RB News 

August 24, 2013 

Kanbalu, Sagaing – The Muslims in Htan Gone, Kanbalu Township in the Sagaing Division are under attacks by local Buddhist mobs according to locals.

It is unclear as to why the violence started, but it is not unusual in Myanmar, as the Muslims in several townships have been attacked by Buddhist mobs since March 2013. This has become far too routine after the violence took place in Arakan State in 2012.

RB News has received reports from locals that the monks and the Buddhist mobs have surrounded the mosque in Htan Gone since 9:30 pm local time. Although the situation was extremely tense the mosque hasn’t yet been attacked.

However, there have been about seven Muslim shops that were destroyed by the mobs and six Muslim homes that have been burnt down by the mobs. Additionally a chicken farm was also burnt down.

The military and local police are surrounding the nearby mosque to observe the situation. However, it can’t be said that the mosque would be safe seeing as how the security forces are constantly near the place where the violence take place and they never show any effort to stop the violence against Muslims.

Earlier in the day the telephone landlines and mobile phones were working properly but the lines became incommunicado after the crowds appeared in front of the mosque. The locals said the crowd was about 200 and now growing to somewhere around 500 in all.

Although the fire brigade came the mobs didn’t allow them to enter the area of the conflict.

By U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom (USCIRF)

Bottom Line Assessment: Issues of religion and ethnicity will shape the trajectory of Burma’s political reform before the planned 2015 elections. Burma is currently designated by the State Department as a “country of particular concern” for particularly severe violations of religious freedom, as ongoing political reforms have yet to dramatically improve the situation for freedom of religion and belief. Sectarian and societal violence, anti-Muslim exclusionary campaigns, and military incursions have caused egregious religious freedom violations against Muslims and some ethnic minority Christians. Nonetheless, in areas where the military has retreated from daily governance, the worst human rights abuses have receded in the past year (including many that affected religious communities). Legal restrictions on some religious activities remain in place, but are enforced sporadically, if at all, depending on region, ethnicity, and religious group. The situation of the ethnic minority Rohingya, which intertwines issues of religious freedom and ethnic discrimination, remains a profound humanitarian and political crisis. It threatens to inflame anti-Muslim prejudices in other parts of the country, create large refugee flows in the region, instigate additional sectarian violence and discrimination, and potentially undermine the political reform process.

Read full report on Scribd --

Burma: Implications of Religious and Ethnic Violence

U Kyaw Min

RB Opinion

August 24, 2013

President Thein Sein after his British and France trip on 21st of July met with some of his ministers, Myanmar Human Rights commission and interfaith trust building committee, where he emphatically declared zero tolerance for any racial and religious violence in the future. He said peace, stability and rule of law are the most important things. All should co-operate and take responsibility in this context. IDPs in Rakhine state should be resettled promptly, where by sustainable economic development program should be introduced. All should be treated equally. No further discrimination in the country. We know Rohingyas bore the brunt of the violence in Rakhine State. They principally suffered by the violence.

This notion of our president is a big change in the state policy. We appreciate it. A lot of kudos goes to the president.

But this anomalous and unexpected attitude of the president is challenged in the same meeting by some of his ministers and by Myanmar Human Rights Commission Chairman U Win Mra.

Union immigration minister U Khin Yee said so called Rohingya would be dealed in accord with 1982 citizenship Law. What we know is that Law is deliberately enacted to strip Rohingya of their citizenship after they had been repatriated in 1978. Almost all Rohingyas in the camps held National Registration Cards which at that time was nationality card. According to existing laws then no foreigners could hold NRCs. Foreigners were issued FRCs: Foreigner Registration Cards.

The possession of the NRCs by refugees compelled Burma to receive back the refugees as her citizens. Thenceforth U Ne Win got a second thought to make NRCs null and void. There came the 1982 new citizenship Law which implicitly abrogated the legal value of NRCs. There after NRCs holders are not recognized as citizens though these NRCs stood as genuine nationality cards until recently. In 1990 as well as in 2010 elections NRC holders could compete in the elections. Daw Aung San Suu Kyi contested in last year interim election with that NRC.

On the other hand NRC holding Rohingyas are alleged to be illegal immigrants. Their NRCs were seized and substituted with so called white cards, which has no legal value. If NRC of Rohingya is accepted as nationality cards as in case of others, all Rohingyas are entitled to obtain nationality scrutiny cards under 1982 citizenship law. But things in Myanmar are not going like this.

Formerly one without holding either NRC or FRC could not live freely in the country. A man without any registration cards would be arrested, imprisoned and lastly deported according to Myanmar immigration Law. It is a wonder how one million plus Rohingyas could live for generations in Myanmar if they are foreigners or illegal immigrants as Myanmar government accuses now.

U Khin Yee said in the above meeting that 1982 citizenship Law recognizes as citizens who formerly were naturalized, not those who hold NRCs. He further said Rohingya who could not prove three back generalizations could not have the right to apply for naturalization, but they will be issued white cards which actually have no legal value under any existing law. This dilemma is a creation of present government.

The core problem is there. For individuals it is difficult to show birth certificates or other residency related paper documents which really were not in existence in pre-independence period. The records of people would be only in the immigration and man power department offices in Myanmar.

U Ye Htut, deputy information minister most paradoxically said he learn there were thousands of Muslims in Rakhine during Myanmar King’s period. But they were Bangali whom we cannot recognize as indigenous race although our laws say a people who permanently live in our dominion before 1823 is indigenous race. He said descendents of those Bangali have the right for naturalization. Here this notion is not in accord with the existing laws but according to their whim.

The worse is what the Myanmar Human Rights commission Chairman, U Win Mra said, “We cannot give our citizenship to this Rohingya because they cannot speak our (Rakhine) Language”. Here U Win Mra (a Rakhine) forgets the fact that all Rakhine including their kings spoke Rohingya Language. All Rakhnie including U Win Mra himself were bilingual in the past. Rakhine kings had Muslim names. Rakhine courts use Bangali and Parsian (the language of Rohingya then) as official Language. Rohingya were not required to speak Rakhine Language. (See, Thibaut d Hubert and Jacques P. Leider; Traders and Poets at the Mrauk-U court, 2011)

Again what U Win Mra said is in disrespect of international Human Rights norms and standard. It is deplorable to here this notion from a Human Rights commission chairman. He does not deserve that post.

Since hundreds of scholars are unfolding through their vigorous research the historicity and ethnicity of Rohingya, U Win Mra’s assertion or condition for Rohingyas’ citizenship will fade away in the air. Here one of the renowned Scholar Nobel Laureate, Harvard Professor Amartya Sen perceptively observed: Rohingya did not come to Burma but Burma came to Rohingya (Land).

So I hope Myanmar government and extremist with chauvinistic mentality will reconcile themselves with reason and truth. They should have courage to accept the reality of Rohingyas historicity. 21st century is not a century of racialists and apartheid. Therefore my request here to them is “stop crying for segregation and separation”. It is the age of globalization, human rights and democracy.

By UN News Centre

August 23, 2013

A United Nations independent expert today urged greater inclusion of women and other minority voices in the peace efforts in Myanmar and called on the Government to fulfil its obligations in stemming the spread of incitement of religious hatred directed against minority communities.

Wrapping up his eighth visit to the South-East Asian country, the Special Rapporteur on the human rights situation in Myanmar, Tomás Ojea Quintana, stressed that Myanmar had made positive improvement in its human rights situation, and has the potential for further progress.

But at the same time, he stressed that the historical need of reconciliation with ethnic groups and the spread of incitement of hatred against religious minority groups are among remaining critical challenges.

“The initiatives being implemented at the highest levels by the Government to stop more fighting in the country needs to be accompanied, in parallel, with measures at the grassroots level to also engage local and rural communities in the process of peacebuilding and reconciliation,” Mr. Ojea Quintana said.

He commended the Government for increasing space for civil society, including the recent commemoration of the 1988 pro-democracy protests but urged more space to be opened up for “all voices to be heard” so communities have trust and belief that this process will lead to a better future.

“The past is unavoidable and will always come up in a country that has suffered decades of conflict and oppression,” he stressed. “The Government, together with civil society has to build on this progress towards addressing the past through mechanisms to establish the truth and bring reconciliation.”

Mr. Ojea Quintana also called on the Government to stem the spread of incitement of religious hatred directed against minority communities through strong public messaging, the establishment of the rule of law, and policing in line with international human rights standards.

He expressed concern over the continued separation and segregation of communities in Rakhine State adding that it was becoming increasingly permanent and impacting negatively on the Muslim community.

Any attempt by the Special Rapporteur to visit Meiktila, where violence in March targeting the Muslim community left over 10,000 people displaced and led to 43 people killed, was cut short after this entourage was roughed up by demonstrators.

“Around 200 people descended over my car. They punched and kicked the windows and doors and [were] shouting abuses,” Mr. Ojea Quintana told UN Radio. “My concern is that the police nearby, stood by without really stopping these people and intervening. The incident which took place in Meiktila was very serious, but I already discussed [it] with the Government and I hope in the near future this will not happen again.”

During his 10-day visit, the Special Rapporteur also visited Chin State, Kachin State and Shan State, and Meikhtila in Mandalay Region.

He also noted that Myanmar still has prisoners of conscience, some of whom he met during his visit to the Insein prison in Yangon, and other detention centres in Rakhine State.

“They should be released immediately and unconditionally,” Mr. Ojea Quintana reiterated.

President Thein Sein granted amnesty in July to 73 prisoners of conscience, as part of a series of reforms initiated two years ago following the establishment of a new Government. He has announced that by the end of the year all remaining political prisoners will have been released.

Special rapporteurs are appointed by the Geneva-based UN Human Rights Council to examine and report back on a country situation or a specific human rights theme. The positions are honorary and the experts are not UN staff, nor are they paid for their work.

The Nation

August 23, 2013

RB News 

August 23, 2013

Sittwe, Arakan – Rohingya IDPs who have been staying in Aung Mingalar quarter in the Sittwe Township in Arakan State, have been ordered to move to designated refugee camps by the local authorities. They will have to move from Aung Mingalar without prior notice. 

After violence broke out in Sittwe, 301 Rohingya families IDPs from Kyaung Gyi Lane, Ka The and Kone Dan fled to the Aung Mingalar quarter to escape life in refugee camps. Most of them are living at their relatives houses in the Aung Mingalar quarter. Today the authorities ordered them to move to the UN registered refugee camps in Ohn Daw Gyi, Say Ta Mar Gyi and Baw Du Pha. The locals said more than 1500 IDPs will be moving forcibly. 

“They lost all of their properties during the violence in 2012. However they didn’t move to refugee camps as they don’t like to stay there. All of them are living in their relatives’ houses in Aung Mingalar. Now the leader of Aung Mingalar quarter, U Shwe Hla is collecting the names of those IDPs and they will have to move tomorrow morning at 9 am although they are flatly denying to move from here.” a Rohingya from Aung Mingalar quarter told RB News.

Another Rohingya from Aung Mingalar said “It is declared with some official document by the Chief Minister. There are nearly 1500 registered Rohingya IDPs in Aung Mingalar up to now. And the IDPs are guess that they will be placed in Say Ta Ma Gyi camps but it is not confirmed which camps they have to go. Some are refusing peacefully saying to the village leaders that they won’t go there even the authorities stop the ration for them.”

“The authorities are threatening that they will not provide the ration any more if the IDPs do not move to the camps. Although they are not getting much ration, they will be helpless if the ration stops as everyone in Aung Mingalar has no earning at all since last year.” the Rohingya man continued.

By Dr. Habib Siddiqui

RB Article

August 23, 2013

Tomas Ojea Quintana, the United Nations Special Rapporteur on the human rights situation in Myanmar, was in Myanmar last week on a 10-day fact finding trip. It was his eighth official visit to the country that took him to Rakhine State, Chin State, Kachin State and Shan State, and Meikhtila in Mandalay Region. 

Quintana’s visit to Burma got off to a bumpy start when he was greeted in Arakan State by nearly 90 Arakanese Buddhist Magh protesters, some of whom carried signs urging the “one-sided Bengali lobbyist” to “get out,” reflecting perceptions among some that the UN envoy is biased in favor of the state’s Rohingya Muslims. It is not unusual for a country that has come to symbolize the den of intolerance, racism and bigotry in our times. Many in Burma—including the government—refer to the Rohingya - who are indigenous to Arakan before Buddhist Maghs moved to the region – as Bengalis.

At Wednesday’s press conference, Quintana pushed back against accusations of bias, saying, “Let me reaffirm that I have a willingness to work for the human rights of all the people of Myanmar. … I am ready also to talk to those who disagree with my approach and with my opinions. I did it in Rakhine State, I stepped off my car and I talked to the protesters." “The condition is that it has to be a peaceful dialogue and that’s the challenge in Myanmar with respect to this issue.”

Quintana's ordeal recalled the difficulties previous U.N. envoys had in dealing with Myanmar before military rule ended in 2011, when they were often barred from meeting people, snubbed by officials and even denied entry to the country.

The human rights situation in Arakan State has drawn international attention and severe condemnation, with human rights groups and foreign leaders alike expressing serious concern over the humanitarian conditions of some 140,000 IDPs (internally displaced people) who live in 76 squalid camps that are located outside the state’s townships. The IDPs, most of whom are Rohingyas, were driven from their homes in two bouts of genocidal campaigns by the racist Buddhists last year. The Rohingyas have faced systemic discrimination for decades and are denied citizenship by the apartheid government, which contends that they are illegal “Bengali” immigrants from neighboring Bangladesh.

Just days before Quintana’s arrival, police opened fire on crowds of Rohingya Muslims in IDP camps outside of Sittwe (Akyab), the state capital, in the latest instance of violence to hit the troubled region. At least one Rohingya was killed by police bullets and several others were wounded by the gunfire.

In Kachin State, Quintana met last week with government officials and representatives of the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO), but was denied access to the KIO stronghold of Laiza on the Sino-Burmese border, with the government citing security concerns. “This pattern of denying access, not only to address humanitarian shortcomings but also serious human rights concerns, needs to change immediately,” Quintana said on Wednesday.

In Meikhtila, his planned visit to an IDP camp on August 19 had to be cancelled after a group of Buddhist protesters aggressively confronted him. He said: "My car was descended upon by a crowd of around 200 people who proceeded to punch and kick the windows and doors while shouting abuse." 

In March, following weeks of incitement of religious hatred within the community, violence targeting the Muslim community erupted in Meikhtila, leaving over 10,000 Muslims displaced. The pogrom against Muslims there saw Buddhist mobs torch whole Muslim areas in violence that spread to other parts of the country. The victims included more than 20 students and teachers of a Muslim school on the outskirts of Meikhtila, who were set upon by armed men and beaten and burned to death, according to witnesses interviewed by AFP.

Graphic video footage given to AFP by activists shows an embankment next to the school turned into a killing field, watched over by uniformed police who did nothing to stop those horrendous crimes.

After the March violence, Quintana said the reluctance of security forces to crack down on the unrest suggested a possible state link to the fighting. Commenting on the mob attack on his car this time, he said, "The fear that I felt during this incident, being left totally unprotected by the nearby police, gave me an insight into the fear residents would have felt during the violence last March, as police allegedly stood by as angry mobs beat, stabbed and burned to death some 43 people." 

In a statement released by the UN Information Center, Quintana highlighted the role of the state in preventing such incidents from spiraling out of control: "I must highlight the obligation of the police to act immediately to control violent mobs running riot in communities, and protect all people regardless of their religion or ethnicity; something it seems they have not done during the violence in Meiktila." 

After meeting with residents who witnessed the scenes last March, he stressed, "The violence in Meiktila has highlighted to me the dangers of the spread of incitement of religious hatred in Myanmar, and the deadly environment that this can create. The central and state government has an obligation to address these worrying trends."

Quintana visited Lashio in Shan State where he met with township authorities and Muslim leaders. During the violence in late April, which affected the Muslim community in Lashio, in most cases the police stood by while the Buddhist mobs set fire to Muslim houses, shops, a mosque and a Muslim orphanage. A Muslim man was brutally beaten to death with sticks and stabbed, and his wife was severely injured. Thousands of Muslims remain internally displaced in the region.

Quintana also noted that the state and central government in Myanmar are working well with the international community to address urgent humanitarian needs of both Rakhine Buddhists and the Muslim communities. "However," he said, "my overriding concern is that the separation and segregation of communities in Rakhine State is becoming increasingly permanent, making the restoration of trust difficult. This continues to have a particularly negative impact on the Muslim community. The severe restrictions on freedom of movement in Muslim IDP camps and villages remain in place. I visited Aung Mingalar, the only remaining Muslim ward in Sittwe, where a large number of people are living in a confined space, with the periphery marked out with barbed wire and guarded by armed police. This has serious consequences for fundamental human rights, including access to healthcare, education, as well as access to livelihoods. Furthermore, there continues to be cases of humanitarian workers facing intimidation by local groups when attempting to provide healthcare to the camps, which compounds the problem of access to healthcare." 

He welcomed the disbandment of Nasaka, a border security force which has committed numerous human rights violations over the years. He said, "The police and army have now taken charge of security in Rakhine State. Although there are legitimate security concerns which the police and army are addressing, I have received many serious allegations of the disproportionate use of force in dealing with large crowds of Muslim protestors. The latest incident saw live ammunition used to disperse a crowd of Muslims in Sittwe, with two killed and several injured. Security forces need to stop the use of excessive force. Sittwe and in particular Buthidaung prison are filled with hundreds of Muslims men and women detained in connection with the violence of June and October 2012. Many of these have been arbitrarily detained and tried in flawed trials. I met the State Chief Justice and urged for the respect of due process of law. The use of torture and ill treatment, including some cases of death, during the first three months of the June outbreak, needs to be properly investigated and those responsible held to account."

He called on the Myanmar Government to fulfill its obligations in stemming the spread of incitement of religious hatred directed against minority communities, through strong public messaging, the establishment of the rule of law, and policing in line with international human rights standards. He said, "The starting point for the solution to the situation in Rakhine lies with the unavoidable role of the state in pursuing policies that benefit both communities and brings the restoration of the rule of law as a means to build bridges between them."

The U.S.-based group Physicians for Human Rights, in a report released Tuesday, blamed the government for failing "to protect vulnerable groups" and allowing "a culture of impunity for the violators," and called on the government to conduct thorough investigations and prosecute those responsible. It warned that Burma risked “catastrophic” levels of conflict, including “potential crimes against humanity and/or genocide,” if authorities failed to stem anti-Muslim hate speech and a culture of impunity around the clashes.

As I have noted in my earlier commentaries on Myanmar, the state remains a pariah state with its apartheid structure intact. The so-called reform activities of the government of Thein Sein have not put a dent in that massive structure. Unless, that structure is uprooted and its racist and bigot elements within the broader society tamed down Myanmar would continue to repeat her past crimes and her records of human rights abuses and tortures would remain a matter of grave concern to the civilized world. The UN and the international community, on their part, need to ensure that Myanmar's Thein Sein government is not prematurely rewarded for its half-hearted reform activities, which thus far, deplorably, have been hypocritical to the core to fool them. They ought to also make sure that the ideologues of Buddhist racism and bigotry against the Muslims and Christians are hunted down for their incitement of genocidal activities within Myanmar. Only by bringing such war criminals – the promoters of intolerance – to the book, can the government send the message to its racist and bigotry-ridden, fractured society that such evils will no longer be tolerated in new Myanmar. 

Will the Buddhist leaders of Myanmar have the hindsight, courage and wisdom to do what is morally right towards bridge-building and finding a place in the civilized world? Or, is it a hopeless case with this Mogher Mulluk that will continue to snub voices of reason and wisdom, so well put by Tomas Quintana in his press release?

Andrew Day

RB News 

August 22, 2013

Cox's Bazaar, Bangladesh - 22 year old Rohingya man Mohammed Salim from Nayapara Refugee camp found trouble while trying to collect firewood from a nearby forest. The incident happened on Tuesday, August 20, 2013.

After collecting as much wood as he could travel with, Mohammed Salim headed back towards the camp. Before he reached his destination he was confronted by young men from a nearby village. 

The villagers demanded that Mohammed Salim gave him the firewood. When he refused, the young men began to beat him. He managed to escape from their clutches and ran away.

The next day, the young villagers sought out to find mohammed. reportedly donning a large knife, a gun and a large stick. 

Once the villagers failed to locate him, they proceeded to call the local Forestry Office. The villagers fabricated a story that Mohammed had collected wood from an area that was close to the village and restricted from cutting.

The Forestry Office contacted to Camp in Charge (CIC) office. The CIC called two police constables who proceeded to go to to his house. When they arrived, the police arrested the young mans father Mohammed Ali. They brought him to the CIC office. After questioning, the CIC fined him for 1500 BDT to be paid to the Forestry Office.

By Aye Aye Win

Associated Press

August 22, 2013

YANGON, Myanmar — Myanmar's government on Thursday disputed accusations that it failed to protect a top U.N. human rights envoy who said his vehicle was attacked by a 200-strong Buddhist mob during a visit to a city where religious violence flared earlier this year.

President Thein Sein's spokesman, Ye Htut, said U.N. rights rapporteur Tomas Ojea Quintana was never in any danger during his visit this week.

He said members of the crowd approached Quintana's convoy in the central city of Meikhtila only to give him a letter and a T-shirt, "so what Quintana said is very different from the true situation."

Myanmar, a predominantly Buddhist nation of 60 million people, has been gripped by sectarian violence in the last year that has left more than 250 people dead and sent another 140,000 fleeing their homes. Most of the victims — including at least 43 from a March attack in Meikhtila — were Muslims.

Quintana's 10-day visit to Myanmar, which ended Wednesday, was in part aimed at investigating ongoing tensions and the response of the government.

Quintana said his convoy was mobbed Monday night as security forces looked on.

"The fear that I felt during this incident, being totally unprotected by the nearby police, gave me an insight into the fear residents would have felt when being chased down by violent mobs during violence last March ... when police allegedly stood by as angry mobs beat, stabbed and burned to death 43 people," he said.

Quintana slammed the government for failing to do its job. "The state has failed to protect me," he said.

Ye Htut had another version of events.

In addition to helping to disperse hundreds of people before Quintana's arrival — he said 100 were left by the time the convoy arrived — one police car was escorting the U.N. rights envoy and 30 other officers were controlling the crowd, he said.

"Police gave protection to him and people had no intention to hurt him," Ye Htut said, adding that police successfully cleared a path and the convoy passed without incident.

Myanmar only recently emerged from decades of isolation and military rule. One of the biggest challenges of the new, quasi-civilian government has been the rising anti-Muslim sentiment.

Quintana said his own experience "highlighted for me the dangers of the spread of religious incitement in Myanmar and the deadly environment that this can create."

"Although the chief minister declared that the trust had been restored, this does not reflect reality," he said.

The unrest began last year in the western state of Rakhine, where Buddhists accuse the Rohingya Muslim community of illegally entering the country to encroach on their land.

Quintana faced several smaller protests during his visit, most of them peaceful. Almost all were by Buddhists, who feel that the U.N. and other international agencies are ignoring their complaints and tilting relief and reconstruction efforts in favor of the Muslim community.

It was Quintana's eighth trip to Myanmar since being named U.N. rights rapporteur. He will present his findings to the U.N. General Assembly on Oct. 24.

By Editorial of Saudi Gazette

August 22, 2013

THE best hotels in Rangoon, once Burma’s capital and still its commercial heart, are busy with businessmen from all over the world, anxious to secure of a slice of a resource rich-economy, which is coming in from the cold, after years of political and economic isolation. There are not only good profits to be made by outside investors, but the Burmese themselves stand to benefit from a new prosperity — well most of them. 

At least four percent of the people in this predominantly Buddhist country are Muslim and the most well-known Muslim community are the Rohingya in Rakhine state. As matters stand at the moment, they seem destined to benefit not at all. Indeed, even though the murderous attacks on their communities by Buddhist fanatics are over — for the present — it seems clear that the Burmese government of President Thein Sein, is actively seeking to exclude the Rohingya from national life.

According to United Nations human rights envoy for Myanmar, Tomas Ojea Quintana, who is on another trip to the country, including visits to the Rohingya, the physical violence of June and October of last year, which drove at least 150,000 people from their homes and villages, has been replaced by something more insidious, even arguably more evil. Burma’s Muslims are being treated as second-class citizens in their own country. 

Now of course, the government has argued in the case of the Rohingya, that they are not actually Burmese. Ignoring the facts, there is a campaign to airbrush them out of the country’ history and, because they are not considered Burmese, to deprive them of even the most basic of human rights.

Thus Rohingya who have been herded into areas “protected” by troops and police, have discovered that what this really means in reality, is that they cannot even leave to visit the outside world, without written permission from the local military commander. Such permission is far from easy to obtain.

The government of course argues that by concentrating these luckless people behind security fences guarded by troops, they are indeed protected from the depredations of Buddhist bigots. However, the real reason for this corralling of the Rohingya is not their safety, but rather the reputation of the country’s leaders, including, it should be said, the almost saint-like good name of Nobel peace laureate Aung San Suu Kyi, leader of the now officially-sanctioned opposition. The last thing that any mainstream politicians want are further massacres.

However, protecting the Muslim minority has to include prosecuting those who persecuted and drove them from their homelands in an orgy of murder, violence and rape. In the wake of a whitewash of the government report into the violence, few Buddhists have been held to account for the savagery and those who have, have received markedly lighter sentences than many Rohingya, whose greatest crime appears to have been defending themselves.

The government is supposed to be “considering” the status of the Rohingya, which is probably shorthand for doing as little about the issue for as long as possible. This is simply not good enough. The authorities should be working now to restore land and property to the tens of thousands from whom it was taken. Moreover, there needs to be an official and properly enforced program to stamp out the blind prejudice and ignorance that caused Muslims to become unrestricted prey in an obscene ethnic hunt by hate-filled Buddhists.

Andrew Day

RB News 

August 22, 2013

Sittwe, Arakan - Sad news from a Rohingya IDP camp in Ohn Daw Gyi village, in the western part of the Sittwe township . 

30 year old Daw Jamila Begum during childbirth. Referred by a member of the International Malteser Organization, she was admitted to Sittwe General hospital at 3pm on the 20th of August. She delivered her baby at 10am the next day. Locals say her death was due to a lack of medical assistance. 

Daw Jamila Begum was the daughter of U Zafar Ahmad from Ohn Daw Gyi camp no. 128. 

Her body was taken to Mansi cemetery. According to the cemetery's caretaker, a mid wife could be seen there, with the new born baby.

RB News 

August 21, 2013 

Maungdaw, Arakan – Three Hlun Htaine police from Pa Yaung Pin Gyi village, Southern Maungdaw Township of Arakan State reportedly beat a young Rohingya student on August 19th during the evening and later attempted to loot his father's shop. 

A young sixth grade Rohingya student named Romaddin, son of Habiran, was on his way home from school in Zaw Matet village on August 19th at 5:25 pm when he was brutally beaten by three Hlun Htaine police at Moe Win check point, next to Pa Yaung Pin Gyi (Don Khali) village. Reportedly, he was beaten for not saluting the police at the check point. The Hlun Htaine police entered into the mosque after beating the boy lobbing accusations that a Bangladesh mobile phone was hidden by someone inside the mosque. They entered into the mosque while still wearing their dirty shoes, a blatant sign of disrespect to the Rohingya inside, who as Muslims believe shoes are never to be worn inside of the mosque. 

“Their [Hlun Htaine police] duty is at check post. There is no reason to salute them by a student or any villager. That was lame excuse to beat a young student. And they entered into the mosque to search for Bangladesh mobile phone, but it was only a baseless accusation. They didn't take off their dirty shoes when they entered into the mosque. That’s an insult to our religion.” a Rohingya told RB News. 

Later at 8:30 pm the three police tried to loot the shop of the father of young student, Habiran, son of Ismail (39-years-old) in the village. But all the villagers crowded to protect the shop and the police opened fire into crowd. 

“At night they [Hlun Htaine police] tried to loot the shop of the boy's father. We [the villagers] tried to protect the shop, but they opened fire on us. Luckily none of us were injured. Although Nasaka is disbanded the Hlun Htaine are same as the Nasaka. We want to live very peacefully in the village but Nasaka tortured us in the past and now the Hlun Htaine are continuously torturing us. We are facing trouble on a daily basis.” the Rohingya man continued.

By AFP

August 21, 2013

YANGON — The UN's rights envoy on Myanmar Wednesday slammed the nation's government for failing to protect him when his convoy came under attack in a town reeling from religious unrest.

"The state has to protect me as a responsibility... This did not happen. The state failed to protect me," Tomas Ojea Quintan, the United Nations special rapporteur on human rights, told reporters at the end of his 10 day visit to the country.

No one is thought to have been injured in the incident, which occurred on August 19 in the town of Meiktila, central Myanmar, where anti-Muslim violence in March left at least 44 dead.

In a statement the UN envoy said his vehicle "was descended upon by a crowd of around 200 people who proceeded to punch and kick the windows and doors of the car while shouting abuse".

He said the incident forced him to abandon plans to visit a local camp, where some 1,600 displaced Muslims are sheltering.

"The fear that I felt during this incident, being left totally unprotected by the nearby police, gave me an insight into the fear residents would have felt when being chased down by violent mobs during the violence last March," he said.

He reiterated reports of security forces failing to stop the March unrest, saying "police allegedly stood by as angry mobs beat, stabbed and burned" their victims to death.

Attacks against Muslims -- who make up an estimated four percent of Myanmar's population -- have exposed deep fractures in the Buddhist-majority nation and cast a shadow over its emergence from army rule.

The watchdog Physicians for Human Rights on Tuesday warned that Myanmar risked "catastrophic" levels of conflict, including "potential crimes against humanity and/or genocide" if authorities failed to stem anti-Muslim hate speech and a culture of impunity around the clashes.

Riots in Meiktila, sparked by an argument in a gold shop and the brutal murder of a Buddhist monk, saw Buddhist mobs torch whole Muslim areas in violence that spread to other parts of the country.

The victims included more than 20 students and teachers of a Muslim school on the outskirts of Meiktila, who were set upon by armed men and beaten and burned to death, according to witnesses interviewed by AFP.

Graphic video footage given to AFP by activists shows an embankment next to the school turned into a killing ground, watched over by uniformed police.

After the March violence, Quintana said the reluctance of security forces to crack down on the unrest suggested a possible state link to the fighting -- a claim rejected by the government.

The unrest followed two outbreaks of conflict in western Rakhine state in June and October last year that left around 200 people dead, mainly Rohingya Muslims who are seen by many in Myanmar as illegal immigrants from Bangladesh.

A sense of deep distrust between Muslims, Buddhists and the security forces pervades the state, which Quintana visited at the start of his trip.

At least one person was killed and around 10 injured earlier this month in a violent clash in a camp for dispossessed Rohingya Muslims in Rakhine that broke out just days before Quintana toured the area.

In June, five Muslims including three Rohingya women were killed by security forces who opened fire during disputes in two separate incidents in camps in Rakhine.

Statement of the Special Rapporteur on the Situation of Human Rights in Myanmar 

By Tomás Ojea Quintana, 21 August 2013, Yangon International Airport, Myanmar 

I have just concluded my ten-day mission to Myanmar – my eighth visit to the country since I was appointed Special Rapporteur in March 2008. I would like to express my sincere appreciation to the Government of Myanmar for its invitation, and in particular for granting me an extended visit this time, which has enabled me to cover more ground than I have done previously during my five-day missions. 

In Naypyitaw, I met with the Minster of Foreign Affairs; the Minister of Immigration and Population; the Ministers of the President’s Office; the Minister of Education; the Minister of Health; the Minister of Labour, Employment and Social Security; the Minister of Social Welfare, Relief and Resettlement; the Deputy Minister of Defence; parliamentarians and members of parliamentary committees, including the Bills Committee and International Relations Committee of the Amyotha Hluttaw; the Attorney General; the Chief Justice and other members of the Supreme Court; members of the Letpadaung Implementation Committee; Advisors to the President; and the Chief of Police. I also met with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. 

In Yangon, I met with prisoners of conscience released since my last visit; members of the prisoner review committee; members of the media, including the social media; members of the 88 Generation; political party representatives; a range of civil society organisations; the Myanmar National Human Rights Commission; lawyers; members of interfaith organisations; and land activists. While in Yangon, I visited Insein Prison and met with five prisoners of conscience, and made a tour of the prison, including the female wards. And I met with members of the United Nations Country Team and briefed the diplomatic community. I would like to thank the Resident Coordinator and the Country Team for the support provided to me during my mission. 

I visited Rakhine State, including Buthidaung Prison, Sittwe Prison, Sittwe Hospital, Shwe Kyaung Monastery and Aung Mingalar quarters. I visited Kachin State, and went to Myitkyina where I met with state officials as well as Kachin Independence Organisation (KIO) officials. I visited Mindat and Kanpalet in Chin State and met with state officials, community and religious leaders, and civil society. In Mindat, I visited a Border Areas National Races Youth Development Training School (Na Ta La) where I met with teachers and students. I visited Shan State and went to Lashio to meet with state officials and national groups and local monks. I made a tour of the areas affected by the intercommunal violence there last May, and met with members of the Buddhist and Muslim communities affected by the violence. I also visited Lashio Prison to meet with persons detained in connection with the violence. In Shan State, I visited Namhsan and met with representatives of the Palaung self-administered zone and representatives of workers and civil society organisations there. I visited Mandalay and met with regional government ministers and went on to Meiktila township, and in Naypyitaw met with residents of Meiktila who had been affected by the March violence. I would like to thank the Government for organising this wide-ranging visit, and for the freedom of movement and access I was granted, which enabled me to develop a comprehensive assessment of the human rights situation on the ground. 

In my visit to Kachin State, I met state authorities and the KIO technical team that had recently opened an office in Myitkyina, where I discussed ongoing human rights and humanitarian concerns. I received further information about the seven-point agreement signed by the government and the KIO on 30 May 2013, which I welcome, and I was encouraged by the inclusion of an agreement to undertake relief, rehabilitation and resettlement of internally displaced persons. However, there remains a serious challenge regarding the implementation of this provision. I learnt that UN humanitarian agencies had only been provided with access to non-government controlled areas once between July 2012 and July 2013. The information I have received about these areas is extremely concerning, particularly with regard to food security. I also attempted to visit Laiza during this mission, but unfortunately the state and central government were unable to grant clear permission. This pattern of denying access not only to address humanitarian shortcomings, but also serious human rights concerns, needs to change immediately.

Over the years there have been serious allegations of human rights abuses against villagers from Kachin, though I believe these have reduced following progress with ceasefire negotiations. However, some clashes continue to occur in Northern Shan State. What is also concerning is the information I received about the lack of consultation with internally displaced communities on their return. Any initiative to return IDPs to their places of origin has to be done with the free, prior and informed consent of the ethnic communities concerned, and also involve consultation with humanitarian agencies working in the State, including UN agencies.

In Myitkyina, I went to Jamai Kawng IDP camp and met with Buang Shawng, who I had met in detention during my previous visit and who had been recently released. As well as welcoming his individual release, I hope this will be a sign that the Government will stop the practice of detaining people for their alleged association with non-state armed groups. 

I also met with members of the large Shan community living there, and listened to how they had been affected by the ongoing conflict. It is vital that the ceasefire and political negotiations in Kachin State also address the concerns of this group. 

I visited Chin State for the first time, and observed the beauty of the environment and how friendly and open the people were. There, I went to Mindat and Kanpalet, and noted that restrictions on Christians have eased notably in 2013, though there remain some shortcomings in terms of bureaucratic obstacles towards opening spaces for Christian worship. Also, in the Na Ta La schools, equal access for both Buddhists and Christians needs to be ensured. In my meeting in Mindat with State Government officials and community and religious leaders, there was a frank but respectful dialogue about State policies and their negative impact on different communities. I found this discussion an example of good democratic practice emerging in Myanmar.

Chin State has serious levels of underdevelopment. Many of the roads I travelled on were nothing more than dusty dirt tracks and the communities I met spoke to me about their frustrations with intermittent access to electricity and uneven access to drinking water. With the country opening up, development will come, but it is important that this process occurs in a participatory, transparent, accountable and equal manner. Environmental considerations should also be at the forefront of developmental policy. Most importantly, the process of development and the exploitation natural resources there should benefit the Chin communities, who have suffered from neglect from the central government over the years.

I went to Rakhine State for the fourth time, and was greeted by many locals who were protesting my visit. Although this was not a message I liked to hear, I welcomed that people were able to stand in public and express their views. I stepped out of the car and met with one of the protestors, who spoke passionately about her pride of being a Rakhine Buddhist, and her distress over the neglect of her community over the years. She spoke of how her community had suffered during the recent violence and upheaval, and of her hopes for a more secure and peaceful future.

In Rakhine State, the state and central government are working well with the international community to address urgent humanitarian needs of both Rakhine Buddhists and the Muslim communities. The authorities and UN agencies have been successful in building new shelters for Muslim and Rakhine IDPs to face the rainy season in time to prevent a humanitarian crisis, which has been a serious concern. In my meeting with the Chief Minister of Rakhine State, I welcomed his assurances that there was no two-child policy in place for the Muslim populations in Northern Rakhine State. The Minister of Immigration reconfirmed that such a policy does not exist, though he accepted that there might have been a practice of two-child restrictions on the ground by Nasaka. I welcome the disbandment of Nasaka, a border security force which has allegedly committed numerous human rights violations over the years.

However, my overriding concern is that the separation and segregation of communities in Rakhine State is becoming increasingly permanent, making the restoration of trust difficult. This continues to have a particularly negative impact on the Muslim community. The severe restrictions on freedom of movement in Muslim IDP camps and villages remain in place. I visited Aung Mingalar, the only remaining Muslim ward in Sittwe, where a large number of people are living in a confined space, with the periphery marked out with barbed wire and guarded by armed police. This has serious consequences for fundamental human rights, including access to healthcare, education, as well as access to livelihoods. Furthermore, there continues to be cases of humanitarian workers facing intimidation by local groups when attempting to provide healthcare to the camps, which compounds the problem of access to healthcare.

The police and army have now taken charge of security in Rakhine State. Although there are legitimate security concerns which the police and army are addressing, I have received many serious allegations of the disproportionate use of force in dealing with large crowds of Muslim protestors. The latest incident saw live ammunition used to disperse a crowd of Muslims in Sittwe, with two killed and several injured. Security forces need to stop the use of excessive force.

Sittwe and in particular Buthidaung prison are filled with hundreds of Muslims men and women detained in connection with the violence of June and October 2012. Many of these have been arbitrarily detained and tried in flawed trials. I met the State Chief Justice and urged for the respect of due process of law. The use of torture and ill treatment, including some cases of death, during the first three months of the June outbreak, needs to be properly investigated and those responsible held to account.

The starting point for the solution to the situation in Rakhine lies with the unavoidable role of the state in pursuing policies that benefit both communities and brings the restoration of the rule of law as a means to build bridges between them. The Minister of Immigration told me that he has started to involve third parties to facilitate engagement between communities and the Government. This is a positive step forward. At the same time, I believe that the central and state Government need to pursue coordinated policies which comprehensively address the spread of discriminatory views and practices in Rakhine State. This includes strong and consistent public messaging through print, broadcast and social media and the engagement of religious leaders and political parties in dialogue. The establishment of the Interfaith Group of Myanmar is a step in the right direction. Addressing the issue of underdevelopment and poverty, including the sharing benefits from the State’s natural resources with local inhabitants, must also be considered as vital to finding solutions to the crisis in Rakhine State.

There continue to be prisoners of conscience in Myanmar, and I reiterate they should be released immediately and unconditionally. I visited Insein prison and met five prisoners of conscience (Ke E, Zaw Min Than, Saw War Lay, Min Min Tun and Htauk Swan Mon). I also met in Yangon with two members of the committee appointed by the Government who have produced a list of remaining prisoners of conscience, which they will soon pass to the Chair of the committee. In Rakhine State, I also visited prisoners who have been arbitrarily detained (Dr. Tun Aung and U Kyaw Hla Aung), and the four INGO workers who have been arbitrarily detained since June and July last year.

President Thein Sein has announced that by the end of the year all remaining political prisoners will have been released. This is a very encouraging announcement, which I hope becomes a reality. The Presidential statement should be accompanied by the respect of every person in Myanmar to freely express and demonstrate their opinions. I have met persons who have been detained and charged under section 18 of the Peaceful Assembly and Demonstration Act for their involvement in peaceful protests, including on land issues. I reiterate that this legislation is not in line with international human rights standards.

In Yangon I met with a range of civil society groups, and listened to their concerns. I urge the Parliament to postpone the passing of the proposed Associations Law. The bill, if passed in its current form, would be a serious setback for the development of a strong and vibrant civil society in Myanmar. With this bill, the Government is setting up a system of registration for civil society which enables them to arbitrarily clamp down on legitimate organisations. I must make clear that the Government has to change its mindset on registration procedures if it is to create an environment in which civil society can thrive.

I also met in Parliament with members of the newly formed Constitutional Reform Committee, which will begin its work next week. Throughout the mission, I discussed with different stakeholders the issue of constitutional reform. They pointed out the provisions of the Constitution that are not in line with international human rights standards, and undermine democracy and the rule of law. These provisions include those that place unnecessary restrictions on who can run for President, and which allow for military appointees to occupy 25 per cent of seats in Parliament. I welcome the opening of space for discussions on the review of the Constitution and hope that this will bring concrete results in the near future.

I also met members of the LGBT community who raised concerns about discrimination and maltreatment at the hands of the police and application of the penal code against them.

I visited Lashio in Shan State where I met with township authorities and Muslim leaders. Both described to me that organised Buddhist mobs that had arrived from outside of Lashio in late April to wreak violence and destruction. I also met, at her home, the Buddhist woman who had inexplicably been set on fire by a Muslim man who was described by the authorities as mentally disturbed and high on drink and drugs. The violence which came after this incident affected mostly the Muslim community in Lashio, where in some cases the police stood by whereas some monks were intervening to try to quell the violence. I met with senior monk Sayadaw Baddhanta Ponnya- Nanda of the Lashio Mansu Shan Buddhist Monastery, who provided shelter for over 1,000 Muslims escaping the rampaging mobs. Muslim houses, shops, a mosque and a Muslim orphanage were burnt down. Also, a Muslim man was brutally beaten to death with sticks and stabbed, and his wife, who I also met, was severely injured. This brought home to me the terrible misery this intercommunal violence is bringing to the lives of ordinary people. A number of Buddhists have been tried and convicted as well as a number of Muslims. The question of how the police reacted, particularly in the early stages, must also be investigated. Many of the Muslim communities that lost their homes, including the orphanage, are unable to return due to administrative requirements which need to be overcome.

The prospect of restoring communities that live in peaceful coexistence in Lashio is much more challenging in Meiktila. On my way to the township administrative office in Meiktila, at around 10.30pm on 19 August, my car was descended upon by a crowd of around 200 people who proceeded to punch and kick the windows and doors of the car while shouting abuse. Due to these serious security concerns, I had to abandon my proposed visit to an IDP camp containing around 1,600 Muslims who had been displaced following the March violence; a visit which had been planned well in advance. The fear that I felt during this incident, being left totally unprotected by the nearby police, gave me an insight into the fear residents would have felt when being chased down by violent mobs during the violence last March as police allegedly stood by as angry mobs beat, stabbed and burned to death some 43 people. I must highlight the obligation of the Government to act immediately to control violent mobs, running riot in communities, and protect all people regardless of their religion or ethnicity; something it seems they have not done during the violence in Meiktila. The Government also has an obligation to hold to account those who have failed to carry out this duty.

The following day, outside of Meiktila, I was able to interview Muslim residents who had been directly affected by the violence, including a father whose son had been killed on his way to play football with a friend. The violence in Meiktila has highlighted to me the dangers of the spread of religious incitement in Myanmar, and the deadly environment that this can create, where a Buddhist monk and Muslim students were brutally killed. Although the Chief Minister declared that the trust had been restored, this does not reflect reality. The central and state government has also an obligation to urgently address these worrying trends.

Just prior to my mission, I was encouraged to see a large commemoration of the 88 pro-democracy demonstrations, and I praise the Government for allowing this to take place. I believe that these initiatives are a necessary part of the democratic transition occurring in Myanmar. The past is unavoidable and will always come up in a country that has suffered decades of conflict and oppression. Therefore, the Government together with civil society has to build on this progress towards addressing the past through mechanisms to establish the truth and bring reconciliation.

Myanmar is moving forward in a significant number of areas, which has brought positive changes to the human rights situation, and has the potential to bring further improvements. However, there are still critical challenges, including the historical need of reconciliation with ethnic groups. In this regard, the initiatives being implemented at the highest levels by the Government to stop more fighting in the country needs to be accompanied, in parallel, with measures at the grassroots level to also engage local and rural communities in the process of peacebuilding and reconciliation. More space needs to be opened up for their voices to be heard, particularly the voices of women, including in the peace negotiations, so communities have trust and belief that this process will lead to a better future.

I want to again thank the Government of Myanmar for its invitation and cooperation. And I reaffirm my willingness to work constructively and cooperatively with Myanmar during this transition to improve the human rights situation of its people. 

ENDS

This statement was originally published here.

By Neha Shastry

The World Outline

August 21, 2013

It has been over a year since the renowned Burmese political activist Aung San Suu Kyi was elected to the Burmese parliament signalling a groundbreaking change in the country’s government. It has also been over a year since the first story emerged about the plight of the Rohingya, an ethnic Muslim minority in Burma, leaving nothing but a slight murmur on the global conscience.

In this time, Burma’s international relations have markedly improved, with visits to the United States as well as the removal of economic sanctions. Even prominent global corporations have travelled to the country to set up shop. Behind this veil of prosperity and change lies the persecution of the biggest population of stateless people in the world.

The Rohingya are a Muslim minority that have been in Burma since 9th century. Despite the clear ethnic differences, they are for all intents and purposes, Burmese. Unfortunately, they have been victims of systematic persecution since the Burmese junta government took over in 1962. Prior to this, Rohingyas were recognized by the state and even served as representatives in Burmese parliament. In 1982, the Rohingya were declared “non-nationals” and “foreign residents” and were banned from participating in elections. Since then, they have been subject to large scale ethnic cleansing that in the past year has led to grave bloodshed on both sides of the divide.

Currently, there is still a significant population of Rohingyas living in their native Rakhine State in Western Burma, but apartheid-like restrictions have prevented them from accessing things they need for everyday life, including their jobs. This has led an estimated 35,000 to seek refuge across the border in neighboring countries, but even then they are hardly welcome.

The most recent development in this story is the fact that Rohingyas fleeing from sectarian violence into Thailand are being held in immigration facilities that are akin to prisons. According to Human Rights Watch, the cells in these facilities are “cage like” and there is barely enough place to sit. The women detainees are subject to sexual assault and exploitation.* Even worse, many Rohingya are ending up at Turutao Island in Thailand, which whilst being a spectacular national park, is also the site of some of the most intricate human trafficking rings in the region, leaving many Rohingya as not only victims of sectarian violence, but victims of human trafficking.**

All in all this does seem like a helpless situation. How can anyone help a population that is stateless and belongs nowhere–how can we document approximately how many have gone missing–and how many have disappeared into the clutches of human trafficking? Wouldn’t it just be easier to collectively forget?

Ethnic tensions and wars of identity are very much akin to the modern condition. It may be easy to turn a blind eye to the Rohingya now, but this will only enable harsher consequences a few years down the line. Identity divisions that have gone unanswered and unsolved have produced some of the gravest conflicts today; from Syria to Iraq and even to Egypt. And these are not conflicts that we haven’t seen before. The post Cold War era of the 1990′s taught us lessons from the dissolution of Yugoslavia to the genocide in Rwanda, stories like this are all too familiar.

International actors can choose to forget, or they can choose to take steps towards a more stable future. Today, the Rohingya are a helpless minority, but you never know what tomorrow brings. Their identity as a Muslim minority resonates with many unstable organizations active today and collective political memory is a powerful tool–just pick up any history book.

* http://www.voanews.com/content/dozens-of-rohingya-muslim-boat-people-escape-thai-prison/1733003.html

** http://www.channel4.com/news/nightmare-island-where-traffickers-imprison-burmas-muslims