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Rohingya Muslims, trying to cross the Naf river into Bangladesh to escape sectarian violence in Burma, look on from an intercepted boat in Teknaf on June 13, 2012. (Photo - AFP) 

Caryl Thompson
Global Policy
December 21, 2012

ASEAN Human Rights Declaration Provokes Controversy 

Since its inception in 1967, the ten-member Southeast Asian alliance, ASEAN (the Association of Southeast Asian Nations) has focused on promoting regional co-operation, regional identity and trade links. For the most part, the human rights of its 600 million inhabitants have failed to attract the Association’s attention. 

The ASEAN Declaration of Human Rights announced recently at the ASEAN leaders’ 21st summit held in Phnom Penh, Cambodia, would, therefore, ostensibly appear to be a positive new direction for the organisation. However, rather than welcoming this development, civil society and grassroots groups across the region and globally have united in criticising the document. The U.S. Department of State has announced that “we are deeply concerned that many of the ASEAN Declaration’s principles and articles could weaken and erode universal human rights and fundamental freedoms as contained in the UDHR [UN Universal Declaration of Human Rights]”. 

That such opposing views have developed in a region that is increasingly regarded as pivotal in International Relations should be a cause for concern. By adopting a rigorous non-interventionist approach to human rights violations in other member states, are the nations of ASEAN simply recognizing the sovereignty of others or could they be unwittingly fostering conditions that may threaten their own security? 

The mutual recognition of sovereignty adopted by ASEAN members is fundamental to its decision-making processes, encapsulated by “consultation and consensus ” and an enduring principle of non-interference in the internal affairs of member states. Thus while espousing the rhetoric of human rights, the Declaration firmly maintains that it is the responsibility of individual sovereign member states to establish and maintain freedom and rights for their national citizens, a principle to which several appear reluctant to commit. 

As a result the Declaration has been denounced as “culturally relativist” with domestic laws superseding universal principles of freedoms and basic rights. While such external critiques may be dismissed by the members of ASEAN, they cannot ignore the more immediate internal consequences of their adopted position and the very real possibility that human rights violations in one member state will have potential repercussions for the security of others. 

To Interfere or Not to Interfere: The Rohingya Question 

One example of the unintended consequences of the communal silence that ASEAN has adopted on human rights violations by member states is demonstrated by the spill-over effects of the ethnic tensions that have erupted and the resultant state-sponsored repression in the Rakhine district of Western Myanmar. 

The ethnic and religious tensions currently engulfing Rakhine state, a strip of land on Myanmar’s western coast are a legacy of British colonialism. Under British rule, thousands of Bengalis from the neighbouring region that today is Bangladesh were encouraged to migrate to the Rakhine area largely as indentured labour. This predominantly Muslim community who have lived in the area for generations and those that have followed them more recently, the Rohingya, are currently caught in a cycle of violence of lethal intensity with the indigenous, largely Buddhist majority. 

While tensions have existed historically between the communities and violence has occurred previously, the government has been firm in resisting international demands for a peaceful resolution to the current situation and has deflected criticism by portraying the situation as a domestic issue. 

The Myanmar government only recognizes as citizens those who were settled in the country prior to independence in 1948. Those unable to meet these stringent criteria are denied citizenship and are effectively stateless, condemned as illegal immigrants and denied basic human rights. 

Following the rape and murder of a young Buddhist woman in the region in May 2012 , a humanitarian crisis has developed in which both Rohingya and Buddhist communities have acted with lethal mutual animosity. Inter-communal violence has led to the killing of hundreds; thousands of homes and many villages have been destroyed. The UN estimates that over 100,000 Rohingya have been forcibly displaced to camps and villages along the Bangladeshi border, where conditions have been described by the UN Under-Secretary General for Humanitarian Affairs, Baroness Amos as “dire” . 

So what has been ASEAN’s response to this humanitarian crisis in its own back yard given its recent Declaration of Human Rights? 

Following the Phnom Penh summit, the ASEAN Chairman’s statement of November 18, 2012 offered support for the “humanitarian challenges” arising from the violence in Rakhine state but fell short of overt criticism of the Myanmar government. Indeed, in a joint statement following a subsequent meeting two days later with US President, Barack Obama, ASEAN leaders “welcomed positive steps being taken in Myanmar that could facilitate national reconciliation, and encouraged further progress towards a democratic and open political and economic system ”, thereby heaping praise on the Myanmar regime for its apparent move towards democratization whilst ignoring the systematic human rights abuses that continue within the state. 

However, the impact of the situation in the Rakhine district has repercussions beyond Myanmar’s national borders and affects other ASEAN members.

Shooting Yourself in the Foot ASEAN–style 

While, as noted above, many Rohingya have sought refuge in neighbouring Bangladesh, others have fled further afield for sanctuary in Malaysia, another ASEAN member also predominantly Muslim, which has become a preferred destination for those seeking a safe haven from the violence. The UNHCR in Malaysia estimates that there are approximately 25,000 Rohingya in Malaysia, but other estimates put the numbers much higher at around 90,000. 

While Malaysian Prime Minister, Datuk Seri Najib Razak, has expressed concern about the plight of the Rohingya community in Myanmar and called for the “violence committed against them to be stopped immediately” in a speech to the UMNO General Assembly on 29th November, 2012, his country faces the predicament of having to receive sudden large inflows of displaced Rohingya into the community. 

Moreover, as Malaysia is not a signatory to the UN Convention for Refugees, the Rohingya in Malaysia are denied official access to temporary employment, medical and health services and education, thereby further undermining their human security. Furthermore, concerns have been expressed that the desperate conditions facing the Rohingya could lead to radicalization. 

While criticism has been targeted at the recent ASEAN Declaration of Human Rights for apparently privileging domestic laws over universal principles, it could also be argued that the Declaration is myopic and self-defeating. While upholding the inviolability of state jurisdiction on human rights issues, it fails to recognize that the effects of human rights violations cannot necessarily be confined within national borders and may have ramifications that affect other members, as the current situation emanating in Myanmar all too sadly demonstrates. If the members of ASEAN are really dedicated to human rights for all the peoples of the region then a more critical stance may be called for.

Caryl Thompson is a researcher with the Institute of Asia-Pacific Studies at the University of Nottingham.

Bangkok Post
December 24, 2012

At least 3,000 Rohingya people are passing through Thailand to Malaysia each year, according to a security official.

The intelligence services officer, who asked not to be named, said that Rohingya, who are Muslims from Rakhine state in Myanmar, arrive in Thailand's Ranong province and then travel by boat to Satun province before continuing on to the Malaysian state of Kelantan.

This figure did not include those who move by land, he told the Bangkok Post.

Most of them work as day labourers, mainly at rubber and palm plantations across the region. Many Rohingya have also gone to the Middle East, especially Saudi Arabia. Some have been naturalised in their adopted countries.

The Rohingya are usually welcomed by Muslims in other countries because they are outgoing and have a strong work ethic.

However, he believed that many male Rohingya migrants were trained as foreign fighters and work as mercenaries. Some might even be involved with the armed insurgent groups active in the southernmost region of Thailand, he said.

Emirates News Agency
December 23, 2012

H.H. Sheikh Abdullah bin Zayed Al Nahyan, Foreign Minister, has received messages from foreign ministers Sergey Lavrov of Russia and Laurent Fabius of France, and Prof. Ekmeleddin Ihsanoglu, Secretary-General of Organisation of Islamic Cooperation, and Baroness Catherine Ashton, High Representative of the EU for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, dealing with the tragic conditions of Rohingya, the Muslim minority in Myanmar.

Sheikh Abdullah got these notes in reply to messages he sent to the parties concerned in which he called on the international community to address the ordeal the Muslim minority was experiencing.

In their messages, the ministers thanked Sheikh Abdullah for his call to protect the Rohingya from human rights abuses, repression and ethnic cleansing they were undergoing at the hands of the Myanmar government security forces.

They stressed the need for the international community to take appropriate measures to put an end to massacres and acts that violate principles of basic human rights.

Fars News Agency
December 22, 2012

TEHRAN - An Iranian Parliamentary delegation will visit Myanmar next month to study the situation of the oppressed Muslim minority in the country, a senior legislator informed on Saturday. 

"The preliminary agreements have been made for the visit of the Iranian parliamentary delegation to Myanmar," Vice-Chairman of the parliament's National Security and Foreign Policy Commission Mansour Haqiqatpour told FNA on Saturday. 

He noted that officials of the Iranian Red Crescent Society (IRCS), Iranian foreign ministry, and the Islamic Republic of Iran Broadcasting (IRIB) will be accompanying the delegation during the visit to Myanmar to study the situation of the Muslims in that country. 

More than 22,000 people from mainly Muslim communities have been forced to flee their homes in Western Myanmar after a fresh wave of violence and arson that left dozens dead, the UN said in a report on October 29. 

The whole neighborhoods were razed in Buddhists' attack on Muslims in Rakhine state a week earlier. 

Some 75,000 people are already crammed into overcrowded camps following clashes in June. 

The United Nations chief in Yangon, Ashok Nigam, said government estimates provided in late October said that 22,587 people had been displaced and 4,665 houses set ablaze in the latest bloodshed. 

"These are people whose houses have been burnt, they are still in the same locality," he told AFP, indicating that thousands more who had fled in boats towards the state capital Sittwe may not be included in that estimate. 

"It is mainly the Muslims who have been displaced," he said, adding that 21,700 of those made homeless were Muslims. 

The latest attack against Muslims has killed more than 80 people, according to a government official, bringing the total death toll since June to above 170. 

Human Rights Watch on Saturday released satellite images showing "extensive destruction of homes and other property in a predominantly Rohingya Muslim area" of Kyaukpyu. 

Myanmar's 800,000 Rohingya are seen as illegal immigrants from neighboring Bangladesh by the government and many Burmese - who call them "Bengalis". 

The United Nations considers Rohingya as one of the most persecuted minorities on the planet.
Previously banned newspapers and magazines are now freely available in Myanmar's towns and cities.

Aung Zaw
CNN
December 21, 2012

The new era of openness in Burma has spread hope and anxiety among the country's journalists at home and abroad. 

This year, many exiled journalists have visited Burma -- which became known as Myanmar under the previous military junta -- while some publications and news organizations, previously based outside the once-reclusive state, have decided to open offices inside the country. 

This week, our publication The Irrawaddy magazine will hit newsstands in the capital, Yangon, for the first time since it was founded by Burmese exiles two decades ago to provide an independent view of the situation in Burma under the authoritarian regime. Our staff, who secretly worked with us for many years inside the country at considerable risk to themselves, now report from our new offices there. 

Does this mean the changes here are concrete and promising? I am cautiously optimistic. Therefore, our strategy now is to keep one foot in and one foot out -- we will maintain our headquarters in Thailand. 


This is the first time we have received permission to print and distribute the magazine inside the country. It wasn't too long ago that it was unthinkable to carry and read such a publication freely in public, let alone distribute it. 

In the past, we have sent our magazines to Burma using clandestine channels, while our website was blocked inside the country until recently. 


Since I returned to Burma early this year for the first time in 24 years, I have met many opposition leaders and activists who spent several years in prisons or under house arrest, and they told me they somehow managed to get hold of copies of The Irrawaddy. 

Win Tin, a leading member of opposition party the National League for Democracy (NLD), spent 19 years in prison. He told me in February that he sometimes received the magazine while he was under detention in the infamous Insein Prison in the capital -- a facility known for its inhumane conditions and torture of inmates. 

Tin Oo, co-founder of the NLD and former commander in chief of the armed forces during the 1970s, spoke highly of The Irrawaddy. When I asked him how he knew of it, he replied: "When I was under house arrest, I received it through a diplomatic channel. I read it again and again, and when military intelligence service came to see me at my house I had to hide it. 

"They could double the prison sentence if they saw the magazine," he added with a chuckle. 

Burmese officials and several senior leaders whom I met and interviewed in Burma know the magazine -- I sensed mixed feelings as they have a deep-rooted fear as well as respect for the magazine and our website. I remembered General Khin Nyunt, a feared spy chief who ran a torture chamber and kept politicians and activists under lock and key, once publicly told a visiting delegation that they should not read The Irrawaddy. 

Today, I see the media landscape is changing as reporters enjoy more freedom to cover and report stories that would have been subjected to censorship in the past. I hope these changes are real and irreversible. 

Since coming to power, President Thein Sein has taken major steps to open up the country. In his early speeches he mentioned the importance of the fourth pillar in society and revealed that both he and his office follow media reports from both inside and outside the country.

In August, the Ministry of Information told editors of weekly journals that their outlets "no longer need to pass the censorship board." Tint Swe, the head of the country's Press Scrutiny and Registration Division (PSRD), added that the easing of restrictions was the result of a change of policy. 

Journalists who faced pressure and imprisonment in Burma have cautiously welcomed the announcement that they will no longer be required to submit articles to the country's draconian censorship board. But they are very aware that "Big Brother" is still there to monitor and watch. 

The move is not enough to restore media freedom. However, it is safe to say that the government has made a concession after previously shutting down local journals and facing pressure and street protests from journalists. 

The government still continues to monitor news and bulletins, and the censorship board is still active and has not been abolished. Burma's 1962 Printers and Publishers Registration Act is still there -- the act was imposed shortly after former dictator General Ne Win seized power. 

In fact, ever more weekly journals have been facing defamation lawsuits from government officials and businessmen. 

It is still sensitive to write about corruption cases involving current and former officials, especially when looking at Burma's relations with North Korea and China. 

The Ministry of Information still controls publishing licenses and any publication that harms the reputation of a government department can still be reprimanded under the Printers and Publishers Registration Act. Publishers can also face heavy sentences under Burma's Penal Code if they are found guilty of inciting the public to participate in unlawful activity. Meanwhile, state-owned newspapers still distribute the same propaganda, while a number of former generals in the previous regime own several leading weekly dailies. Their mission appears not about promoting independent journalism and rational debate in this fragile transition period but about making money. 

Meanwhile, all publications are required to follow guidelines designed to protect the three national causes: non-disintegration of the country, non-disintegration of national solidarity and the perpetuation of sovereignty. 

Journalists say that the notorious 2004 Electronics Act also remains in place, with many activists, journalists, bloggers and social media commentators behind bars for sending prohibited information, messages or photos through the Internet. Many face between seven and 15 years in jail and may also be liable for a fine. 

In Burma, most journalists exercise heavy self-censorship, and this will continue. 

During the wave of sectarian violence in Rahkine state recently, local media appeared wary about reporting on the ongoing violence against Muslim Rohingya populations. Sadly they take a racist and populist editorial stance against this oppressed population. In fact, the media seemed reluctant to criticize the government when police applied excessive force to crack down on peaceful demonstrators and monks during a recent protest at copper mine -- despite widespread condemnation from elsewhere, including Democracy activist and lawmaker Aung San Suu Kyi. 


There is still a long way to go until Burmese reporters are able to freely write and publish sensitive stories, engage in proper investigative reporting and provide quality journalism in Burma. We've been waiting for this opportunity to enter Burma, but we know that there are limits. We're still testing the water.

Editor's note: Aung Zaw is founding editor of The Irrawaddy, an independent publication that for decades operated in exile in Thailand in defiance of Myanmar's ruling military junta. Previously a student activist, he was forced to flee the country in the wake of a massive pro-democracy uprising in the Burmese capital in 1988.

UNICEF
December 21, 2012

Sittwe, Myanmar – Tens of thousands of people displaced by conflict in western Myanmar’s Rakhine state and living in temporary camps have inadequate sanitation, poor hygiene conditions and limited access to safe water, increasing health risks to people in and near the sites. 

Vulnerable groups, including children, are at greatest risk of diseases like diarrhoea and other water-borne diseases. Out of the estimated 115,000 internally displaced people in Rakhine, about 85,000 are currently housed in and around Sittwe. About 5 per cent of them, predominantly ethic Rakhines, live in urban sites, while 95 per cent -- mostly Rohingyas – are in rural sites. 

“In spite of the progress made so far in providing humanitarian support for the people of Rakhine state, much more needs to be done, especially in rural areas, to protect children and their families from illnesses that result from unsafe water and a lack of adequate sanitation,” said Bertrand Bainvel, the UNICEF Representative in Myanmar. 

While access and coverage of water and sanitation for people in camps in urban areas has improved, rural sites have much bigger numbers of internally displaced people and are in less accessible locations. A lack of space and congested living environments mean they have worse latrines and poorer hygiene. Surveys showed just over half of all displaced people have access to what is considered safe water. About 70 per cent have access to some sanitation and 60 per cent have access to basic sanitary supplies. 

Drainage and solid waste disposal are major challenges in both urban and rural sites, as the use of temporary accommodation is prolonged and the rainy season is looming. 

According to rapid surveys earlier this year, water for domestic uses – washing and cleaning – is available, yet access to safe drinking water is limited. The surveys found that the large majority of internally displaced did not boil their water because of a lack of firewood and awareness about hygiene issues. Nearly 70 per cent of people did not have adequate water storage capacities or suitable containers. 

Ground water lifted through hand pumps and rainwater stored in tanks serve as sources of drinking water for most of the displaced. 

Some locations, including those with displaced who have arrived since October, do not have ground water sources, and stored rainwater supplies are expected to run out by late January 2013. The rainy season does not set in until May and there are no easy solutions to water shortages. Desalination and transportation of water are expensive and labour-intensive. Ensuring regular provision of alternative sources of drinking water will be a significant challenge unless people move back to their places of origin. 

The sanitation situation also poses challenges. Temporary pit latrines are being used by large numbers of people and fill up rapidly - roughly every three months - without drainage and proper waste disposal. Space constraints, high costs and complex logistics make it impossible to relocate the latrines in many sites. About 35 per cent of people currently practice open defecation – a practice that predates the current conflict. Rakhine state traditionally has high rates of open defecation compared to other parts of Myanmar.

Once the rains start, overflow from pit latrines combined with flooding in areas where open defecation is normal could create intolerable environmental pollution and the spread of water and sanitation-related diseases. The absence of proper lighting in displaced sites raises security concerns and dignity issues for people, particularly women and children, who are obliged to use latrines in the evenings or at night. 

To date, UNICEF and its water, sanitation, and hygiene sector (WASH) partners focused on distributing basic hygiene items, providing latrines and bathing areas, operating safe solid waste disposal and drainage systems, constructing safe water supplies, and hygiene promotion. 

In Sittwe, WASH partners provide support in sites for the displaced, and increased access is resulting in steady improvements in the water and sanitation situation. About 60 per cent of displaced have received hygiene kits with basic items, such as bath and laundry soap, buckets, nail clippers and sanitary napkins. 

UNICEF is committed to supporting the health, education, protection rights and prospects of all children in Rakhine State and across Myanmar, based on its humanitarian principles of neutrality and impartiality. UNICEF joins calls for a rapid resolution of the conflict and long-term social investment in Rakhine State. 

Kyaw Swar Win 
RB News 
December 21, 2012 

(Translated into English by M.S. Anwar)

Yangon, Myanmar - UN Special Envoy Mr. Vijay Nambiar visited refugee camps in Arakan, Myanmar from December 16 to December 20. During his trip to Arakan, he was accompanied by U Khin Yi, the Minister for Immigration and Population Affairs of the country. 

Even though Mr. Nambiar visited Maung Daw in Arakan, he did not visit Rohingya refugees over there according to the locals of Maung Daw. Although there are only few Rakhine refugees in Maung Daw, government set up some temporary tents with the unemployed and poor Rakhines along the road of HaisshuRate (Alay Than Kyaw)-Maung Daw Highway in order to portray that there are many Rakhines affected by the recent violence. And government showed these unemployed Rakhines to Mr. Nambiar as though they are genuine refugees displaced during the violence. 

And then, he visited refugee camps in Akyab (Sittwe) and Mye-bun. He, together with U Khin Yi, held a meeting and discussion with five representatives from Rakhine community and five from Rohingya community respectively. (That meeting was stated by Radio Free Asia (RFA), Burmese Program, as “Five Representatives from Rakhine Community and other Five Representatives from ILLEGAL INVADERS attended the meeting.” RFA used the term ROHINGYA instead of ILLEGAL INVADERS in translating the same news into English. Besides, in the news by RFA, they have written the report as if Mr. Vijay Nambiar has prevented using the term “Rohingya.” However, it is found that the news by RFA is different from the news officially released by UN News Centre. Even the President of the Country, U Thein Sein, himself, has admitted that there were NO Rohingyas (Bengali in his term) entered and settled in Arakan after the independence of the country. Therefore, the staffs of Radio Free Asia (RFA) in Burmese Language Section have become worse extremists than the Myanmar government has. And hence, it has become clearer that they have intentions to create more problems in Arakan. It is really SHAMEFUL for such a World-Famous Media like RFA to make such arbitrary and baseless accusations. However, the accusation was made by the staffs in its Burmese Language Section and they must bear the responsibility for that.) 

In the meeting, the representatives of the two communities criticize and blamed each other. Moreover, as to whether to or not to use the term “Rohingya,” Rohingya representatives demanded to hold meetings with internationals scholars and historians to discuss the matter.

A group of internally displaced people in Myanmar's Rakhine state. Photo: UNHCR Myanmar
UN News Centre
December 20, 2012

A United Nations envoy, Vijay Nambiar, has wrapped up a visit to Myanmar during which he was able to meet with people displaced by the inter-communal violence this year in Rakhine state, as well as discuss with the Government how to address the problems facing the communities there. 

Several waves of clashes between ethnic Rakhine Buddhists and Rohingya Muslims, the first of which occurred in June, have left 115,000 people displaced, as well as more than 100 dead, according to UN estimates.

Mr. Nambiar, the Secretary-General’s Special Adviser on Myanmar, accompanied the Minister for Immigration and Population Affairs, U Khin Yi, on a visit to Rakhine state, located in the Asian nation’s west.

“This visit helped the Special Adviser see the current conditions of the internally displaced persons from both communities in the area and also allowed him to participate in the discussions which the Minister was holding with the representatives of the two communities, together and separately,” said a news release issued in Yangon.

During those discussions, the Minister presented some ideas on the way forward, especially on a framework for addressing the problems afflicting the communities there. 

In his comments to the communities, Mr. Nambiar underlined his initial impression that the Minister’s outline of his proposal was “forward-looking and realistic, while taking into account the dignity and essential interests of the affected communities.”

Mr. Nambiar’s visit, which began on 16 December, was at the invitation of the Myanmar Government, which has pledged to take measures to address the violence in Rakhine. 

Last month, President Thein Sein wrote to Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon that his Government was prepared to address “contentious political dimensions, ranging from resettlement of displaced populations to granting of citizenship.” 

It would also look at “issues of birth registration, work permits and permits for movement across the country for all, in line with a uniform national practice across the country ensuring that they are in keeping with accepted international norms.”

In addition, the President underlined the commitment of the Government to meet the humanitarian needs of individuals and communities in the affected areas of Rakhine state and sought wider international assistance and cooperation in this regard.






To,

His Excellency Ban Ki-moon
The Secretary-General 
The United Nations 
New York, NY 10017 

Date: December 20, 2012 


Re: It is the time for UN intervention to stop Rohingya ethnic cleansing 


Dear Mr. Secretary-General, 

We are writing to urge the United Nations (UN) to demonstrate its leadership in human rights by responding to victims of Burma’s ongoing ethnic cleansing on Rohingya. 

According to UN charter VII article 41 to 48, UN must intervene if the state fails its responsibility to protect its Populations from genocide, war crimes, ethnic cleansing and crimes against humanity. 

It has been very clear that Burmese quasi civilian government has failed its obligation to protect Rohingya population from ethnic cleansing and genocide while sponsoring such acts to be carried out by Rakhine extremist and its security forces. 

Burmese President U Thein Sein mistakenly exposed their master plan of ethnic cleansing to visiting UNHCR chief Antonio Guterres at July 11,2012 by asking Rohingya to be put in the camp while waiting to transfer to third countries. As the evident has proven that Burmese government has dehumanized Rohingya as illegal immigrant of Bangladesh so that every injustice committed to Rohingya will be justified. 

Second, Thousands of people had been killed were unaccounted for; thousands were wounded, handicapped, had disappeared or died of starvation, cold and disease; thousands had been forced to abandon their homes and their land, often losing families and friends. 

Third, In pursuing of the goal of ethnic cleansing, which was the direct cause of the vast majority of gross human rights violations, various atrocities and the infliction of terror among the Rohingya population, Burmese authorities of various departments and Rakhine extremists violated international legislative standards of human behavior by actively involving in killing and raping of woman Rohingya Muslim woman. .Numerous cities, various places of worship and cultural monuments had been destroyed. So had homes, shops and places of business. 

Fourth, Rohingya residential areas are systematically siege for six months and the people are not allowed to go out and make the whole residential area to be virtual prison. As a result, 1.5 million Rohingya are unable to work or do business. The people are dying every day due to lack of food, medical supply, basic essentials, physiological and emotional distress. 

Fifth, everyone know the live of the people in Refugee camps and Burmese government has no plan to allowed them to return their villages to rebuild them. Often the aid is block by extremist and government security forces cooperating with extremist. 

Six, thousands of people who can give money to human traffickers are fleeing every day with uncertainty of destination. Some of them are killed by traffickers, some of them commit suicide in the sea, and some of them are drown in sea, some of them are sold as a slave. 

Unfortunately, UN has failed to understand the systematic plan of ethnic cleansing by Burmese regime and its ally of Rakhine extremists. UN is focusing more on Humanitarian crisis as it is designed by systematic plan. 

We Rohingya community is sadden for UN failure to intervene to stop ethnic cleaning according to UN charter VII article 41 to 48.We strongly demand UN to fulfill its obligation by initiating R2P “Responsibility to Protect with the followings” 

· Send its peace keeping mission immediately. 

· Any acts of Rohingya dehumanization activities by Burmese regime must be declare as illegal. 

· Stop the siege and restore fundamental right of Rohingya with force if necessary. 

· Stop building camps and rebuild towns and villages on the destroyed land with force if necessary. 

· To make sure Burmese regime will honor very fundamental right of citizenship of Rohingya or the Rohingya land must be administered by UN. 

· Prosecute the mastermind of ethnic cleansing to the international court of justice as it is stipulated by UN charter. 

· UN must implement the above demand timely without delay or the Whole Rohingya population will be extinct. 



Yours sincerely, 


Nay San Oo
Co-Founder 
Free Rohingya Campaign (FRC)
New York City , USA
Tel:1-646-821-1475
naysan@freerohingyacampaign.com




Read original Statement here


Noorah Noor
PKKH
December 20, 2012

The world celebrated the Human Rights Day on the 10th of December and we have quietly slipped away from our responsibility to the Rohingya. On this day, sixty four years ago, ‘the international community vowed never again to allow atrocities like those of the Second World War happen again’, and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights was adopted by the UN General Assembly with a view to making ‘a road map to guarantee the rights of every individual everywhere’. 

The UDHR is the ground upon which the international human rights law was founded, and has been the basic force behind many legally binding international human rights treaties. It is the primary inspiration to all the efforts of humanity towards the achievement of universal human rights in times of both peace as well as conflicts. It is the basis for the universal recognition of the basic, fundamental and inalienable rights equally applicable to all human beings. December 10th, 1948 was the day humanity pledged to uphold dignity and justice and to recognise the human rights of all.

According to the official website of the UN, on the occasion of the Human Rights Day this year, the spotlight is to be on the rights of all people, including the minorities and the poor and marginalised, to make their voices heard in public life and be included in political decision-making. 

The official website of the UN points with satisfaction at the basic human rights – the rights to freedom of opinion and expression, to peaceful assembly and association, and to take part in government (articles 19, 20 and 21 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights) having been at the centre of the historic changes in the Arab world over the past two years, in which millions took to the streets to demand change; and at the ‘99%’ having made their voices heard through the global Occupy movement protesting against all forms of inequality. 

Does it make sense to congratulate oneself for the few achievements which are actually shadowed by the larger losses? Are these few events enough to make 2012 a blessed year – a landmark in ensuring the human rights of a few, and for turning a blind eye to the many atrocities that have left a large part of humanity in a state of utter misery and helplessness? What percentages of the oppressed, who have been crushed and denied their most basic rights for generations, have made their voices heard? How many of them have been able to enjoy a single one of the rights enumerated in the UDHR? 

According to the official website of the United Nations Organisation, ‘Human Rights Day presents an opportunity, every year, to celebrate human rights, highlight a specific issue, and advocate for the full enjoyment of all human rights by everyone everywhere.’ 

This opportunity could well be taken to highlight the issue of “one of the world’s most persecuted minorities” – the Rohingya in Myanmar. They are stripped of their nationality and widely discriminated against by the Rakhine people who enjoy the support of their government; while the Rohingya are generally denied the most basic human rights like the rights to religion, travel and education as well as the rights to marriage and even trade. They have been used as forced labourers and massacred by the people as well as the government, displaced from their homes that are in turn razed and burned down during the riots, and denied the right to take refuge in bordering countries like Bangladesh. And the UN declares them as “one of the world’s most persecuted minorities.” But what does it do next? 

The Universal Declaration of Human Rights consists of a Preamble and 30 articles; the Preamble acknowledges and highlights the importance of equal rights of all humans, and the articles describe each one of these rights in detail. A look at the situation of Rohingya through the years shows that they have experienced the violation of every single one of these rights. 

Anna Roberts, the executive director of Burma Campaign UK, said: “This is an incredibly serious situation and it continues to deteriorate at a very fast rate. There has not been anything like the international response that would be expected for a crisis on this scale.” 

The international human rights law is meant to protect human rights. It ‘lays down obligations which States are bound to respect… States assume obligations and duties… to respect, to protect and to fulfil human rights… States must refrain from interfering with or curtailing the enjoyment of human rights… protect individuals and groups against human rights abuses… take positive action to facilitate the enjoyment of basic human rights… Where domestic legal proceedings fail to address human rights abuses, mechanisms and procedures for individual and group complaints are available at the regional and international levels to help ensure that international human rights standards are indeed respected, implemented, and enforced at the local level.’ 

At the 2005 World Summit of the United Nations, it was affirmed that ‘each individual State has the responsibility to protect its populations from genocide, war crimes, ethnic cleansing and crimes against humanity.’
The Burmese government has done just the opposite. During the raids and massacres of the Rakhines against the Rohingya, the local police and soldiers stood by and watched. When the President finally declared a state of emergency on June 10, the security forces joined hands with Rakhine mobs in their rampage against Rohingya communities, where they slaughtered people and torched houses. They operated in concert with the Rakhine mobs to loot food stocks and valuables from Rohingya homes. 

The Human Rights Watch press release stated that the Burmese security forces committed killings, rape and mass arrests against Rohingya Muslims. During one of the rampages of a Buddhist mob against Rohingya, the police and paramilitary anti-riot forces stood by and watched as the mob burned down thousands of houses. When members of the Rohingya community attempted to extinguish the fire, the security forces finally played their part – opened fire on those trying to extinguish the fire. 

To further aggravate the situation, the government has restricted humanitarian access to affected areas, particularly those belonging to the Rohingya community, which has left tens of thousands of people displaced and in dire need of food, shelter and medical care. United Nations and humanitarian aid workers have been threatened and intimidated by the local Rakhine population. Government restrictions have made many areas inaccessible to humanitarian agencies. 

The Burmese President’s idea of a solution was to ‘send them away if any third country would accept them.’ The opposition leader and Nobel Peace Prize winner Miss Suu Kyi, when asked to comment on the current situation, simply said she did not know if the Rohingya were Burmese. Other freed political prisioners, though portrayed as heroes of their nation, were even less sympathetic to the Rohingya plight.
In its latest report issued on July 19, 2012 the Amnesty International has slammed the increasing abuse of human rights and arbitrary detention of Muslims in Myanmar’s western Rakhine state. “Under international human rights law and standards, no one may be left or rendered stateless. For too long Myanmar’s human rights record has been marred by the continued denial of citizenship for Rohingyas and a host of discriminatory practices against them,” concluded the report. 

The Human Rights Watch says that the Burmese government should take urgent measures to end abuses by their forces, ensure humanitarian access, and permit independent international monitors to visit affected areas and investigate abuses. The Burmese authorities should immediately release details of detained Rohingya, allow access to family members and humanitarian agencies, and release anyone not charged with a crime recognized under international law in which there is credible evidence, which would be a test case of the government’s stated commitment to reform and protect basic rights, according to Brad Adams from the Human Rights Watch. “The Burmese government needs to urgently amend its citizenship law to end official discrimination against the Rohingya,” Adams said. “President Thein Sein cannot credibly claim to be promoting human rights while calling for the expulsion of people because of their ethnicity and religion.” 

The sectarian violence has created urgent humanitarian needs for both Rakhine and Rohingya communities, Human Rights Watch said. Rakhine organizations, largely supported by domestic contributions, have provided food, clothing, medicine, and shelter to displaced Rakhine. By contrast, the Rohingya population’s access to markets, food, and work remains dangerous or blocked, and many have been in hiding for weeks. 

To make their condition worse, the targeting of Islamic charitable organisations by the US has caused Muslims to become wary of giving to charity. The normal Muslim sources that could be expected to have helped the Rohingya have therefore been largely absent. Muslim Aid is one of the only organisations allowed to operate in one of the refugee camps, and they provide the only small and overworked clinic and child feeding programme for thousands of refugees. 

Bangladesh, which shares borders with Burma, writes another horrifying chapter of this story. Thousands of Rohingya, seeking shelter and refuge in Bangladesh to escape the massacres in their homeland, were pushed back to Burma and sometimes to the open sea, in violation of the international law, according to the Human Rights Watch. The Rohingya families, pleading for mercy, were given a deaf ear and pushed back to sea in hardly seaworthy wooden boats, where many of them drowned or died of hunger or at the hands of their Burmese persecutors. To aggravate the condition even more, the Bangladesh government ordered three international aid groups— ‘Doctors Without Borders’, Action Against Hunger and Muslim Aid—to cease their assistance to Rohingya in refugee areas. 

“Bangladesh is violating its international legal obligations by callously pushing asylum seekers in rickety boats back into the open sea,” said Brad Adams from the Human Rights Watch. 

Bangladesh is obligated to open its borders and provide the Rohingya at least temporary refuge until it is safe for them to return, in accordance with international human rights norms. Human Rights Watch called on concerned governments to assist Bangladesh in doing so and press both Burma and Bangladesh to end abuses and ensure the safety of Rohingyas. 

Thailand has been another hope for the Rohingya refugees. In January 2009, Thailand’s military was accused of towing 992 Rohingya boat people far out to sea before abandoning them with little food or water in boats without engines. The Thai government said its investigations were inconclusive. A Rohingya human rights group, the testimony of survivors and Indian police in the Andaman Islands have suggested as many as 550 may have died. 

From Washington – the greatest champion of human rights throughout the world – there has been little criticism of the Burmese government. Full diplomatic relations between the two countries did not have to suffer. The new US ambassador to Myanmar, Derek Mitchell, expressed his surprise at the rapid spread of the violence, but clarified at the same time that it would not affect the relations between the two nations. The American administration has never bothered much about the human rights of the Rohingya, especially in the case where any criticism of the Burmese government would risk exposing the opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi, who is closely aligned to the West. 

Over all, there has been a muted international response to the persecution of the Rohingya, except from governments in Muslim majority countries, seeking to placate public concern at home. 

Pakistan foreign ministry spokesman Moazzam Ali Khan expressed his concern over the situation, but added that there were reports that things had improved there. He hoped that Burmese authorities would exercise necessary steps to bring the situation back to control. Protests against the anti-Muslim riots were lodged by various political parties and organisations in Pakistan, who called for the government, United Nations, OIC and human rights organisations to take notice of the horrible situation and hold Myanmar accountable. 

The Council of Ministers of Saudi Arabia said that it “condemns the ethnic cleansing campaign and brutal attacks against Myanmar’s Muslim Rohingya citizens” and it urged the international community to protect “Muslims in Myanmar”. King Abdullaah ordered $50 million of aid to be sent to the Rohingyas, in Saudi Arabia’s capacity as a “guardian of global Muslim interests”. 

The Indonesian President appointed the former Vice President Jusuf Kalla as a special envoy to Burma to show “solidarity with our Rohingya brothers.” A meeting of the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation on August 23, resolved to take the matter to the UN because of “the continued recourse to violence by the Myanmar [Burmese] authorities against the members of this minority and their refusal to recognise their right to citizenship.”
The international human rights law declares that in cases ‘where domestic proceedings fail to address human rights abuses, mechanisms and procedures for individual and group complaints are available at the regional and international levels to help ensure that international human rights standards are indeed respected, implemented, and enforced at the local level.’ 

At the 2005 World Summit of the United Nations, it was agreed that the international community would assist States in the exercise of their responsibilities; and in the cases where a state ‘manifestly fails’ to protect its population from genocide, war crimes, ethnic cleansing and crimes against humanity, the international community would be prepared to take collective action, through the Security Council and in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations. 

Wherever genocide, ethnic cleansing or crimes against humanity take place and a State proves to be unwilling or unable to bring alleged perpetrators to justice, the International Criminal Court is empowered to investigate and prosecute those most responsible; since ‘fighting impunity and establishing a credible expectation that the perpetrators of genocide and related crimes will be held accountable can contribute effectively to a culture of prevention.’ 

But the maximum that the UN has really done for the Rohingya is the declaration that they are “one of the world’s most persecuted minorities.” No actual step was ever taken to ensure that this persecuted minority would be able to win any of their basic human rights or even have their voice heard. 

On the occasion of this Human Rights Day, the huge question to all Humanity is – What have the UDHR, UNHRC or the numerous treaties and declarations of the UN relating to human rights really given to the oppressed, for whose sake and in whose interest these laws are passed in the first place?
Rohingya refugees at the Pauktaw camp in west Burma. Photograph: Kate Hodal for the Guardian
Kate Hodal
The Guardian
December 20, 2012

Muslim group languishes in makeshift homes with no work, no schools and no citizenship rights from Burmese government

The helicopter cuts a sharp arc away from the sea and sweeps over pagoda-topped hills and dusty farmland until a mass of dirty white tents comes into view. Soon throngs of people can be seen coming out of their makeshift homes and rushing towards the airfield, until they resemble a human fence, snaking five-deep around the camp. There are mothers in pastel hijabs, men in T-shirts and longyis, and naked children clutching on to grandparents, jostling for space among puddles and dust, held back by guards with rifles.

Here at Pauktaw refugee camp in Rakhine state – home to the inhabitants of five Rohingya Muslim villages who fled intercommunal conflict in western Burma this year – there are no schools, no work and no fields to cultivate – because no one is allowed to leave. When a helicopter lands, they hope it will bring either more supplies or some end to a way of life that has been unchanged for six months.

Since June Rakhine state, on the border with Bangladesh, has been ripped apart by violence between the majority Rakhine Buddhists and minority Rohingya Muslims, sparked by the rape and murder of a Buddhist woman. Thousands of homes have been destroyed, 200 people have been killed and more than 115,000 displaced. Communities that once coexisted peacefully have been sent to segregated refugee camps all around the state, the majority of them filled with Rohingya – a population of roughly 800,000 who claim to be rightful citizens of Burma but whom the Burmese government widely calls "Bengali immigrants", denying them citizenship and placing restrictions on their rights to travel, attend higher education and even marry.

Accompanying a high-level delegation of Burmese officials and British diplomats – including the British ambassador to Burma, Andrew Heyn, and the minister for south-east Asia Hugo Swire – to five refugee camps over a two-day period, the Guardian was escorted by gun-wielding Buddhist border guards to meet Pauktaw camp's Muslim leaders, who sit cross-legged on plastic sheeting underneath ripped tents suspended by salvaged wood.

Entirely reliant on aid, they said they needed greater medical care and want recognition as an ethnic group. "Rakhines came to our villages and burnt down our houses, that's why we're here," said one elder, his hands clasped tightly at his waist. "We've been living here for generations and never had a situation like this, so I don't know why it happened. But now we have no documents – everything was burned."

Tents are so scarce that many families have cobbled together thatch-and-corrugated iron shelters, sleeping on hay and torn blankets. Those that do exist bear Saudi Arabia's logo, but they are torn and thin – leftovers from a huge aid donation during Cyclone Nargis. Aid workers said the UNHCR has been forbidden to provide the camp with new tents, but the reasons were unclear from both U Hla Maung Tin, chief minister of Rakhine state, and General Zaw Winn, deputy minister for border affairs, both of whom were part of the visiting delegation.

The British government is Burma's largest aid donor and through various NGOs is providing water, sanitation and healthcare to some 58,000 Buddhists and Muslims across the state. But it seems that camp conditions vary wildly in their size and ethnicity. In Mingan, a Rakhine camp of 300 people in Sittwe, water pumps, kitchen crops and rubbish bins make neat little rows next to the newly issued tents and their inhabitants are allowed to go into town and work. In contrast, no Rohingya the Guardian met said they were allowed to leave – "for their own security", officials explain – and they have watched instead as their farmland and animals have been taken over by Rakhine Buddhists.

Villages razed to the ground since the conflict began this summer, and later reignited in October, have turned into breeding grounds for discontent. In Sittwe, the regional capital where much of the violence took place, the city is segregated along Muslim and Buddhist lines and a tight curfew is still in place. "It is impossible for the Muslims to stay here now," said Cho Cho Lwin, 41, from her tent in Mingan. "If we forgive them, they'll just do it again. They have always wanted to expand their land but until now didn't have the chance."

Many Burmese believe that the Rohingya are "illegal Bengali immigrants" who crossed over from Bangladesh during the British occupation, and who aim to turn Rakhine into a Muslim state. As many Rakhine are fervent nationalists – Rakhine was an independent kingdom until 1784 – they worry that the Rohingya are extremists in disguise. "There are outside radical elements [at play] and this [Rohingya issue] is a tool of Islamicisation," said Oo Hla Saw of the Rakhine Nationalities Development party (RNDP). "That is why we are afraid."

Most Burmese refuse to consider the Rohingya as an ethnic group and claim the name has been fabricated and used to win international support. Anti-Rohingya animosity is so strong that it can be felt ddown in the former capital, Rangoon, where discussions on the issue turn into rants about Burma's porous borders and a government that has been too soft on the "illegal Bengalis".

While the government has seemingly taken steps to address the issue, a Rakhine inquiry commission set up in August raised eyebrows after it emerged that there was not a single Rohingya representative on the commission, yet its chairman, Aye Maung, heads RNDP, and another of its representatives, Ko Ko Gyi, has previously stated that Rohingyas are "invading" Burma.

Multiple allegations of abuse against Rohingya by security forces, including rape and torture, have been lodged with human rights groups, who have expressed concern about the prevalence of Muslims in detention. According to official figures released last week, more than 1,100 suspects have been detained in connection with this year's violence, but three-quarters of those currently detained are Rohingya.

Abu Tahay, of the Rohingya political group National Democratic Party for Development, says that authorities have acted without warrants and Rohingya detainees have been held without bail or access to lawyers.

The Burmese government has been quick to deny international media reports of genocide and has instead described the situation as an intercommunal conflict due to underdevelopment in the state. Last month President Thein Sein promised that his government would look at a range of solutions – among them resettlement and citizenship – in what has become Burma's most pressing conflict since its transition to democracy last year.

Local immigration authorities recently began the mammoth task of verifying the citizenship of Rakhine's Muslim population in an effort to settle the explosive question. While some Rohingya hold temporary registration cards that grant them the right to vote but little else, citizenship revolves around a contentious 1982 law requiring proof that the past three generations of an applicant's family have lived in Burma. It is a touchy subject for Rohingya, many of whom lack any documentation but insist that their ancestors were born and bred in the state.

The census is expected to continue until 2014, although it is still unclear whether Buddhist and Muslim communities will be expected to live together once more or will continue to be segregated. It is also unknown what will happen to those who are incapable of providing documentation.

Swire – who initially travelled to Burma to lead a trade delegation – said that "conditions [in Rakhine] remain extremely worrying" and stressed that without greater determination and urgent action, "this tragedy will continue to deepen for all concerned".

To date, Aung San Suu Kyi – who is considered internationally as Burma's most unifying political figure and who herself has previously stressed the significance of ethnic rights – has been largely absent from debates on the issue and it is unclear why she has not taken more of a lead role.

However, analysts largely believe that her reticence may stem from a political desire to maintain majority Burman votes for her NLD party, particularly in the lead-up to the 2015 presidential elections.

According to Swire, who briefly met Aung San Suu Kyi and raised the Rohingya issue, the Nobel laureate is prepared to help in the reconciliation process if invited by the Burmese government to do so. "[Suu Kyi] herself has been very clear about this– she is extremely busy. She can't do everything in this country," said Swire. "If she is formally invited to get involved, she has indicated to me that she would be very willing to do that."

With aid workers expecting Rakhine's refugee camps to remain in place for at least another year, it seems many Rohingya are still at the mercy of the Burmese government and the few media and foreign dignitaries able to visit.

When one teary-eyed Rohingya man pleaded with Zaw Winn, telling him, "We are real Rohingya – please recognise us", the minister looked at his colleague and laughed.

It is perhaps no surprise that, at the end of the tour of Pauktaw, a few brave Rohingya slipped handwritten letters into the hands of the delegation, including one to the Guardian that read: "We are real citizens of Burma … We hope that you will save and rescue [us]."

Who are the Rohingya?
  • The Rohingya are an 800,000-strong Muslim minority in Rakhine state, western Burma, which borders Bangladesh. Though many claim to have lived in Burma for generations, they are not recognised as one of the country's 135 ethnic groups.
  • A document on Burmese languages dating back to 1799 refers to "Rooinga" as "natives of Arakan [Rakhine]", but it is widely believed that most Rohingya came over from Bangladesh around 1821, when Britain annexed Burma as a province of British India and brought over migrant Muslim labourers.
  • Large-scale Burmese-government crackdowns on the Rohingya, including Operation Dragon King in 1978, and Operation Clean and Beautiful Nation in 1991, forced hundreds of thousands to flee to Bangladesh. Thousands of others have also left for Thailand, Malaysia and Indonesia, many of them by boat.
  • This latest crisis to befall Rakhine state, which has seen 200 killed and 115,000 displaced – most of them Rohingya – tests Burma's recent transition to democracy and its commitment to establishing full human rights for those within its borders.
Illustration: michaelmucci.com
Meredith Burgmann
The Sydney Morning Herald 
December 20, 2012

'There's even a tomboy,'' chortled the elderly female Human Rights Commissioner in Burma. She was describing the new female staff the commission was about to hire. It did not need translation for our visiting delegation to understand this new staff member was a lesbian. 

It was one of the few specific moments during my visit to Burma last week that convinced me that change in this country is genuine. 

Our "women leaders" group visited Burma led by the hard-working federal member for Page, Janelle Saffin. The group included Kirsty Sword Gusmao, the wife of the East Timorese Prime Minister, and women heads of Australian NGOs. We had remarkable access to Burmese civil society but also to the generals, including Aung Min, the government's peace negotiator. 

From the outset, the question was: "Is this process of liberalisation real and is it irreversible?" The answer is a cautious ''yes'' and an even more cautious ''maybe''. After nine days filled with meetings, we left pretty sure it was time to do business with the generals. 
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The most significant event for me was the celebration of International Human Rights Day where Aung San Suu Kyi and Aung Min spoke. Tellingly, the most interesting speech was that of the minister. 

Suu Kyi is indeed charismatic and charming. It is easy to view her as a courageous prisoner or an international political superstar but she is more than that. She is a political leader in a difficult, fragile dance with the generals. Depending on how she handles this dance, Burma will emerge as a fledgling democracy or revert to brutal authoritarianism. 

Aung Min, who is the Minister for the President's Office, said: "I would not have believed it if you told me last year that I will be participating in this event side by side with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi." 

He listed the reforms of the generals, including the implementation of freedom of assembly laws; the release of 29,000 prisoners including 651 political prisoners, and the abolition of press censorship. He noted: "At every peace meeting, I look out at a sea of reporters and admire their determination to build transparency and share information with the general public.'' 

Suu Kyi spoke about the importance of not just consulting but of listening: "Our people are weak at achieving consensus through listening … we must listen to, and understand, what others are saying". 

So what do the myriad civil society organisations think about the liberalisation process? Not one person we spoke to said ''Don't engage". The only doubting Thomas I found was an old expat journo who believed the whole process was just the generals engaging in "Burmanisation", using democracy as a pretext for signing ceasefire agreements with the troublesome ethnic states around the border so that real power could remain with the central government. 

Another signal that change is on the way in Burma came when Khin Maung Si, a minister and one of the more conservative of the generals, signed the Walk Free - Zero Tolerance for Slavery Pledge with the mining magnate Andrew Forrest and then appeared alongside Thai boy band Slot Machine and American singer Jason Mraz on stage at a rock concert attended by 60,000 enthusiastic Burmese youth. 

The most emotional moment occurred at a dinner with female Burmese activists, each telling about their lives. 

One young woman stood up and said: "I was in jail for 11 years. My husband died in jail and then my house was washed away by hurricane Nagis." We were stunned. She was confident, articulate and excited about the prospects for real change and determined to be a part of the new Burma. 

What these women, all former political prisoners, were asking for was the chance for vocational training. All had seen their education destroyed by long stints in jail but their political savvy and leadership skills were obvious. 

Australian aid should continue to be a part of this process. Australia is Burma's second biggest bilateral donor. Concentrating on education and health, we have also been creative with small amounts being put to good purpose. 

One example of this is the announcement by the Foreign Minister, Bob Carr, of money to be spent on proper heritage processes to save the beautiful old Victorian buildings of Rangoon. After the protection of 70 years of closed society, they are at risk. 

But all is not rosy in the Burmese polity. Although 11 ceasefire agreements have been signed, civil war continues in northern Kachin and troublesome Rakhine. 

For Australians, Rakhine has become an issue as the predominantly Muslim Rohingya flee the inter-communal violence and seek refuge in Malaysia and eventually Australia. 

Suu Kyi has been criticised for not speaking out in defence of the Rohingya. As with all such issues, the situation is more complex than seen by us sitting comfortably on our First World sofas, telling resistance leaders what to do. 

Suu Kyi has tried not to inflame the fragile situation. The Buddhist Rakhine feel threatened by the increasing presence of Rohingya, and violence has increased over the past few years. One expat commentator said "there would be a riot" if she spoke out. She has issued a joint statement with lawmakers from ethnic minority parties calling for the government to address the concerns of both communities, and on the vexed question of citizenship she has called for the Rohingyas to have their citizenship dealt with in the broader context of a citizenship commission. 

For us in Australia, it seems a timid response but nobody doubts her courage, so it needs to be seen in the context of the delicate dance she is doing with the generals. 

Australia needs to engage with caution, but continue to press for the release of the few hundred political prisoners and for a humanitarian response to the victims of communal violence in Rakhine. Aid projects should be continued and strengthened. 

It is a pity that at a time when Australian aid can be most influential in the shaping of a new Burma, the aid budget is under threat from domestic imperatives such as a balanced budget. 

Meredith Burgmann is president of the Australian Council for International Development.
Former VP of Indonesia, Jusuf Kalla
Nam News Network
December 19, 2012

KUALA LUMPUR -- The Organisation of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) has appointed former Indonesian vice president Jusuf Kalla, who is chairman of the country's Red Cross, as a special envoy to Myanmar over the conflict involving the Rohingya Muslim community. 

The decision to appoint the envoy was made at the Fourth Extraordinary Islamic Summit in Mecca in August, the OIC said in a statement.

The OIC will also be sending a liaison officer to assess the humanitarian needs of the affected people in Rakhine state in Myanmar.

Meanwhile, in response to a letter written by OIC secretary-general Ekemeleddin Ihsanoglu, United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, Navanethem Pillay, welcomed the OIC's interest and support on the Rohingya
issue.

In his letter, Ihsanoglu expressed the anxiety of the OIC and its member states over the state of the Rohingya Muslim minority population, which was being subjected to grave human-rights violations, repression and ethnic cleansing.

In her response, Pillay said she shared Ihsanoglu's concern about the longstanding discrimination against the Rohingya community in Rakhine state and the recent violence between communities there.

In her letter, she attached a report by Special Rapporteur Tomas Ojea Quintana on the situation of human rights in Myanmar. This letter was submitted to the 67th session of the UN General Assembly in September.

The Special Rapporteur has specifically recommended, among other things, that the government take measures to address the endemic discrimination against the Rohingya community and ensure respect for their human rights, which should also include a review of Myanmar's Citizenship Act of 1982.

    • Rohingya Exodus