(Photo: Channel 4 News)

Channel 4 News Blog

August 15, 2013

Our investigation into the mass trafficking of Rohingya from Burma last week generated a huge response on social media sites.

The film documented how Rohingya, a much-persecuted ethnic Muslim group in Burma, are crammed into ships, taken to remote Thai islands where they are imprisoned and ransomed off to friends and relatives in neighbouring countries.

In our report we showed how a Thai national park called Tarutao Island was being used as underground transit lounge by traffickers and we also interviewed a member of a criminal gang who said that bribes were regularly paid to police and military units to look the other way.

We expected a strong reaction to our report from the media and government officials in Thailand but surprisingly perhaps, we have had to wait some time to get it.

The first ripple of a response began on Tuesday morning when a popular morning show called This Morning’s Stories on Thailand’s Channel 3 aired parts of our report – although their picture editors recut our package into something we barely recognised.

The hosts gave a running commentary. “There is a story accusing Thailand of using Tarutao Island as a prison in the sea… let’s have a look at how they reported on this.” A brief description of our allegations followed.

The next day, This Morning’s Stories returned to our “nightmare island” story with a new development. They had some footage, shot the day before, of the chief government official, Governor Nuachai Jira-aipirak, taking local journalists over to Tarutao for a walkabout.

His attempt to reassure the public seemed to backfire when Governor Jira-aipirak acknowledged the presence of human traffickers in the area. “They only use Satun (Province) as a transit point,” he reasoned. The governor then issued a list of denials and clarifications.

He said that no public officials in his district were guilty of bribe-taking. He suggested Taruato Island was too big to patrol properly then added: “Sometimes things happen that we don’t see.”

Yet This Morning’s hosts, Sorayth Sunatsanajinda and Pitchayatan Chanpud, were not about to take that lying down.

“We have to investigate the claim that Thai officials were taking protection bribes,” said Mr Sunatsanajinda . “The governor says they are only using Satun as a transit point but if you look at the (island prison), it was built strongly and properly, using black rubber sheeting to protect them from the rain – not a bamboo roof.

“There are 7 tents all together, with a kitchen and gas cookers, plates and bowls, mosquito nets and mattresses. Each tent is 5 metres wide and 15 metres long”.

It was Ms Chanpud’s time to contribute: “The governor admitted that this was an organised process. There must be brokers at the start and the end of the process.” “Ahh,” exclaimed Mr Sunatsanajijda. “So (the story) is true, isn’t it? Now we have to find out any official involvement in this.”

There was another item on Thailand’s Channel 7 about our story. The presenter said the Thai foreign minister, Surapong Tovichakchaikul, will bring it up our allegations with his Burmese counterpoint at an upcoming regional meeting.

Internet discussion boards were clogged with comments about Tarutao. Many contributors demanded that the traffickers be brought to justice – others wanted officials in Satun province investigated for graft.

I thought this comment from Uncle 60 on the www.pantip.com site was interesting. He wrote: “Any country whose media report on the Rohingya should be forced to take them. Thailand has had them for a long time. When third countries (like the UK) take refugees, they only take the educated ones and leave the rest to Thailand.”

We got an appreciative comment from Zodiac 28: “It is good to expose this story to the world. The more the better… we might lose our reputation but it’s worth it.”

However, we are still waiting for a comment from the national government here in Bangkok. Apparently, we caught the Thai Foreign Ministry – which handles international journalists’ enquires – at a busy time, but we will let you know when we get something.

Eva Kusuma Sundari

Over the past year, we have seen religious and ethnic conflicts unleashed yet again in our region. In Myanmar, Buddhists and Muslims have been pit against one another; hundreds of lives have been lost and tens of thousands more displaced as homes and businesses were burned to the ground and tens of thousands of Muslim Rohingya families were evicted from their homes by violent mobs.

Myanmar claims the “Rohingya problem” to be an internal matter — likely, and unfortunately, it is the same stand most governments of any of ASEAN’s 10 member states would take. But we know this not to be accurate — while it may have its root causes in western Myanmar, the effects of this conflict are felt regionally and are of relevance even further afield. As such, we must also look wider to find solutions. 

The situation is admittedly complicated, and there are myriad economic, social, historical and other factors at play that have led to this deep chasm between communities. One of the more serious considerations is that of religious fundamentalism. Hate speech and vitriol that instigates violence against a particular ethnic or religious group cannot hide behind the tenets of free speech. 

As we have seen in other countries, national governments cannot always be seen to be neutral or fulfilling their role to protect minorities and the vulnerable.

Undoubtedly, this is of concern to us all. As an elected parliamentarian, I feel it is a duty to push for ASEAN to assume a key role in solving this crisis and work to prevent others like it. For in fact, almost all ASEAN member states are facing ethnic and religious tensions and divides. 

Like a microcosm of the ASEAN grouping itself, our nations are made up of equally diverse communities. If religious extremism and persecution is left to fester, there is a strong likelihood that we will see similar conflicts erupting between communities all across Southeast Asia. 

Is this not an issue that we, as a region, can and must tackle together? Is it not in the interest of Myanmar also that this conflict is resolved?

This month, ASEAN will mark its 46th year of existence. We have come a long way since the regional grouping was established all those years ago as an instrument for regional political integration, security and peace — but we remain far short of where we need to be if it is going represent the people of this region rather than just be a club for the region’s most powerful political and business interests. 

If it does not change, as the region has, then the ASEAN experiment will ultimately be seen as a failure. It must wake up from its archaic top-down approach and begin building strong institutions and mechanisms with real weight and backed by binding charters.

Because of our region’s wide variety of languages, religions and cultures, it may seem futile to seek to establish some form of unified ideas, principles or rules which can guide us as a union — but that is exactly what is needed. Our national governments are often unwilling, or unable, to tackle the most challenging issues, and the more marginalized in society find themselves with nowhere to turn for recourse. 

This is a dangerous path. With the so-called ASEAN Economic Community around the corner, it is time that the other key elements of a regional union were supported and built upon. Rather than simply being a force for economic and political deal-making, ASEAN should and could, be a force for developing more equitable and stable societies. For this to happen, ASEAN needs more clout, it needs to become a body that the citizens of this region can identify with.

If ASEAN wants to establish a more integrated and effective regional community, it needs to also understand the role it needs to play in solving religious and racial issues, and other significant concerns facing us all. Like the sound of a drum that has been beaten for decades, we must again say that the “policy of non-interference” is a hindrance to the political and economic development of this region; the myth of “Asian values” is nothing more than an excuse for human rights violations and curbing individual rights and freedoms.

As deeper economic integration takes hold, we will witness a vast increase in the movement of people and an explosion of wider interaction between the culturally disparate citizens of this region. We must not underestimate the need for a strong regional voice and mechanisms to support this change and deal with the many problems it could engender.

As in the instances of religious conflict, ASEAN should see that its role, as the engine for regional integration, should be one of protector of the vulnerable and mediator of conflicts large and small. It needs the authority and backing of its constituent parts to grow into a genuine force for social, economic and political progress. 

Rather than being a mirror of our own national failures, ASEAN, as an institution, must provide the space for which the people and leaders of this region can look to rise above bitter and complex national conflicts and tensions, where the bar of ambition is set high. 

The ASEAN Economic Community must be exactly that, a community — with shared visions, ideas and responsibilities. 

The writer is a founding member of ASEAN Parliamentarians for Human Rights, a House of Representatives member from the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle and member of the House’s Commission III overseeing law and human rights.

RB News 

August 14, 2013

Maungdaw, Arakan: A police officer from SB (Special Branch) has been continuously extorting the money from Rohingyas living nearby Aley Than Kyaw. According to locals, the SB officer is Aung Kyaw Zin who is based in Aley Than Kyaw village in the Maungdaw Township of Arakan State. 

Iman Hussein, son of Bardu Miah (49-years-old) was arrested whileon his way back home from Aley Than Kyaw bazaar on August 8, 2013 by Zin and was accused that he was involved in violence in June of last year. He was brought to Aung Kyaw Zin’s lockup and was severely beaten. Zin demanded that he pay 1.5 million kyat for his release. Finally mr. Hussein convinced Zin to release him for 400,000 kyat.

A villager told RB News that Imam Hussein's son Hafizu was arrested last month by the same police force. He had to pay the same amount, 400,000 kyat for his release.

On the same day, August 8, 2013, Aung Kyaw Zin arrested two more Rohingyas who were also coming back from Aley Than Kyaw bazaar. These arrested persons are Sana Mullah, son of Zakari (19-years-old) from Thada village and Tayub, son of Hafizu Rahman (22-years-old) from Chain Khali village. Reportedly they were also tortured by Aung Kyaw Zin during custody. 

Sana Mullah had to pay 400,000 kyat and Tayub had to pay 300,000 kyat to the notorious SB police Aung Kyaw Zin for their release.

Aung Kyaw Zin has been arresting and extorting money from the Rohingyas who are coming back from Aley Than Kyaw bazaar for a long time. The villagers have reported to the higher authorities for them to take action against Aung Kyaw Zin for the nasty activities that have been doing on Rohingyas. There has been no action from the authorities. The villagers said that they are having a lot of trouble with the SB force for torturing and extorting money from the innocent Rohingyas in the region.

RB News 

August 14, 2013 

Thandwe, Arakan – A Kaman Muslim house and 5 boats were set fire by members of the 969 network in Myo Taung quarter. This is in the Thandwe Township of Arakan State. It happened last night at 11 pm according to locals there. 

A house and two fishing boats belonging to U Mya Win who lives in Anawyahta Street, were burnt. The value of the two boats is at about 16 million kyat. The 969 group also set fire to two fishing boats and two fishnets owned by U Sanay Aung. He lives at the corner of Anawyahta Street and Marga Street. The value of his boats is about 12 million kyat. The fifth fishing boat that was burnt belonged to U Kyaw Tin. He lives in downtown Thandwe. The value of his boat is unknown. 

The Muslim residents of Thandwe informed the police at the outpost when the house and the five boats were set fire by 969 group. The police did not come to Myo Taung quarter. According to Muslim residents in Thandwe, they left from Kin Maw quarter The 969 group is upset with the arrests made by the government in Ann Daw Kwat Thit in June. The arrests were made following an arson attack that saw 5 Kaman Muslim houses burnt. More information regarding that instance can be found here. http://bit.ly/13j7Rwg 

Unlike the Rohingya, Kaman Muslims are an "official" ethnic minority and citizens within Myanmar. One of 135 recognized ethnic groups in the country. The news spread out in Thandwe that the 969 group will protest against the government on coming August 16th and 17th. The Muslims in Thandwe are worrying about the problems that will be, in these mentioned places if the 969 group holds the protest in the coming days. 

A Pu Chay (Mann Aung Kyun) contributed in reporting.

By Editorial of The Nation

August 13, 2013

Instead of punishing, abusing and exploiting refugees, Thailand should be prepared to offer them economic opportunities

Rohingya boat people continue to flee Myanmar, where they are barred from citizenship, to seek better lives elsewhere. Many of them end up in detention centres in neighbouring countries, particularly Malaysia and Thailand. 

When it comes to refugees, Thailand always claims the high moral ground. Over the years it has provided shelter to those fleeing war and persecution in Cambodia, Laos and other Southeast Asian countries. Those who claim to have fled from political conflict at home live temporarily in refugee camps along the border. Those who seek an escape from economic hardship at home can find jobs here if they manage to get legal documents and are properly registered. Others work illegally until the authorities catch them.

But is our humanitarian record that good? With regard to the Rohingya, Thailand has done the same as other countries - locking them up behind bars. Some have died in custody. It seems that no one really cares what goes wrong.

The Rohingya have fled from the border areas of Myanmar and Bangladesh, and from western Rakhine State, to seek jobs and better lives here and in Malaysia. Thousands of these people have been working here for years, saving money for their families. But the authorities are targeting many of the newcomers, perhaps as a result of recent communal conflict in Myanmar between Buddhists and Muslims. Others are victims of human traffickers and are still sent to jail because they're illegal migrants, having entered the Kingdom without permission. Typically they are convicted, serve time in jail and then deported, but some die behind bars before completing their sentences. After suffering perilous sea journeys, then abuse at the hands of traffickers and the authorities who often act in collusion, these people have every reason to curse their bad luck. 

Thai authorities have no reason to mistreat these migrants. Most Rohingya - and indeed most other refugees from neighbouring countries - have committed no crime apart from illegal entry. Of course most Rohingya have no legal documents, but that is hardly their fault since they're denied any such documentation by the Myanmar government. 

With or without documents, they still have the right to live, work and support their families. Illegal migration is not a serious crime, but many states, including Thailand, treat such intruders as if they were murderers, allocating huge sums of money and resources to control and punish them.

Tough punishment, some officials say, is a deterrent to foreigners considering entering the country illegally and taking jobs from Thai nationals. That is wrong thinking. The Rohingya and other migrants from Myanmar are an essential and irreplaceable component of the Thai economy. They do the dirty, backbreaking jobs Thais don't want and they are paid low wages. Many are exploited in conditions of virtual slavery. They come here with nothing and they help to build the economy. Employers are delighted to exploit this cheap source of labour. 

Thailand should be doing more to help the Rohingya boat people. With correct organisation, fair documentation and supervision, and decent wages and working conditions, they can still play a significant role in developing the national economy.

Nyo Tun

RB Article

August 14, 2013

Identity and Violence was one of many books of Amartya Sen, a professor at Harvard University and the 1998 Nobel Prize winner in Economics. Reading Sen’s sweeping philosophical work to challenge the reductionist division of people by race, religion, and class, I envision that Burma, my native country, can be made toward peace as firmly as it has been rapidly submerging in the recent hatred waves of the 969 pro-Buddhist campaigns. The expanding 969 hate movements led by racist Burmese Buddhist monks are believed to incite widespread anti-Muslim violence across Burma in recent months. In this series of articles, I would like to present how Sen’s thoughts can be formulated to develop a new understanding of reality for the situation of current religious conflicts in Burma. As the articles evolve along the process, I hope we are likely to be more convinced that realizing the mind-set of Burmese people is more important than appreciating our seeing of ‘democratic’ institutional reforms which, of course, can also drive my nation into the endless spiral of brutality and war in the coming future.

Sen’s original work:

For example, the “creeping Shariah-ization of Indonesia” which the Indonesian Muslim scholar Syafi’i Anwar has described with much alarm, not only is a development of religious practice, but involves the spread of a particularly pugnacious social and political perspective in a traditionally tolerant ― and richly multicultural ― country. A similar thing can be said about a number of other countries, including Malaysia, which have experienced a rapid promotion of a confrontational culture in the name of Islam, despite their history of cultural diversity and political breadth. To resist political polarization, this foundational distinction has to be pressed, since the exploitation of a religious (in this case, Islamic) identity is such a big part of organized conflicts of this kind.

My thoughts on Burma’s contemporary situation:

Similarly, the aims of 969 campaigns are not purely religious. What we need to see is this similar particular aim of 969 to develop an aggressive cultural perspective out of our long history of multicultural and richly tolerant Burma.

The Burmese Man of 20th century is widely acknowledged as Aung San Su Kyi, the Lady. However, the late prominent Burmese historian, Dr Than Tun, would not agree to this acknowledgement and he instead nominated Ven. Janaka Biwonta of Mahagandhayone Monastery as the Greatest Burmese Guy of the past century. While the abbot who passed away in 1977 was little-known to the international media, native Burmese will hardly deny that his thoughts and writings on religion, society and politics have had more profound impacts on modern Burmese society than our Lady could have brought to Burmese people during her imprisoned years. His perspective on Burmese religious knowledge can demonstrate whether these 969 movements which emphasize the supremeness of the symbol, “969” can be determined as a religious way or not. One of the notes in his autobiography reads

“We Burmese are blind religious people. Buddha is present but the statues destroy his presence. Dharma (Buddha’s teaching) is present but scriptures and books destroy its presence. Sangha (Buddha’s disciples) are present but monks destroy their presence”.

For Ven. Janaka Biwonta, appreciating symbols is the false religious way for spiritual progress. Buddhist devout philosophers will also unanimously say no symbol can be claimed to authentically represent the Supreme merits of Buddha, Dharma and Sangha, which are purely abstract ‘states’ ungraspable by any human being. Ironically, the leader monk of 969 movements, Wirathu, who claims himself to be the devout follower Janaka Biwonta encourages every Burmese Buddhist to worship the Buddhist Great Symbol “969” that his great admirer will certainly not approve. Of course, the Muslim hater monk’s great admirer would protest that Buddhist symbol fetish promoted by modern Buddhist monks obscures “the power of reasoning and curiosity”, that is one of six great attributes (tasks) of Dharma. All over and above, the symbol fetish has a definitely ill conceived idea of developing anti-Muslim hostility in Buddhist culture, which generally is regarded as a great religious tradition of peace.

We will also need to observe a big black hand behind Wirathu’s speaking on justification of his hate movements in response to what Indonesia and Malaysia have done for their Islamic religion’s progress. In fact, these movements are not done in response to these nations’ national actions but are mimicking the disgusting actions of some political organizations of these nations to exploit the religion for playing for opportunism in their political game of chess. The next point is how this recently released prisoner who is extremely deficient in formal modern education knows in-depth political phenomenon of these small countries. Even well educated Burmese, who master the English language, have to exert their great efforts for understanding such literary knowledge on political phenomenon of relatively unknown countries when even superficial political happenings of these nations are not so popularly presented on international media each and every day.

In summary, the 969 movement of Burma is a well-plotted act of a certain financially strong political organization to imitate the political chess games of Indonesia and Malaysia. Of course, the original strategic intention of people of this conceit behind is certainly not the same as that of this sectarian hatred development leader, Wirathu who claims to act in response to the Islamic threat. 

The views expressed in this article are the author's own and do not necessarily reflect RB's editorial policy.

When their country is not running them out of town, Rohingya live like prisoners in their own homes.

Kutupalong New Camp, Bangladesh-Myanmar border: Mohammed Rahim* has walked an hour to talk to us, from the green slopes of western Myanmar where he lives, down through the jungle, past the razor-wire fence and the border checkpoints, to this small wooden hut in Bangladesh.

From the window where he sits, the 18-year-old can see the hills of his homeland, and he speaks quietly about his life back over the border.

"We are afraid to live in our country, the situation is so bad," he says. "In the past we could move freely from one village to another, from our home to a neighbour's house. Now it is strictly forbidden – we can't even go to see our relatives."

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The Rakhine state government has closed the Islamic schools and banned Muslim children from state education. Rohingya cannot marry without authority, which is almost never given.

"People are getting married in secret, but if you are caught, you will get kicked out. It is like living in a prison." Rahim is a Rohingya, one of a Muslim ethnic minority who live in Rakhine state in western Myanmar. For generations, the Rohingya have suffered serious oppression in the Buddhist-majority country: victims of a visceral hatred and a state-sanctioned, systematic campaign to disenfranchise and, it would seem at times, destroy them.

The government makes little secret of its desire to run the Rohingya out of the country, or see them bred out of existence. Rohingyas are "not our ethnicity . . . we will send them away if any third country will accept them," President Thein Sein said last year.

The man who is now Myanmar's representative to the United Nations, Ye Myint Aung, was even less diplomatic a few years earlier: "They are ugly as ogres."

Since 1984, Myanmar law has outlawed Rohingya families from having more than two children.

Rohingya require passes to move from one village to another, and they are banned from cities. Arbitrary arrest by soldiers is common, as are land grabs by the government.

In June and October last year, Rakhine was gripped by violent clashes between Rohingya and the Buddhist Burmese majority.

The riots were sparked by the alleged assault of a Buddhist woman, but quickly became an outlet for the long-standing enmity between the two groups.

Figures vary, but at least 200 people were killed and more than 140,000 Rohingya were forced from their homes.

Some found other villages in Myanmar; others ran over the border to Bangladesh.

An estimated 37,000 have since boarded boats to Malaysia, Indonesia and Australia.

Alam is a former village headman in a village close to Rahim's. He says his country is trying to kill his people.

"I am very worried for my children and grandchildren. Our lives are getting worse every day. In my village, the mosque is shut and anyone who tries to go there will be killed."

Alam wants to stay in Myanmar; he is too old to leave. Besides, he says, there are few places for a Rohingya to go.

For the Rohingya, this is the fundamental problem: they are unwanted in their own country, and almost nowhere else.

Malaysia, a Muslim country with an appetite for cheap foreign labour, has been a destination for thousands over decades, and Indonesia has experienced a recent wave of asylum seekers.

About 30,000 Rohingya are recognised as refugees in Bangladesh. They live in two camps along the border and receive UN and other aid assistance. But up to 200,000 are in the country illegally, and Bangladesh refuses to accept them as refugees.

The slums where they live, like Kutupalong New Camp, where 55,000 people are jammed into a shallow, muddy valley barely bigger than a football field, officially don't exist.

The UN and aid agencies are forbidden from helping the people here. The neighbouring villages are uninterested, and moreover poor enough as it is.

Left to fend for themselves, Rohingya eke out what living they can. Most collect firewood from the nearby forests and sell it, but leaving the camp makes men vulnerable to violence and extortion, women to rape.

Regularly, and without warning, Bangladeshi police crack down and forbid people from leaving the camps at all. The internment can last days: the people inside the camp go hungry.

Nasima lives with her five children in a one-room hut with a roof made of garbage bags and a dirt floor that turns to a quagmire every time it rains.

"It all gets wet, all the water floods in, and we have to stay awake all night and sit in a corner."

Aged and widowed, she relies upon the labour of her children, collecting wood. It is the very definition of a hand-to-mouth existence.

Finding somewhere else to run to is beyond Nasima's ken. "How can I go? We can't even feed ourselves. We don't have any money. I have five children here, we have no hope."

Nurul Islam says the persecution of Rohingya in Myanmar has steadily worsened over years.

"It is impossible to live a normal life, to get married, to move freely. We cannot farm our own lands because they are stolen from us." He says he fled after government troops attacked him. "See what they have done to us, see how they have tortured me. They have stabbed me in the leg, they chopped my finger off."

The camp now is made more miserable by the monsoon. The deluge turns the narrow alleys to mud, and malaria and waterborne diseases are common. There is no clinic, and no one has enough money to see a doctor outside.

The school, built and run by the refugees themselves, does what it can to teach the children Burmese, Bengali and English, but efforts are hamstrung by a lack of resources and the need for children to work.

The UN has entreated Myanmar, Bangladesh and the wider world to assist.

US President Barack Obama warned Mr Thein Sein this year that the campaign of violence against Muslims must stop, while Australian Foreign Minister Bob Carr visited in June, offering $9 million to help the Rohingya, and called for "efforts to resolve the underlying causes of the unrest in Rakhine state".

Vivian Tan, spokeswoman for the UN's High Commissioner for Refugees, said that until the causes of the problem were addressed, "including communal tensions, the lack of citizenship and rights for the Rohingya, and general underdevelopment in Rakhine state", Rohingya will continue to seek safety in new countries.

Melanie Teff from Refugees International told Fairfax that since the violence of last year uprooted thousands of families, the oppression of Rohingya had only worsened.

"Sadly, the people I've spoken to don't see a future for themselves in Myanmar . . . it's very frightening where this could end."

Rahim and Alam leave the wooden hut where we've been talking separately, to avoid the attention of the soldiers standing on the border a few hundred metres away.

Rahim leaves last.

"Good luck," we tell him, "we hope you will be OK."

"God willing," he answers.

* Names have been changed to protect identities.

The video can be watched here.

Sushetha Gopallawa

Refugees International

August 13, 2013

During my recent visit to Myanmar, I met with human rights activist Kyaw Hla Aung in a Rohingya village in Sittwe Township, Rakhine State. We talked about his peaceful political activism, his public service, and his humanitarian work. But mostly we talked about how he and other village elders and leaders feared for their lives. 

Two days before the meeting, a government-sponsored verification process in the nearby Rohingya displacement camps had increased communal tensions. Fearing the exercise was aimed at undermining their claims to citizenship, the Rohingya community refused to participate. The ensuing protests by Rohingya, though small in size, forced the government to abandon the verification process and sparked a wave of arrests of Rohingya activists. 

Kyaw Hla Aung told us that he was not present in the camps when these incidents took place, yet he and other village leaders believed they could be arrested anyway. Police and border security agents (known as the NaSaKa) patrolled his village at least twice a day, so he tried to keep a low profile. When we spoke to him, he had not slept in his own bed in months. Unfortunately, his fears were realized on July 15, when he was arbitrarily arrested. 

Kyaw Hla Aung is currently being detained at Sittwe Police Station No. 1. It is reported that this detention facility does not meet international standards, and Kyaw Hla Aung’s family members have been barred from visiting him. This 74-year-old human rights activist, who is in poor health and requires regular medication, has been deprived of the treatments he needs and has not seen a medical officer since being detained. He has also been denied access to a lawyer of his choice. 

Appearing before the Sittwe District Court on July 31, Kyaw Hla Aung was charged with rioting while armed with a deadly weapon, hiring or conniving at hiring of persons to join an unlawful assembly, and voluntarily causing grievous hurt to a public servant to deter him from his duty. The rights group Frontline Defenders, however, described the case against him as “without merit.”

Myanmar’s repressive laws, which are used to detain dissidents and peaceful protesters, must be brought in line with international human rights standards. The ongoing targeting and arbitrary arrests of Kyaw Hla Aung and others like him must stop! 

Kyaw Hla Aung is due to appear in Court later this week, and Amnesty International has launched a global campaign calling for him to be given:

Please visit Amnesty International today and demand justice for Kyaw Hla Aung. 

RB News 

August 13, 2013

Sittwe, Arakan – An Innocent Facebooker from Sittwe was arrested by Hlun Htaine police at 5:30 am this morning. This according to the victim’s relative.

The arrested is Than Shwe, a Rohingya youth who lives in the Bumay quarter. He was arrested by Hlun Htaine police for sharing photos of recent attacks on Rohingyas by police on a Facebook account. 

In fear of authorities, most Rohingya from Sittwe do not use their own photo as profile picture or use their real name. 

Than Shwe didn’t use his own name, he has published his own photo as profile picture.

In Arakan State, the authorities frequently scrutinize the activities of every individual. Than Shwe has never engaged in any political activity nor anything else related to politics. He has a two year old daughter and wife, and has been struggling in his life very much since after violence broke out in Sittwe last year. It seems apparent that authorities were able to target him because his profile picture on Facebook revealed his actual face. 

This morning at 5:30 am, the Hlun Htaine police forced open the door to his home and then beat him before they removing him from his home. His family and relatives still do not know his whereabouts since the time of arrest. A local tried to contact the police station to inquire if Than Shwe had arrived, but was informed that he hasn’t reached the police station since the time of arrest, approximately three hours later. His family and relatives are very worried and in fear he will be killed by Hlun Htaine police somewhere unknown.

The UN Special Rappoteur Mr Tomas Quintana is in Sittwe since yesterday and today will be visiting the refugee camps. Although the human rights observer is in the region, the authorities have not refrained from arresting innocent Rohingyas.

Rohingya Blogger’s Official Announcement 

August 12, 2013 

Rohingya Blogger (RB) was started in 2005 and was extended to include Burmese language service in 2012. RB has received recognition of international organizations and diplomatic sources since it was founded. RB has cooperated with international media since the violence broke out in Arakan in 2012 and has helped mainstream media in regards to covering the news of Arakan, Meikhtila, Oakkan and Lashio. RB has been, and continues to cooperate with many journalists for a variety of projects.

Although RB doesn't wish to have to explain itself as a result of rumors spread by any group or individual, RB felt it was necessary to address recent rumors in order to let readers know the truth. 

RB is a group of volunteers blogging as a news media outlet. RB is not affiliated with any political or civil society organizations, nor do any such organizations carry any influence over RB. RB is an Independent Media Organization.

RB has no partnership or affiliation with any other media outlets. In the event of unauthorized use of the RB logo, name, or any unfounded claims of affiliation, RB will seek to take appropriate measures to cease or deter such misuses.

The required funds for RB have been supplied by RB’s founder, U Ba Sein and family. RB has never asked for, nor taken any financial assistance from any organization nor individual.

RB would like to inform its audience that there will be no further explanation in response to rumors or nonsense against RB. RB is committed to the struggle of Rohingyas and all Myanmar Muslims. The RB Team will continue to fight against all forms of human rights violations and ethnic cleaning against Rohingyas and Myanmar Muslims.

Andrew Day

RB News 

August 12, 2013

Two Rohingya women, a mother and daughter who are Refugees registered through the UNHCR and the Government of Bangladesh, were sent from Bangladesh to Myanmar yesterday by the BGB. 

41 year old Gul Bahar and her 25 year old daughter, Dhalu were detained by the BGB (Border Gaurd Bangladesh) at the Whykaung check post. The border guards were suspicious of the women as they could not speak Bengali. They only speak Rohingya. The guards did not give the women opportunity to present their refugee identification. In the presence of the BDR from the border of bangladesh, the women were handed over to a boat man with orders to take them to Myanmar. 

The woman have arrived in Myanmar and they are still in a house of the boat man. There are reports that the man offered to secretly take them back to Bangladesh if they each pay him 10000 Taka. 

The women's UNCHR identification numbers are 742-00018968 and 287-00008784. 

The women were detained while travelling to Cox's Bazaar Prison to see Dhalu's father on Eid day. He has been in jail for 2 years now. He was taken by the Coast Guard near the boarder of Saint Martin, while attempting to get to Malaysia.

RB News
August 12, 2013

Buthidaung, Arakan – Reportedly, more than 60 innocent Rohingya prisoners detained in Buthidaung prison were moved to Maungdaw police station lockup. Authorities made the move to hide them during UN Special Rapporteur Mr Tomas Quintana.

Yesterday, Mr Quintana arrived in Myanmar on a 10 day mission trip. He will be visiting Sittwe, Buthidaung, Maungdaw, among other towns during his tour.

After the violence broke out in June of last year, many innocent Rohingyas were detained without any charge in Maungdaw. The prisoners were being tortured in many forms. The detailed report of Buthidaung prison can be read here: http://bit.ly/XxWzhi)

Mr Quintana arrived to Sittwe this morning and left for Buthidaung, according to the locals from Sittwe. 

As Mr Quintana is going to visit the Buthidaung prison for the investigation, the authorities needed to hide the Rohingya prisoners held without charge. Reportedly more than 60 prisoners had been moved to Maungdaw police station lockup on Saturday (i.e. August 10, 2013). 

“Since last year many innocents were being detained. Many prisoners imprisoned in the Buthidaung prison without any charge. As UN envoy is visiting, more than 60 prisoners are moved to Maungdaw police station lockup.” a Rohingya told RB News. 

It has been reported that Mr Quintana was not able to visit Maungdaw because of the protests held by Rakhines. During his tour to Buthidaung, there are reports of Rakhines disturbing him. In one instance, a Rakhine person threw a leaflet into Quintana's car.

Bill O'Toole
Myanmar Times

August 12, 2013

Lawyer and activist U Kyaw Hla Aung is due to appear in a Rakhine State court this week, in what will be his second hearing since being arrested on July 15.

U Kyaw Hla Aung, who identifies as Rohingya, is accused of inciting a protest in a camp for internally displaced people (IDPs) earlier this year. His supporters, both inside and outside Myanmar, say the charges are false and a pretence to silence the prominent Sittwe-based activist.

“He’s a human rights defender peacefully trying to help his community,” said Jim Lougren of the Frontline Defenders organisation, which works to protect activists in oppressed nations and communities. “It’s effectively a case of arbitrary detention ... We would argue that this case is without merit.”

Since being arrested U Kyaw Hla Aung has not had access to a lawyer or been able to contact his family. He has been charged with rioting armed with a deadly weapon, encouraging persons to take part in an unlawful assembly and voluntarily causing grievous hurt to deter a public servant from his duty. He first appeared in court on July 31 in a closed session.

The charges against him stem from an incident on April 26 when a group of Rohingya youth in the Boduba IDP camp refused to fill out a census form that identified them as “Bengali”. The situation escalated until the youths attacked several immigration police.

U Kyaw Hla Aung is accused of making phone calls instructing the youths to attack officials but his family says the only calls he made to Bodupa were to try and calm the angry mob.

U Win Myaing, a spokesperson for the Rakhine government, said he was not familiar with the details of U Kyaw Hla Aung’s case, but added that police would not target activists for their beliefs alone. “I don’t think that happens,” he said.

The timing of U Kyaw Hla Aung’s arrest is especially significant as it came on the same day that President U Thein Sein announced during his visit to Europe that the government would release all political prisoners by the end of the year. The President’s Office did not respond to requests for comment.

“[This trial] ties into the larger issue of the environment in which human rights defenders can carry out their work,” Mr Lougren said. “In many countries there is a gap between rhetoric and the truth on the ground. The credibility of [U Thein Sein’s] commitment depends on how the system actually works.”

While he has no access to legal representation, Frontline Defenders has people in Rakhine State assisting U Kyaw Hla Aung and his family during the trial. Mr Lougren said the group is also lobbying leaders in Europe on U Kyaw Hla Aung’s behalf.

This is far from U Kyaw Hla Aung’s first brush with the justice system. Before becoming a lawyer he was a clerk at the Sittwe High Court. His children say he was first arrested in 1986 after he wrote an appeal on behalf of local farmers whose land had been confiscated.

After being released in 1988, he assisted Rohingya political parties that were preparing for the upcoming election. In what sources describe as a “large crackdown” on Rohingya activists in 1990, U Kyaw Hla Aung was again arrested and spent the next 10 years in prison. “At that time we had difficult lives,” said his eldest son, who is 35 and works as a human rights activist in Bangkok.

In June 2012, a Rakhine news website, Freedom News Group, posted a story on June 10 alleging that two boxes of firearms had been seen being delivered to U Kyaw Hla Aung’s home in Sittwe. He and his colleagues were detained by the police, who also said they had a letter linking U Kyaw Hla Aung to al-Qaeda.

The next day, U Kyaw Hla Aung’s home was burned down while he waited in prison. His family – his wife, son and three daughters – are staying in a rented home near an IDP camp in Sittwe. They declined to be interviewed for this article, citing safety concerns.

When asked if he wished his father would stop his activism, his eldest son said, “No ... we have to work. It is our duty. We have to protect innocent people, that is what I believe.

“[My father] works for many people. When he was in Sittwe prison [from 1990 until 2000] he helped write appeal letters for other inmates. Both Muslims and Rakhine.”

RB News 

August 11, 2013

Sittwe, Arakan – Last Friday, August 9, 2013, the Hlun Htaine police shot to the crowd at Ohn Daw Gyi Rohingya refugee camp. Four Rohingyas were killed on the spot and eight were injured. Again, the police shot at Bawdupha refugee camp in the evening where four Rohingyas were injured.

Three men died in the late Friday evening from injuries received Friday morning. One more man died this morning. 

The person who died from injuries this morning is Jamal Hussein, son of Aziz (50-years-old). He was not involved in the crowd on Friday morning. He was farming at the paddy field nearby Ohn Daw Gyi camp. 

“Jamal Hussein, the person died today morning was not involved in the crowd who were asking to return the corpse from police. He was farming at that time near the camp. The bullet hit him while farming.” a Rohingya told RB News.

The situation in Sittwe is calm this morning. The security is very tight at Bawdupha refugee camp. There is a line of rope outside of the camp. The security forces warned to the refugees not to cross that line.

Since Thursday, August 8, 2013, up to this morning, 9 Rohingyas were killed and 10 left injured by gunfire from the notorious "Hlun Htaine" police.

AFP

Published on August 9, 2013

BANGKOK — Thai police used water cannon to prevent scores of Muslim Rohingya boat people from Myanmar breaking out of a detention centre to celebrate the end of Ramadan, officials said Thursday.

Some 261 Rohingya asylum seekers broke the locks on two rooms and then tried to storm the centre's secure front door in southern Phang Nga province, where many have been held for months, police told AFP.

"Officials blocked them at the ground floor and are negotiating with them... but they still want to come out and refuse to go back to the rooms," according to provincial police chief Chalit Kaewyarat.

He said police fired water cannon through the gated front door to prevent the refugees, who are all men, leaving and "to calm them down."

"We will wait until they are calm before moving them (temporarily) to police stations," he added.

A local official requesting anonymity confirmed the incident, adding the Rohingya men want to come out "for prayers for Hari Raya" -- as the festival of Eid, marking the end of the Muslim holy month, is known locally.

Police said they would allow five of the detainees out at a time "but all of them still want to leave" prompting the angry stand-off.

Many of the asylum-seekers have been locked up in the overcrowded and reportedly insanitary centre for several months, prompting rights groups to call for their release.

Thousands of Muslim Rohingya boat people -- including women and children -- have fled the former junta-ruled country since Buddhist-Muslim clashes a year ago in the state of Rakhine in western Myanmar.

Those who arrived in Thailand have been "helped on" by the kingdom's navy towards Malaysia -- their destination of choice -- or detained as illegal immigrants.

Thailand initially said the asylum-seekers would be allowed to stay for six months while the government worked with the UN refugee agency UNHCR to try to find other countries willing to accept them.

But overseas help has not been forthcoming so far, leaving the refugees in limbo, and separated from their families.

A UNHCR spokeswoman Vivian Tan said the centres were not designed to hold "so many people for so long."

"While the motives for this incident are still unclear, it reflects the growing frustration among the Rohingya being held in detention," she said.

Tan urged Thai authorities to "urgently" transfer them to shelters that will allow families to be reunited and provide "greater freedom of movement."

Myanmar deserves U.S. rewards for moves toward democracy, but repression of Rohingya Muslims is troubling and demands action.

By The Los Angeles Times editorial board

The relationship between the White House and the government of Myanmar has been steadily improving. President Obama went there in November; President Thein Sein came here in May. Last year, the administration eased the prohibition on Americans doing business in Myanmar, and this week, it repealed most of the remaining sanctions on trade (although it will continue to ban the import of rubies and jadeite).

These are Myanmar's well-deserved rewards for embarking on a program of liberalization and democracy — moving away from absolute military rule, holding credible elections and freeing many political prisoners. Aung San Suu Kyi, the democracy activist who spent 15 years under house arrest, has been in parliament for more than a year.

And yet for the 1 million Rohingya Muslims in the country, life is only getting worse. The Rohingya are an ethnic minority considered to be intruders by the government of Myanmar and by much of the country's majority Buddhist population. Thousands have been displaced from their homes in the western state of Rakhine by mob violence and are now relegated to camps for displaced persons. The United Nations has declared the Rohingya among the most persecuted groups in the world.

Last November, Sein said he would allow the U.N. High Commissioner for Human Rights to set up an office in the country, in part to monitor the plight of the Rohingya. But human rights advocates say the government has dragged its feet and the office has not yet been established, although a U.N independent investigator, or special rapporteur, has been allowed to make several trips through Myanmar recently.

It's appropriate for the U.S. to recognize and reward the advances that Myanmar has made. But it should not turn a blind eye to the country's continuing problems, including religious and ethnic tension. It should exercise what clout it has to help the U.N. set up the human rights office, and should push strenuously for authorities to dismantle repressive policies against the Rohingya, such as limiting families to two children.

The U.S. role is especially important because there are still so few powerful voices of protest within the country. Suu Kyi has spoken only tepidly against the repressive policies toward the Rohingya — and many in her country didn't like that she weighed in at all. A troubling anti-Muslim nationalism is spreading in Myanmar, and it will take pressure from the U.S. along with other countries and the U.N. to dispel it.

RB News
August 10, 2013

Sittwe, Arakan – The Hlun Htaine police shot a Rohingya refugee from The Chaung refugee camp in Sittwe, Arakan State. The victim was going to buy a phone card. According to refugees from the camp, he sustained injuries to his leg. 

The shooting happened Yesterday, August 9, 2013, at 9:30 pm. The Rohingya refugee is Noor Amin, son of Bawdu Miah (27-years-old).

Noor Amin is native of Pauktaw Township. A few weeks ago, he was also shot in Pauktaw by the police where he injured his left leg. Noor came to Sittwe for the medical treatment and has been living at The Chaung camp since. 

Since Thursday the notorious "Hlun Htaine" police have killed 8 Rohingyas and 10 left injured, including Noor Amin. 

RB News
August 9, 2013

Sittwe, Arakan – Shots were fired by the Hlun Htaine police in Ohn Daw Gyi and Bawdupha Rohingya refugees camps in Sittwe today. Reportedly four Rohingyas killed and about 12 injured.

Yesterday, August 8, 2013, two Rohingya refugees from Ohn Daw Gyi camp went fishing near an outpost of Hlun Htaine police. The police arrested them and they were beaten severely. Though one of the men managed to escape the other was brutally beaten and died in custody. This morning the news spread and the Rohingyas went to the police outpost and asked to return the body. The police refused to give the corpse back to the villagers and finally the they opened fire into the crowd. Four Rohingyas were killed on the spot and 8 were injured.

After the shooting into the crowd, the police reportedly created scenario to blame Rohingyas, setting fire to the outpost themselves and blaming Rohingyas. This particular outpost was formerly used by the recently disbanded Nasaka. 

“We asked them very politely to give us the corpse that was killed by Hlun Htaine last night. But they responded to us very harshly and shot us when the people gathered in greater and greater numbers. Four people killed on the spot and 8 were injured. After that the drama was created by them to blame us. They set fire the outpost and said that we did that.” a Rohingya told RB News.

The people who were injured were brought to the clinic located in Thet Kay Pyin refugee camp. Four of them were seriously injured and their lives are in danger. 

Since the morning, the Hlun Htaine police and military have surrounded all the Rohingya refugee camps in Sittwe and are disallowing anyone to leave from the camps. Police, reportedly attempted to arrest 6 Rohingya men and 2 women from Bawdupha camp this evening, again causing the situation between the police and the refugees to become tense. 

The refugees urged the police not to arrest anyone unjustly and chanted to free the lawyer and political prisoner U Kyaw Hla Aung. The police then threw the tear gas into the crowd and opened fire. Reportedly four more Rohingyas were injured and are now getting medical treatment at the mosque situated in Bawdupha. 

Since yesterday up to now, total five Rohingyas were killed by brutal Hlun Htaine police. The profiles detail of the dead persons and injured persons will be posted when available. 

Updated News: 

One man died at 9:30 pm from injuries he received in the morning. His name is Nasir, son of Abdul Misri. He is believed to be 26 years old.

Update News: (11:45 PM Myanmar Local Time)

Two men died at about 11:30 pm from injuries those received in the morning. Their profiles detail will be posted when available.

RB News 

August 9, 2013

Maungdaw, Arakan – Authorities in Maungdaw Towship, Arakan State, banned congregational Eid prayer for Rohingya Muslims in Maungdaw, disallowing them to complete Eid prayer at all.

The curfew act 144 was imposed in the region since June of last year and yesterday the township administration extended it for two more months. They warned that they will take serious action if more than 5 people gather at any mosque, and also stuck the announcement on the notice board of the largest mosque in Maungdaw.

As today is one of the most important days for the Muslims in Myanmar and across the world, and the morning congregational prayer is the most important, the Rohingyas in Maungdaw are very upset that they have been barred from the prayer by the authorities.

Press Release: OHCHR

Myanmar: UN Special Rapporteur in official visit to assess human rights situation countrywide

Geneva, 7 August 2013 – The United Nations Special Rapporteur on the human rights situation in Myanmar, Tomás Ojea Quintana, will undertake an official visit to the country from 11 to 21 August 2013. It will include visits to Rakhine State, Kachin State, Shan State, Chin State and Meikhtila in Mandalay Region.

“The Government’s agreement to provide me with such wide-ranging access to different parts of the country will give me an excellent opportunity to assess how the human rights situation is evolving as the reform agenda moves forward,” noted the rights expert, who visits Myanmar at the invitation of the Government.

“In Rakhine State, I will be looking at the steps being taken to implement the President’s vision of developing a harmonious, multi-cultural society in Myanmar, which respects and protects the human rights of all. This will include measures to ensure that the perpetrators of human rights violations, including state officials, are held to account,” Mr. Ojea Quintana said. “I will also be looking for progress in addressing the long-standing discrimination against the Rohingya community there.”

“In Meiktila, I want to look at how the Government and religious authorities are working to bring about reconciliation and developing trust between different religious communities, and will highlight that accountability for the violent acts that occurred there last March is fundamental to this process,” he said.

“Visiting Chin State, Kachin State and Shan State will give me an opportunity to assess the human rights situation of other religious and ethnic minorities in Myanmar, and provide me with an insight into how peace negotiations are progressing,” he explained. “I will be encouraging the inclusion of clauses on the promotion and protection of human rights in future political agreements with ethnic armed groups.”

During his eleven-day visit to Myanmar, the UN Special Rapporteur intends to visit the remaining prisoners of conscience and the detained INGO humanitarian staff.

Mr. Ojea Quintana also hopes to engage the Government over its handling of persons involved in land disputes and protests against large development projects, and discuss his concerns over the impact on human rights of expanded business and industrial activity, including in relation natural resource extraction. He will also discuss ways to ensure that important pieces of legislation currently being drafted, including the Printing and Publishing Enterprise Bill and the Associations Bill, are in line with international human rights standards.

The independent expert designated by the UN Human Rights Council to monitor and report on the human rights situation in Myanmar will meet with Government officials, members of Parliament and the judiciary, the National Human Rights Commission, and civil society in Naypyitaw and Yangon.

On 21 August, at the end of his mission, Mr. Quintana will present preliminary observations at apress conference at Yangon International Airport at 1815. His full report on the visit will be presented to the General Assembly on 24 October 2013.

Check the latest progress report on Myanmar by the Special Rapporteur: 

http://www.ohchr.org/Documents/HRBodies/HRCouncil/RegularSession/Session22/A.HRC.22.58_AUV.pdf

Mr. Tomás Ojea Quintana (Argentina) was appointed by the United Nations Human Rights Council in May 2008. As Special Rapporteur, he is independent from any government or organization and serves in his individual capacity. Learn more, log on to:http://www2.ohchr.org/english/countries/mm/mandate/index.htm

UN Human Rights, country page – Myanmar:http://www.ohchr.org/EN/countries/AsiaRegion/Pages/MMIndex.aspx

This press release of OHCHR originally published here.

Devianti Faridz

Channel News Asia

August 8, 2013

While many Muslims celebrate Idul Fitri at home with their families, for some it is a struggle to figure out where home is. 38-year-old Muhammad Hanif, whose parents fled Myanmar in the 1980s, is one of thousands of asylum seekers who ended up in Indonesia.

INDONESIA: While many Muslims celebrate Idul Fitri at home with their families, for some it is a struggle to figure out where home is.

38-year-old Muhammad Hanif, whose parents fled Myanmar in the 1980s, is one of thousands of asylum seekers who ended up in Indonesia.

After living 30 years in Malaysia and undergoing many interviews at the UN refugee office there, he lost patience with the process and packed up his belongings and his family.

They travelled by fishing boat and illegally landed in North Sumatra.

Mr Hanif said his family then met a group of men, who deceived them into paying US$13,000 to take them to Australia.

He said: "The smugglers brought us to a building nearby the airport and locked us inside. We were not allowed to go out so we were stripped of our freedom and we all became weak inside."

A janitor helped them escape and brought them to the UN refugee office in Jakarta.

They then camped out at a mosque in central Jakarta for days before someone brought them to the Legal Aid Foundation.

The foundation not only let the family stay at their office, it is also helping to coordinate with the Immigrations department, the UNHCR office and the Australian embassy, in the hopes of resettling the family in Australia.

But the foundation has faced legal hurdles in helping the family's asylum plea.

Julius Ibrani, legal aid coordinator at Indonesia Legal Aid Foundation, said: "There should be a legal mechanism that puts forward humanitarian values. Furthermore, Indonesia faces consequences as an active member of the United Nations. This is what we are striving and has become a hurdle as it doesn't exist."

Since 2008, the UNHCR has handled cases of around 1,400 Rohingya. In the first six months this year alone, over 500 Rohingya have registered with the UNHCR in Jakarta. Overall a third of them have transited in Malaysia, while the rest came directly from Myanmar.

At the Fifth Bali Process Conference this year, Indonesia proposed and approved establishing a working group to address human trafficking and people smuggling problems.

But experts said much needs to be done to address the root cause of asylum seekers fleeing persecution.

Manuel Jordao, representative of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, said: "Is there or not enough political will to give this additional step forward that will transform the Bali Process, not just as many call it another forum that is just a talk show, but as a forum that produces concrete regional cooperation agreements?"

Mr Jordao admitted it is hard to resettle the Rohingya as the 21 resettlement countries in the world show very little interest in accepting them.