ဒါက ဘာကုိ ျပသလဲဆုိေတာ့ လက္ရွိပကတိ အေျခအေနကုိ လက္မခံႏုိင္ဘူး ဆုိတာျပတယ္” ဟု မွတ္ခ်ေပး ေျပာဆုိသည္။


credit :ရန္ပိုင္ (Irrawaddy News)

Soe Than Win/Agence France-Presse — Getty Images
Myanmar's Parliament began its current session on Monday in Naypyidaw. The population is parsing a raft of initiatives by a new, nominally civilian government.

YANGON, Myanmar — Five months after a nominally civilian government took power in Myanmar, the country is awash in uncertainty about who is really in charge.


Soe Zeya Tun/Agence France-Presse — Getty Images
Military members of Parliament at the opening session Monday.
Workers have taken down the once-ubiquitous portraits of Senior Gen. Than Shwe, the dictator who ran the country for nearly two decades, from the walls of government offices. But rumors circulate here that General Than Shwe, who stepped down in March, still has the final word on important decisions.

An impoverished population, downtrodden by decades of military rule, is parsing a raft of initiatives by the new government and trying to understand whether the country’s transition from military dictatorship to what the state news media describe as “discipline flourishing democracy” is real.

Like the biblical Thomas, they seem to want more proof.
“As far as I can see, there has been no change,” said U San Shwe, a retired civil servant whose comments typify the skepticism heard frequently in Myanmar. “The new government consists of former generals who have habits that they can’t break. They are accustomed to taking bribes, mistreating people and making a lot of money from their positions. They confiscate things, and no one can complain.”

Trying to guess the direction of this country has, in the past, been a fool’s errand. Myanmar, formerly known as Burma, has zigzagged from paranoid isolation under military rule to flirtations with openness. It seems propelled by the competing impulses of conservatives and reformers within the military.

In recent weeks there have been signs that reformers, led by Thein Sein, a former general who was elected president in February, have the upper hand.
The government has proposed peace talks with armed rebel groups that are battling the military for control over resources and for more autonomy. Officials have met three times in the last month with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, the country’s leading dissident, who was released from house arrest in November.

Other changes have been more symbolic. The state-run newspapers are refraining from publishing slogans like “Riots beget riots, not democracy.” The government has also allowed publications that do not deal with politics or history to publish without prior censorship. (Any newspaper articles that touch on politics must still be submitted to a censorship board.)
The bar for freedom of expression is set so low here that journalists rejoiced when it was announced that they would be allowed into Parliament for its current session, which began Monday.

Amid the tumult of transition, some economic changes have been very substantive. But their benefits to ordinary citizens remain unclear. A major privatization program initiated last year is transforming an economy that was so heavily controlled by the state that it could have been designed by Lenin himself.
Scores of state-owned factories, government buildings and companies have been sold off. The local currency, the kyat, has soared in value against the dollar — in part, analysts believe, because money has poured in to pay for assets in the government’s fire sale. The transactions were done without public tender, and most assets were sold to a handful of government favorites.

“There are great opportunities — but only for the cronies. It’s like Russia,” said U Soe Than, the owner of a shop for cellphones and digital music players imported from China. Mr. Soe Than has firsthand experience dealing with the new government.

When the government sold a department store in Yangon, the wealthy Myanmar businessman who purchased the building ordered all of its tenants, including Mr. Soe Than, to leave within weeks. Mr. Soe Than helped write 18 letters to officials to petition for redress. All of them went unanswered. But when the story got into Myanmar’s exile media based in Thailand and India, it caught the ear of officials in Naypyidaw, Myanmar’s capital.
Mr. Soe Than says he is now slightly more hopeful that shop owners will be compensated. “Things have improved a little bit,” he said.        


 Whether an economy controlled by cronies is better than the state-run system is a point of debate among analysts of the country. Similarly tainted privatization campaigns in the Middle East created deep resentments that a decade or so later helped fuel revolts this year in Tunisia, Egypt and Syria. Yet poor economic prospects have been as debilitating for the Burmese as political repression — if not more.
European Pressphoto Agency
State-run newspapers are taking a softer stance on propaganda.

Associated Press
Thein Sein, the president.

There have been some signs of economic revival: the number of tourists was up 23 percent in the first half of 2011, and hotels in Yangon brim with business travelers, many of them from China, Japan and South Korea.

Last week, The New Light of Myanmar, a state-owned newspaper, highlighted a meeting between government officials and executives from Caterpillar, the giant producer of construction and mining equipment that is based in the United States.

United States and European sanctions have made it difficult for many multinational companies to operate in Myanmar, but the government appears to be working vigorously to get the measures lifted. Officials from the International Monetary Fund have been invited for meetings in October to discuss further economic liberalization.

And the government has started a charm offensive with Mrs. Aung San Suu Kyi, who has great leverage on the issue of sanctions. Last week, the government invited her for the first time to the capital, where she met with Mr. Thein Sein, the president.

As an Oxford-educated 1991 Nobel Peace laureate and the daughter of Myanmar’s independence hero, Aung San, Mrs. Aung San Suu Kyi is perhaps the premier interlocutor between Myanmar and the outside world.

She has not fully enunciated her goals since her release from house arrest, but those who have watched her closely believe that she has aspirations well beyond being a mere symbol of national unity. “I always thought that her ambitions were higher than a ‘mother’ figure,” said Josef Silverstein, a Myanmar specialist and professor emeritus at Rutgers University in New Jersey.

Whether reconciliation between Mrs. Aung San Suu Kyi and the former generals is possible remains a question mark hanging over the future.

Yet the political situation is only one part of the enormous challenge facing Myanmar’s 55 million people.
The decades of military rule and the generals’ single-minded obsession with political survival have left the country’s health and education systems a shambles.

A generation of students has been forgotten, said U Thiha, who runs a computer programming school in Yangon. He has been frustrated in his search for the best young minds for courses.

“My students were not well trained at university,” he said. “They don’t have enough knowledge. They are not eager. And over the past 20 years, there have been no activities to test and challenge them.”        

Credit : Nwe York Times

ကမၻာေပၚရွိ အစိုးရေတြအေနနဲ႔ လူမသိသူမသိ ခိုနားရာ တိုင္းျပည္မရွိ ျဖစ္ေနတဲ႔ လူသားေတြကို ကူညီဖို႔ ပိုမို အားစိုက္ထုတ္ဖို႔ လိုေနပါၿပီ။ ကမၻာအႏွံ႔မွ လူ၁၂ သန္းေလာက္ဟာ သူတို႔ ဘယ္ႏိုင္ငံသားဆိုတာ ေျပာဖို႔အတြက္ ကိုယ္ပိုင္ႏိုင္ငံ မရွိၾကပါဘူး။


ဒီအတြက္ေၾကာင္႔လည္း သူတို႔ဟာ အေျခခံလူအခြင္႔အေရးေတြကို ျငင္းပယ္ျခင္းခံေနရပါတယ္လို႔ ကုလသမဂၢၾကီးက ေျပာၾကားလိုက္ပါတယ္။ တၿပိဳင္နက္တည္း ႏိုင္ငံသားျဖစ္ခြင္႔နဲ႔ပတ္သက္တဲ႔ သေဘာတူညီခ်က္ႏွစ္ခုကို ကမၻာ႔ႏိုင္ငံမ်ားအေနနဲ႔ လက္မွတ္ေရးထိုးၾကဖို႔လည္း ေတာင္းဆိုလိုက္ပါတယ္။
ႏိုင္ငံမဲ႔မိဘေတြက ေမြးတဲ႔ကေလးေတြဟာလည္း ႏိုင္ငံတစ္ခုခုရဲ႕ ႏိုင္ငံသားျဖစ္ခြင္႔ မရွိတာေၾကာင္႔ အေျခအေနေတြကို ပိုမိုဆိုး၀ါးလာေနပါတယ္လို႔ ဆိုပါတယ္ ။ ဒီျပႆနာဟာ အေရွ႕ေတာင္အာရွ၊ အာရွအလယ္ပိုင္း၊ အေရွ႕ဥေရာပ၊ အေရွ႕အလယ္ပိုင္းနဲ႔ အာဖရိကတို႔မွာ အမ်ားဆံုး ျဖစ္ေနတယ္လို႔ ဆိုပါတယ္။


"ဒီလူေတြအတြက္ အကူအညီ အမ်ားႀကီး လိုအပ္ေနပါတယ္။ ဒီလို ဘ၀ေတြဟာ သူတို႔ရဲ႕စိတ္ကို အႀကီးအက်ယ္ ထိခိုက္နာက်င္ေစပါတယ္။ ေဘးဖယ္လ်စ္လ်ဴရႈျခင္းခံခဲ႔ရတကလည္း သူတို႔ေနထိုင္တဲ႔ လူ႔အဖြဲ႕အစည္းအတြင္းမွာ ဖိအားေတြ ပိုျဖစ္လာေအာင္ ဖန္တီးေပးေနပါတယ္။ ဒါေတြဟာ တစ္ခါတစ္ရံမွာ ပဋိပကၡေတြကို ဦးတည္ေစတယ္" လို႔ UNHCR မွ Antonio Guterres ကဆိုပါတယ္။
Assistant High Commissioner for Protection မွ Erika Feller က "ဘရာဇီးကေလးေပါင္း ႏွစ္သိန္းေလာက္ကို သူတို႔ရဲ႕ မိဘေတြက ျပည္ပေရာက္ေနခိုက္ ေမြးဖြားၾကတာ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ျပည္ပမွာေမြးတဲ႔ ကေလးေတြဟာ မိဘေတြက ဘရာဇီးႏိုင္ငံသားျဖစ္ေပမယ္႔ ဥပေဒအရ ဒီကေလးေတြဟာ ၂၀၀၇ ခုႏွစ္အထိ ဘရာဇီးႏိုင္ငံသား ျဖစ္ခြင္႔မရၾကပါဘူး"။ ဒါေၾကာင္႔ သူမအေနနဲ႔ ႏိုင္ငံေတြကို ႏိုင္ငံသားျဖစ္ခြင္႔ဥပေဒနဲ႔ ပတ္သက္ၿပီး ေျပာင္းလဲရာမွာ တက္တက္ၾကြၾကြပါ၀င္လာေအာင္ တိုက္တြန္းဖို႔ခက္ခဲေၾကာင္းေျပာပါတယ္။


"ႏိုင္ငံသားဆိုတာ ႏိုင္ငံတစ္ႏိုင္ငံရဲ႕ အခ်ဳပ္အျခာအာဏာ ဗဟုိခ်က္ပါ ။ ဒါဟာ ႏိုင္ငံေတြအေနနဲ႔ အလြန္သတိထား ဂရုတစိုက္ကိုင္တြယ္ရမယ္႔အရာပါ။ ဘယ္သူဟာ သူတို႔ႏိုင္ငံသားျဖစ္တယ္။ ဘယ္သူေတြကို သူတို႔ရဲ႕ ပိုင္နက္မွာ ေနခြင္႔ေပးမယ္ဆိုတာကို ႏိုင္ငံေတြက ဆံုးျဖတ္ဖို႔ အခြင္႔အေရးရွိပါတယ္" လို႔ သူမက ဆိုပါတယ္။


ဘယ္ႏိုင္ငံသားရယ္ဆိုတာ မရွိရင္ သူတို႔ဟာ ပစၥည္းဥစၥာပိုင္ဆိုင္ခြင္႔၊ ဘဏ္အေကာင္႔ဖြင္႔လွစ္ခြင္႔၊ တရား၀င္လက္ထပ္ထိမ္းျမားခြင္႔၊ ေမြးစာရင္းသြင္းခြင္႔ အပါအ၀င္ ကိစၥရပ္ အေတာ္မ်ားမ်ားမွာ ျပသနာေပါင္း ေသာင္းေျခာက္ေထာင္ကို ရင္ဆိုင္ေနရပါတယ္။


သူတုိ႔ဟာ ပညာသင္ၾကားခြင္႔လည္း မရၾကပါဘူး။ တစ္ခ်ဳိ႕ဆိုရင္ ေနရာတစ္ခုခုမွာ အခ်ိန္အၾကာႀကီး အထိန္းသိမ္းခံထားရပါတယ္။ ဘာလို႔လဲဆိုေတာ႔ သူတို႔ဘယ္သူဘယ္၀ါျဖစ္တယ္။ ဘယ္ကလာတယ္ဆိုတာကို မျပႏိုင္လို႔ပါပဲ။ သူတို႔ဟာ တစ္ခါတစ္ေလမွာ အသက္ရွင္ရပ္တည္ႏိုင္မႈအတြက္ တရားမ၀င္နည္းလမ္းေတြကို အသံုးျပဳလာၾကရပါတယ္။
ကမၻာ႔ႏိုင္ငံေပါင္း ၆၆ ႏိုင္ငံသာ ၁၉၅၄ ခုႏွစ္ ႏိုင္ငံမဲ႔ေတြကို ကူညီေစာင္႔ေရွာက္ဖို႔ သေဘာတူညီခ်က္ကို လက္မွတ္ေရးထိုးထားၿပီး၊ ႏိုင္ငံေပါင္း ၃၈ ႏိုင္ငံကေတာ႔ ၁၉၆၁ ခုႏွစ္ သေဘာတူညီခ်က္မွာ အဖြဲ႔၀င္ထားပါတယ္။


"ႏွစ္ေပါင္း ၅၀ ၾကာၿပီးတာေတာင္ ဒီသေဘာတူညီခ်က္ေတြကို ႏိုင္ငံအနည္းကသာ စိတ္၀င္စားၾကပါတယ္။ လူသန္းေပါင္းမ်ားစြာဟာ သူတို႔ကိုယ္ပိုင္ ႏိုင္ငံမရွိဘဲ ကမၻာေပၚမွာ ေနထုိင္ၾကရတယ္။ အေျခခံလူအခြင္႔အေရး ျဖစ္တဲ႔ ႏိုင္ငံသားျဖစ္ခြင္႔ေတာင္ သူတို႔မွာမရွိၾကပါဘူး။ ဒါဟာ ရွက္စရာၾကီးပါ" လို႔ Mr Guterres က ထပ္မံေျပာၾကားပါတယ္။


ႏိုင္ငံမဲ႔ျဖစ္ရတဲ႔ အေၾကာင္းအရင္းေတြကေတာ႔ အမ်ားၾကီးပါ ။ ဆုိဗီယက္ယူနီယံနဲ႔ ယူဂိုဆလားဗီးယားလို ႏိုင္ငံၿပိဳကြဲလို႔ပဲျဖစ္ျဖစ္ ၊ အာဖရိကနဲ႔ အာရွရွိ တစ္ခ်ဳိ႕ေဒသေတြမွာလို ကိုလိုနီစနစ္ကေနလြတ္ေျမာက္ၿပီး ႏိုင္ငံအသစ္ ထူေထာင္လို႔ပဲျဖစ္ျဖစ္ ႏိုင္ငံသားျဖစ္ခြင္႔ဟာ ျပသနာတစ္ရပ္အေနနဲ႔ ေပၚေပါက္လာတတ္ပါတယ္။


ျမန္မာရွိ ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာ၊ ထိုင္းရွိ တခ်ဳိ႕ေသာ ေတာင္တန္းေဒသက လူမ်ိဳးစုေတြ ၊ ဥေရာပမွ ရိုးမား (Romani) နဲ႕ ပင္လယ္ေကြ႔ေဒသေတြရွိ Bidoon မ်ဳိးႏြယ္စုေတြဟာ အခုထိ မီွတင္းခိုလႈံရာမဲ႔ လူသားေတြအေနနဲ႔ သူတို႔ဘ၀ကို ျဖတ္သန္းေနရဆဲပါ။


သူတို႔ဟာ ခိုနားရာမဲ႔ဘ၀နဲ႔ ေသဆံုးၾကရမွာပါ။ ေသဆံုးေၾကာင္းလည္း ဘာမွတ္တမ္းမွတ္ရာမွ က်န္ခဲ႔မွာ မဟုတ္ပါဘူး။ ဘာလို႔လဲဆိုေတာ႔ သူတို႔ ဒီကမၻာၾကီးေပၚ ေမြးဖြားလာေၾကာင္း သူတို႔တည္ရွိေၾကာင္း ဘာအေထာက္အထားမွ မရွိၾကလို႔ပါ။
Rohingya Exodus