Latest Highlight

RB Channel

early 75,000 people living in temporary camps and shelters following inter-communal conflict in Burma’s Rakhine State in June face deteriorating living conditions, say local aid workers and residents.

This file picture taken on June 12, 2012, shows a resident riding her bicycle past burned houses amid ongoing violence in Sittwe, the capital of Rakhine State in Burma.
As of 25 September, the government estimated some 72,000 from the (mainly Muslim) Rohingya ethnic group and almost 3,000 people from the (mainly Buddhist) Rakhine ethnic group are displaced in the region, IRIN, a UN humanitarian news service, said in an article on its website on Thursday.

They are staying in 40 camps and temporary sites in Sittwe and Kyauktaw townships, from where they are still able to access schools and work, IRIN said.

Immediately after the outbreak of violence in June, aid agencies visited areas in four affected townships and identified sanitation and clean water as major needs. At the time, only about 30 per cent of the surveyed displaced persons had access to clean water, while six out of 10 people did not have any way to store it even if they secured some, said IRIN.

A number of camps had only one latrine serving 100 persons. Little has changed in recent months, said Mohammad Nawsim, the secretary of the Rohingya Human Rights Association (RHRA) based in Bangkok.

Nawsim said that many young and elderly Rohingya in the temporary camps along the road leading west out of Sittwe, the capital of Rakhine State, are falling ill due to poor living conditions.

Phil Robertson, the deputy director of Human Rights Watch’s Asia division based in Bangkok, told IRIN the displaced are “effectively restricted to camps by both the security forces and by the violent attacks they fear from the Rakhine [community].”

Most Muslims have shuttered their former businesses and left Sittwe after the authorities ordered their departure, said Chris Lewa, director of the Arakan Project, an advocacy organization for the Rohingya.

While supplies and relief are getting into the camps, delivery is still hampered, she said.

Based on her visits to the displaced in Sittwe with the NGO Refugees International at the end of September, she said: “Many of the staff of the NGOs are local workers and are afraid to go to the Muslim camps – not so much that they are afraid to be attacked by Muslims in the camps, but they are mostly afraid that if the Rakhine Buddhists see that they are assisting the Muslims, they will be attacked by their own community.”

According to a September 4 report from the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, “humanitarian partners remain concerned that access is still limited to some affected areas and townships outside of Sittwe,” which includes aid groups working with Rohingya before the most recent bloodshed, which have now been forced to discontinue their services.

International aid workers report being unable to get travel authorization to work in affected northern townships in Rakhine State, including Maungdaw, which borders on Bangladesh and where almost 500 homes were burnt down in the violence, IRIN said.

Hundreds of thousands of Rohingya have fled persecution in Burma over the past three decades, the vast majority to Bangladesh in the 1990s.

UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon and Burma’s President Thein Sein discussed how to address the root causes of inter-communal tensions in Rakhine State, including through development efforts, on 29 September at the recent UN General Assembly meeting in New York. The president said the government would address the needs.

The Burmese government signed a memorandum of understanding with the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) in mid-August to facilitate OIC partner organizations’ humanitarian assistance to displaced Rohingya. The head of international relief and development of Qatar Red Crescent Society, Khaled Diab, told IRIN his chapter will carry out relief work estimated at US$ 1.5 million among displaced Rohingya over the next six months – and possibly longer depending on funding – in health, shelter, water and sanitation.

A multi-agency Rakhine Response Plan estimated it will take some $32.5 million to cover basic emergency needs until the end of the year for an estimated 80,000 displaced.

“Most people in the camps believe they will never be able to go back to the town, even though the government says the camps are only temporary,” Arakan Project's Lewa said.

According to the UN database, which records international humanitarian aid, the Financial Tracking Service, and not-yet-recorded recent donor announcements, some $11 million has been pledged or contributed to humanitarian assistance in Rakhine State this year. 
 
Sources Here:
One Rohingya youth, Amanullah (16 years old) son of U Abdu Rashid who lives in West Gaudusara Village, Maungdaw South was killed by Border Security Forces (NaSaKa) on 3rdOctober, 2012.

Amanullah and his friend of Pandaw Pyin Village were severely tortured by the Border Security Forces whose camps is stationed two miles far from the Maungdaw Downtown, beside the Maungdaw- Alay Than Kyaw road.

The two youths were returning from the Maungdaw (Kayindan Quarter) to Pandaw Pyin, after their shopping. They were called by NaSaKa at 5:30 PM on that day while on the road. The friend of Amanullah from Pandaw Pyin was released alone after he was severely tortured.

But Amanullah was killed by the NaSaKa’s torturing and floated his dead body into the Magyi Myaing River. The dead body was founded today by villagers.

RB News Desk
Complied by Nyi Nyi Aung.


M.S. Anwar
RB News
October 5, 2012

Rohingyas in Pauk Taw Facing Starvation and Threats to their Lives 
Pauk Taw, Arakan - On 4th October 2012 night, Rakhine extremists and Police (made up of Rakhines) raided the houses of Rohingyas in Ywa Haung, Pauk Taw Township and confiscated their household knives, rods and telephones. Similar case had happened in Sittwe before the beginning of the violence against Rohingyas there. Rakhine Police and Extremists seized household knives and rods etc giving many excuses. The small Rohingya minority in Pauk Taw fear whether doing so to them are the preliminary steps to begin a fresh attack against them.

Indeed, the small minority in the region have been oppressed through various means by the authorities and Rakhine extremists. As a matter of fact, four Rohingyas were killed by Rakhine extremists led by RNDP members at Quarter 3 in Pauktaw Tsp. Besides, Ngat Wa Chaung, a Rohingya village in Pauk Taw Tsp, was burnt down and about 50 Rohingyas were killed in cold blood in the recent violence.

By the same token, of about 300 displaced Rohingyas (from Pauk Taw) who took refuge in Thekkay Pyin Refugee Camps in Sittwe, about 60 Rohingyas died due to malnutrition and starvation. More 300 displaced Rohingyas taken refuge in a partially destroyed in Pauk Taw mysteriously disappeared now. Nothing had been known about them since their disappearances. Rohingyas are living in fear and worried of their future due to different propaganda being carried out against them by Rakhine extremists in recent days, whearas they are facing great starvation” said Nyi Nyi Aung, a Rohingya activist.

Financial Blocks to Rohingyas in MinBya

MinBya, Arakan- Myanmar Agricultural Bank in MinBya Township has stopped giving out agricultural loans to Rohingyas in the area. Besides, the bank refused to give back the savings of Rohingya farmers in the banks, too.

“The Bank Manager U Thar Aye, a strong supporter of Rakhine National Development Party (RNDP), said upon the requests of Rohingya farmers that Bank officials would go to their villages and disburse the loans to the farmers. But no official from the bank has gone to Rohingyas’ villages to give out the loans. Besides, Rohingyas are unable to withdraw their savings from the bank” said a Rohingya on phone from MinBya.

Myanmar government provides an amount of Kyat 50,000 loans and Kyat 10,000 loans for the monsoon agriculture (such as Paddy crops) and other seasonal crops respectively to the farmers through the agricultural banks in Myanmar. The interest rate of the loan is 1.25% a month. The farmers need to settle the old loans before taking out a new one. Like others, Rohingya farmers in MinBya had received the loans till February 2012.

Even though Rohingya farmers have settled their old loans, the new loans are not given out to them. Sadly, they can’t go the main branch of the bank situated in the downtown of MinBya for the fear of being attacked by Rakhine extremists. For the worse, Rohingyas farmers are unable to get back their 7-year savings in the banks. As a result, they are struggling to survive and having great difficulty in their agriculture of paddy crops which their life-line. And Rohingya farmers are afraid of going to their farms because many farmers are being inhumanely killed by Rakhine extremists in Pauk Taw and MinBya.

Bristish Ambassador Left Maung Daw Yesterday

Maung Daw, Arakan- British Ambassador to Burma, Mr. Andrew Heyn, has successfully finished his observation trip to Maung Daw. He has visited many violence hit Rohingya and Rakhine villages and interviewed many of them.

A local Rohingya from Maung Daw said “he, Mr. Andrew Heyn, has visited the villages such as Baggona, Nurualla, Rammawady near to Alay Than Kyaw, Tharay Kunbaung, Quarter 2 and Thaung Painya in Maung Daw. He has successfully met up Rohingyas in the villages mentioned except Tharay Kunbaung where he faced NaSaKa’s interruptions and disturbances.

He listened to the tragedies of Rohingyas in Baggona and Nurualla with patience where even raped Rohingya women came forward to tell him how they are inhumanely treated. His trip to Maung Daw started on 5th October 2012 and ended on 6th October 2012. But we don’t know how his trip to Rakhine villages proceeded. And we are immensely thankful to him and British government for caring about our sufferings. We hope they will do their best for us.”

Policemen carry their weapons during fighting between Arakanese and Rohingya communities in Sittwe, Arakan state. (Photo: Reuters)


 By Maung Zarni
Democratic Voice of Burma
October 5, 2012

Following this summer’s rioting in western Burma, all eyes have been fixed on the government’s handling of the unrest in Rakhine state. With external pressure mounting, most specifically from the Islamic world, Burmese officials – from President Thein Sein in Naypyidaw to local security troops in western Burma – have been playing ostensibly the “humanist and humanitarian” card with the Rohingya.

If the findings from various investigative missions turn out to be little more than public relations white-wash for Naypyidaw, more than a few Rohingya have expressed their concerns to me that their communities – the bulk of whom are barely surviving under the recently imposed martial law – will explode again.

When an oppressed and downtrodden people feel they have absolutely nothing more to lose but their captive lives in the iron cage of refugee camps set up by the predatory and repressive state, radicalism and violence are just a step away. After all, the Rohingyas are surrounded and outnumbered by exceedingly hostile Rakhines [Arakanese], who reportedly and repeatedly told the touring US Ambassador Derek Mitchell and his inquiry team that the Rakhines are not at all prepared to live on the same land which they in fact share with the Rohingya. Worse still, neighbouring Bangladesh has consistently slammed its gates each time there is a wave of Rohingya refugees fleeing from Burma.

Seen from the Rohingya’s perspective, the fact-finding missions – including Naypyidaw’s own team – represent more than investigative tours. They are, ultimately, the last straw for a people who feel they are drowning in the sea of Burma’s popular “Buddhist” racist nationalism.

So, naturally, the Rohingya are pinning their collective hopes on the inquiries and that the findings by the independent investigation will mark the beginning of the end of their plight as the most persecuted minority in the country and a first step towards securing humane living conditions and legal rights as citizens in Burma, where they were born and have lived for generations.

Understandably, deep anxieties over the situation remain. Already some Rohingya are expressing their concerns that Burma’s government may not be coming clean. They point to the generals’ well-documented pattern of lying, distorting facts and manipulating domestic and international opinions during previous foreign relations crises – from the use of jailed dissidents as political bargaining chips to blocking emergency and humanitarian aid to two million cyclone victims to the slaughter of Buddhist monks during the “Loving Kindness” uprising in 2007.

For any politically and historically informed local, Rohingya victims or Burmese dissidents, Naypyidaw’s real intent behind its international cooperation with UN aid agencies, the OIC and US inquiry teams is to absolve itself of the ultimate “responsibility to protect” the most vulnerable community in the country and to reinforce its latest official spin that the plight of the Rohingya is the result of popular Buddhist racism and racial violence instigated by Rakhine nationalist extremists.

However, many locals suspect President Thein Sein’s quasi-civilian government was the real culprit behind the racial violence and the resurgence of the country’s popular xenophobic racist nationalism.

Independent Burmese researchers on the ground who have been engaged in below-the-radar investigations, who have spoken with local security troops made up of Rakhine and Burmese Buddhists, police officials, local eyewitnesses and Rakhine and Rohingya victims of violence, have recently uncovered fresh evidence lending credence to the Rohingya’s collective suspicion.

Their hitherto unpublicised evidence pokes gaping holes in the Thein Sein government’s official narrative that claims the racial violence was the result of simmering sectarian hostilities. Most troublingly during Daw Aung San Suu Kyi’s trip to the US, she, who along with her senior NLD colleagues was the target of the regime-orchestrated mob violence at Depayin in May 2003, repeated with shocking naivety Naypyidaw’s deceptive narrative – that the latest wave of state-sponsored violence against the Rohingya was “sectarian”. She should know better. In fact, the findings by the team of my in-country research collaborators point to a very real possibility that Naypyidaw manufactured the trigger for the worst ethno-religious violence in Burma since the military came to power in 1962.

To start off with, what these local researchers have uncovered calls into question Naypyidaw’s official narrative about how and why the Rakhine-Rohingya ethnic conflict started. For instance, according to the official state newspaper the New Light of Myanmar (dated 4 June) and the government’s official report entitled: “Situation in Rakhine State in Myanmar” issued by the Ministry of Border affairs, the news of the unspeakable rape and murder of a Buddhist Rakhine woman, named Ms Thida Htwe, on 28 May by three Muslim men, triggered the initial mob violence in Rakhine state five days later.

What followed was the violent murder of ten out-of-state Muslim pilgrims who were dragged onto a busy town street from an inter-state bus and slaughtered by a mob in broad day light in the predominantly Rakhine Buddhist state in western Burma.

In sharp contrast, the government doctor, a civil servant by definition, who under duress signed the official post mortem report on Ms Thida Htwe said, in no uncertain terms, to one of the in-country Burmese researchers that there was no trace of rape on her murdered body.

Why then did Myanmar’s Ministry of Information which micro-manages all official publications and broadcasts went on to characterise incorrectly the three perpetrators as ‘Muslims’ whereas in fact one of them, Mr Htet Htet, was a Buddhist?

Additionally, why did the Ministry go with the fabricated medical report about Ma Thida Htwe, which made the patently false claim that she suffered violent sexual assault before being looted and murdered?

Rape as a violent crime may be prevalent in all societies. In Burmese society, of all the crimes, rape is considered the absolute worst. Rapists are reviled. Once in jail, they are taunted and physically attacked even by other inmates.

So what was the rationale behind the Ministry of Information amplifying, without verifying, the fabricated local notice reportedly put out by local anti-Rohingya Rakhine extremists, that “Muslim men intentionally raped a Rakhine Buddhist woman”, when it published the fabricated story approvingly in the Burmese and English language official mouth pieces on 4 June?

Even more curiously, the authorities declared that Htet Htet committed suicide in police custody, awaiting his trial. Burmese jails and police interrogation centres are infamous for the torture and deaths that occur in their halls, not inmates’ successful suicide attempts. Thousands of the country’s former political prisoners will attest to the impossibility of taking one’s own life behind bars.

Something even more mysterious seems afoot.

Three days after President Thein Sein authorised the formation of a Rohingya-Rakhine Riot Inquiry Commission made up of prominent public figures including dissidents and academics, Htet Htet’s widowed wife was found dead in a well. Did she accidentally fall into the well and drown? Or was there something dodgy going on?

Furthermore, according to the official narrative, the Buddhist Rakhine mob killing on 3 June of ten Muslim pilgrims during the former’s return bus trip from Rakhine state to Rangoon was in response to and as a retaliation against one Rakhine woman being gang-raped by “three Muslims” on 28 May.

According to local eyewitnesses interviewed by Burmese researchers, there were altogether six buses travelling on the same route at about the same time on 3 June. And yet, the mob – about 300 men, according to the estimate by the official Myanmar News Agency (New Light of Myanmar, 4 Jun) – seemed to have known exactly which bus to attack.

Recently, I pressed an official from Burma as to why no one has been arrested, tried or charged by the authorities for the slaughter of the ten Muslim men. According to the local official, the Rakhine refused to collaborate with any police investigation. No one would come forward to share any information about who might be involved in actual killings of the ten innocent Muslim men.

But successive military regimes in Myanmar have never needed eyewitnesses to arrest and jail political dissidents. For they spend an inordinate amount of resources, in monitoring, photographing and videoing any mob formation or mob action. In 2005 and 2006, I spent a little over one month in total as a “guest of the military government” in officers’ guesthouses in military intelligence depots in Rangoon and Mandalay. Every morning I saw young intelligence agents leaving various units, carrying point-and-shoot digital cameras in small shoulder bags in order to record the day’s events – especially in public spaces such as markets, bus and train stations and other surveillance spots.

Why have the authorities not tried to access photographic evidence or video records of the 3rd June slaughter of Muslims on the streets in broad day light, which they must certainly have in their police and intelligence archives? Perpetrators who would have been most certainly caught on either intelligence digital cameras or video cameras could easily be identified.

Judging from Naypyidaw’s official inaction, the regime doesn’t want to see justice carried out, insofar as the slaughter of the Muslims is concerned. There is then little wonder that President Thein Sein’s government is said to be stonewalling any and all attempts even by its own Riot Inquiry Commission to conduct proper investigation into the racial violence. Deceptively, during his speech at the UN General Assembly in New York, Thein Sein showcased the multi-faith, multi-ethnic make-up of his Inquiry team, emphasing how esteemed the bulk of the presidential commissioners are.

According to the sources close to the Commission, the Ministry of Border Affairs in charge of Rohingya matters has so far failed to grant the Commission’s request to allow unfettered access to security forces stationed in western Burma. They have also failed to provide immunity for any Rohingya and Rakhine interviewees and have blocked access to the two remaining Muslim men behind bars who were convicted of the alleged rape and murder of the Rakhine woman.

Instead, Naypyidaw has transferred many key commanders and officers in charge of various security units from western Burma to remote areas such as Hpa’an in Karen state, thereby making it more difficult for the Commission to do a thorough job before its November deadline.

It seems as if Thein Sein’s government has decided that a serious investigation led by Burmese nationals on its own official commission has greater potential to get to the bottom of the racial violence that erupted in western Burma. Local Commissioners are certainly best positioned to excavate not only the mass graves, if there are any, but also to uncover the ugly truths about how President Thein Sein’s government may have manufactured the triggers that prompted the sectarian violence.

More specifically, the government wouldn’t want its direct involvement exposed, domestically and internationally, in terms not only of the security forces opening fire on the Rohingya, slaughtering them in the hundreds, but also in its central role in lighting the fire of sectarian violence that targeted the Rohingya.

One regime official recently told me, “the bottom-line is we don’t want any more ‘Mus’ (a coded reference to the Muslims amongst military officers) in our country. But we can’t possibly kill them all”. So, did the reformist government in Naypyidaw decide to outsource the job of cleansing the Golden Land of Burma of the unwanted Muslim Rohingyas to the extremist Rakhines?

Whatever the findings by various independent investigative missions concludes concerning how and why the worst racial violence in the country’s modern political history kicked off, the OIC’s fact-finding mission and Burma’s own Presidential Riot Inquiry Commission should demand that Burma government cooperates fully with both its own national fact-finders and all independent international investigators.

Further, they should press President Thein Sein’s government to guarantee the physical safety of fact-finders, especially the Burmese locals; provide unfettered access to security troops for interviews; offer the local Rakhine and Rohingya eyewitnesses unequivocal and official safeguards; and make available all relevant intelligence reports.

It is in the all-around interest of Burmese society and the government, as well as the international community to prevent any political and international scenario where Rohingyas feel, quite rightly, the world has abandoned them at the hands of the racist majority and their militarist government now wearing civilian garb.

Truthful reports by various inquiry commissions and missions can and will go a long way towards restoring a glimmer of hope in the world’s most persecuted minority community, if the investigators are able to get to the bottom of the recent large-scale racial violence, which left nearly 100,000 both homeless and hopeless.

Dr. Maung Zarni is one of the veteran founders of the Free Burma Coalition and a Visiting Fellow (2011-13) with Civil Society and Human Security Research Unit at the London School of Economics.

UNHCR has distributed relief supplies to tens of thousands of people in communities affected by the unrest in Rakhine state. Photo: UNHCR Myanmar
5 October 2012 – Four months after inter-communal violence erupted in Myanmar’s Rakhine state, the number of internally displaced persons (IDPs) continues to rise, the United Nations refugee agency said today, adding that some 75,000 people are currently living in camps and many more are in need of humanitarian assistance.

“Movement is still restricted in parts of Rakhine state, preventing some villagers from going to work, accessing markets, food supplies, health services and education,” a spokesperson for the Office of the UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), Adrian Edwards, told reporters in Geneva. “Out of desperation, people are leaving villages to seek food and medical assistance at the IDP camps.”

In June, violence between ethnic Rakhine Buddhists and Rohingya Muslims in the state of Rakhine, located in western Myanmar, led to the country’s Government declaring a state of emergency there.

The figure of 75,000 people in need of humanitarian aid, provided by local authorities, is an increase on initial Government estimates of some 50,000 people displaced shortly after the unrest broke out in early June, according to UNHCR. It added that a resurgence of violence in early August resulted in more than 4,000 people having their homes burned down, affecting thousands more.

The refugee agency, along with its humanitarian partners, has been advocating for greater humanitarian access and support for the most affected villages, including the towns of Sittwe, Kyauk Taw and Maungdaw.

“We hope that by delivering aid in places of origin, humanitarian agencies can help to prevent further displacement and make interventions that can facilitate the eventual return of IDPs,” Mr. Edwards said.

UNHCR is distributing relief supplies for some 54,000 people in IDP sites. The supplies include plastic sheets, sleeping mats, blankets, mosquito nets and kitchen sets.

The agency is also supporting the construction of emergency temporary shelters that can house about 10,500 people, and continues to support delivery of basic assistance such as food, water and sanitation to Government-run IDP camps until the situation stabilizes sufficiently for them to return home.

Mr. Edwards added that despite the rising numbers of IDPs, some people whose houses were not damaged have returned to the town of Sittwe. He added that a “fragile calm” has returned, but the situation remains tense.
Sources Here:




The Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) has collected around US$25 million in funds during the second consultative meeting on humanitarian aid in Doha, Qatar on Friday for victims of the Rohingya-Rakhine conflict in Myanmar. The funds will be used for rehabilitation and reconstruction in the areas affected by the conflict.

Leaders of the humanitarian institution collected about $15 million, while the remaining $10 million was obtained from other OIC members who had committed their financial help before the meeting.

OIC deputy secretary-general Atta El-Manan Bakhit said he believed the funds would increase. “The large, rich countries haven't donated yet,” he said.

OIC members, including Kuwait, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, Turkey and United Arab Emirates pledged to give between $50 million and $100 million during the first consultative meeting in Malaysia last August.

Indonesian Red Cross (PMI) chairman Jusuf Kalla, who attended the second meeting, said in his presentation that the OIC members needed to focus and take a definite step to resolve the conflict and avoid long discussions over data and action plans.

“The longer we delay, the greater our challenge will be. The Rohingya and Rakhine people will also suffer for longer,” he said.

Kalla asked the forum to decide three things in resolving the conflict: finalizing the action plan, collecting funds and establishing the system and organization to execute the plan.

Members at the second consultative meeting eventually agreed to form a consortium to speed up the rehabilitation of areas affected by the conflict.

The OIC will also collaborate with the PMI to open a representative office in Myanmar after both organizations signed an agreement letter with the Myanmar government and Myanmar Red Cross to pave the way for volunteers in the mission.

According to the Myanmar government, victims need at least 8,000 homes -- each one costing $5,000. A further $50 million to $100 million in funds will also be needed to rebuild houses, educational and health facilities, sanitation and other infrastructure in areas such as Buthidaung, Maungdaw and Sittwe in Rakhine province.

Recent tensions between Buddhists and Rohingya Muslims in Rakhine left at least a dozen civilians dead and hundreds of homes destroyed. Around 70 thousand people are still living in refugee camps. (cor)
Sources Here:
Rohingya refugees (Photo: UNHCR)


By United to End Genocide
October 5, 2012

United to End Genocide interviewed Mr. Mohiuddin M. Yusof, President of Rohingya Concern International, to learn more about the current crisis facing Burma’s Rohingya people following the outbreak of deadly violence in Arakan State this past June.

Can you talk about what is happening right now in Burma’s Arakan State?

“The displaced people and those who are not displaced, but still live in their own homes and villages, are both still suffering a lot. Actually, those law enforcement agencies, security forces and police who have the responsibility to protect the lives of the Rohingya people have become an instrument of ethnic cleansing. This is still true today.”

“The situation may seem calm, but the inside is burning. The Rohingya people are traumatized. People are in constant fear of persecution.”

“The situation has not progressed. Protection is very important now. Citizenship rights and other rights are secondary for now; at this critical moment, it is a life and death question. The first step is protection. We need the Rohingya people to be protected. This will not happen until and unless the United Nations arranges a monitoring and protection force. Until that day, there will be no solution.”

“There also needs to be a UN commission of inquiry in addition to the monitoring and protection force. Everyone is saying that there should be reconciliation, peace and stability, but there’s still violence. Some people and groups don’t want peace. Some don’t want the Rohingya to have citizenship rights. The Burmese President Thein Sein wants to keep the Rohingya population in camps under supervision of the UN and then forcibly send them to other countries for resettlement. They say there is no place for the Rohingya in Burma’s Arakan State. It’s very worrisome.”

What should the international community be doing to help the Rohingya?

“I want the United States government, European Union countries, non-aligned movement, the Asian countries, the Organization of the Islamic Conference and international non-governmental organizations to put more pressure on the government of Burma to restore peace and promote reconciliation between the Rohingya and Rakhine. People need to be protected. Otherwise, there will be even more bloodshed. All the world governments should put more pressure on the Burmese government with all available means, so that at least the Rohingya people can survive in their own native land.”

“The world community needs to come forward to save the Rohingya people because they are human beings. We have to restore human dignity and human respect.”

If the Rohingya people were to be protected, what would be the next step to secure their rights?

“First and foremost, we want our people to survive. Protect them first, then restore all their rights and give them equal opportunities just like all other ethnic national groups in Burma.”

“The Rohingya are peace-loving people. They want to live in Burma in peace and security, abiding the laws of the country, according to the constitution, but they want guarantees from the local, state and national governments that they will be treated equally. They should have all rights. The Rohingya people want to make sure that they are bona fide citizens recognized as an indigenous people of Arakan under the current Burmese constitution.”

How do you feel about the U.S. government’s decision to end sanctions against the Burmese government?

“We feel that sanctions removal is not helpful for the Rohingya people, and will not be helpful until all our rights are granted.”

Is there anything else that you would like to add?

“Some people say that the situation has calmed down and that a solution is available, but this is not true. The problems facing the Rohingya are very complicated. The Rohingya are not only 800,000 people as the Burmese government says in their report. There are 3.5 million Rohingya people worldwide: 1 million live in Arakan State, 500,000 are scattered throughout Burma, and 2 million live in other countries after they were compelled to leave their native land in Arakan State due to a well-founded fear of persecution on the basis of race, religion and language. So, when we talk, we need to talk about all the Rohingya people. Those displaced outside of the country must have the right to return to Burma and live there with dignity and honor as citizens. We should be allowed to work for the progress and development of Burma to make our country peaceful. We all must endeavor to create an atmosphere of peaceful coexistence in Arakan State where all Burmese citizens can live together peacefully and in happiness.”

Rohingya Concern International is a New York-based human rights organization working for the protection and prevention of genocide against the Rohingya people, and the restoration of the Rohingyas’ fundamental rights.



M.S. Anwar
RB Article
October 5, 2012

Rohingyas and 1982 Citizenship Law of Burma

While Ne Win was bringing in Bangladeshi Rakhines into Arakan, he never forgot to either depopulate Rohingya population or expulse them. He invented and deployed a discriminatory and bigotry citizenship law in 1982. According to the law, Rohingyas need to prove their existence before 1824, which is a very difficult thing to be done. Yet, Rohingyas would be pleased if the law was and is applied to Rakhines as well. Almost three fourth of Rakhines would have already been expelled from Arakan had the law been equally applied to them! The law was specially designed for Rohingyas to expel them from the country. Consequently, it caused a mass exodus of Rohingyas into neighboring Bangladesh in 1982.

Since then, quite contrary to the accusations, Rohingyas have been leaving Arakan and there have been no such illegal Bengali settlements. Due to the racist propaganda of different Burmese regime throughout its history, general Burmese people could not have the chance to know Rohingya people and the term “Rohingya.” When they came to know the term, it was in the negative light propagated by the regime and Rakhine extremists. Rohingyas are successfully portrayed as the threats to the national sovereignty and Buddhism by the regime for its own political gains.

Ignorance of the Truth

However, I was pretty much disgusted to see a revered leader like Daw Aung San Suu Kyi (DASSK) ignore the plight of the Rohingyas. During her recent talk at Amnesty International Office, an audience asked “Who are Rohingyas and why are they persecuted?” I felt that she was paralyzed upon hearing the question. She replied “one should not use an emotional word like “PERSECUTION.” Dear DASSK, what term should one use if not PERSECUTION? The truth is that Rohingyas have not been kissed or hugged but committed atrocities against by the regime throughout historical periods. She (DASSK) continued “The border security is fragile and badly policed” and that was indirectly supporting to the accusation that there are still illegal Bengali settlements.

During her trip to Europe, she said “She doesn’t know Rohingyas.” If so, how does she know that the Arakan border is badly policed? Therefore, with due respects, her statements are contradictory and oxymoronic and not so different from Thein Sein statements!! She seems to have no clue about Arakan situation as she has spent most of her life either in foreign countries or under house arrest. She has been just listening to her bigotry racist colleagues in her party. In Arakan, there is NaSaKa, a border security force which was specially designed only for the persecutions of Roingyas. It was formulated by ex-Gen Khin Nyunt to force Rohingyas out of Arakan and to make Border ever stringent. There have been immigration checks against Rohingyas all over Maung Daw and Buthidaung twice a year. If any Rohingya accidentally happens to go to Bangladesh, there is no way for him to come back to his own land.

Why will Bengalis Come to Arakan?

Moreover, at a time when Arakan has become a hell for its own people, Rohingyas, why will Bangalis come to the land? Why will Bengalis come to a land which is ruled by the world’s most oppressive government, relatively less economic opportunity, less income (GDP per Capita in Bangladesh and Myanmar in 2011 are US$1700 and US$1300 respectively) and poorer infrastructures? When a journalist friend of mine asked Ko Ko Gyi, a so-called democratic activist in Burma, why Bengalis should come to Arakan. He replied “the poorest people from Bangladesh come to Arakan.” When asked how they settle in Arakan, he replied “by bribing the authorities because they have a lot of money.” I seriously think most of the politicians in Burma today should get themselves checked up with psychiatrists. Or tell us what you think after comparing and contrasting the two immediate statements “the poorest people from Bangladesh come to Arakan” and “by bribing the authorities because they have a lot of money.”

And not to forget a recent statement Burma’s Immigration Minister, U Khin Yee that two third of immigration officers in Arakan are Rakhine themselves. Now tell us Rakhine Immigration Officers take bribes from illegal Bengali immigrants and let them settle in their own land to create problems. If so, Burmese government has to sack these corrupted Rakhine Immigration Officials and punish them according to the law. If not, there have not been any recent Bengali settlements in Arakan. Hence, Rakhines need to stop beating around the bush.

Conclusion

Dr. Maung Zarni has given his viewpoint on why majority Burmese think Bengalis from Bangladesh emigrating into Arakan though it is practically otherwise. He said “although Burmese are practically poorer than Bangladeshis are, Burmese regime, as a part of its political strategy, has successfully portrayed Burma as the golden land with fertile soils and rich natural resources with kind people with great hospitality towards their guests, where everybody craves to come to.” He was right to point out this because despite living in a hell-like country, majority Burmese thinks that there are still people who crave to come to and live in Burma. However, the bitter truth that Rakhines are afraid of admitting is that they are not Rohingyas who are sneaking into Arakan but Rakhines themselves taking advantage of the presence of their people in the state administration, immigration, police, security forces and NaSaKa etc. Rohingyas have only been leaving Arakan for decades to the extent that it caused Rohingya Diaspora all over the world. As a result, today, there are bigger numbers of Rohingyas living in foreign countries than in Burma itself.

Mohammed Sheikh Anwar is an activist studying Bachelor of Arts in Business Studies at Westminster International College, Malaysia

The Bitter Truth: Who’s sneaking into Arakan, Rakhine or Rohingya? (Part 1)

Indonesian Red Cross Society chairman Yusuf Kalla has called on Qatari authorities to extend humanitarian assistance to the displaced Rohingya Muslim population in the Rakhine State of Myanmar. “Qatar has been providing humanitarian support for the Myanmar community in Bangladesh,” he pointed out.
Kalla was in Doha yesterday for the ‘Second Meeting on the Humanitarian Situation in the Rakhine State’ organised by the Organisation of the Islamic Co-operation (OIC) in collaboration with the Qatar Charity.
About 30 local, regional and international organisations took part in the meeting, the second of its kind after the Kuala Lumpur meeting last August, and discussed a strategic plan for humanitarian intervention in Rakhine State in addition to ways of strengthening co-ordination between organisations interested in the issue of the Rohingya Muslims.
“We are aware that Qatar has, through Qatar Charity, initiated many activities for the over 300,000 Rohingya Muslims in Bangladesh and that the country is willing to give more support to those in need, especially in Africa and Asia. However, there is a need to focus more humanitarian supports on the Islamic world because there are presently around 80,000 refugees in Rakhine,” he noted.
“Qatar Charity is also providing support in terms of housing of up to 400,000 homes as well as hospital services for those affected by the Ache Tsunami, which killed around 200,000 people,” he said.
On whether Qatar should mediate in ongoing conflicts in the Asean (Association of Southeast Asian Nations) region, the official said it will be a welcome idea but stressed it is important for Qatar or any other country willing to mediate, to understand the bane of the issues as well as the cultural differences of the warring groups before intervening.
“It is noteworthy that Qatar’s leading and successful roles in mediating to resolve a number of conflicts, within the Middle East and North Africa in the past, have given the country a proven track record, but it will not be a bad idea if the Qatari government take its time to study the situation within the Asean region critically in order to acquire knowledge of the people involved before attempting to mediate because the situation could be entirely different,” he cautioned.
However, on the role of Indonesia in supporting the refugees and ensuring peace and stability in the region, especially being a country with the world’s largest Muslim population, Kalla said: “Indonesia is providing support for other countries, especially within the OIC, on the issue of the refugees and this is the most important aspect for any humanitarian services to succeed.”
He mentioned that Indonesian Red Cross has worked with the OIC members by providing easy access and leeway to the refugees in Myanmar.
“We have been working with the OIC and the Myanmar government on conducting humanitarian work and many countries are presently asking to join the relief effort through the OIC,” he pointed out.
 Sources Here:


Maungdaw, Arakan State: British Ambassador to Burma Andrew Heyn accompanied by two others arrived in Maungdaw in the evening of October 3, according to a trader from Maungdaw Town.

“The Ambassador was accompanied by two others, of them, one is Muslim, and another one is Burman from Rangoon. They stayed in Nasaka headquarters of Kawar Bill of Maungdaw Township.”

Today, at about 9:30 am, the delegation went to Baggona, Horsara and Nurula Para and Ale Than Kyaw villages of Maungdaw Township where especially they met with rape victims, village elders and leaders. Most of the women and girls were raped by army, Hluntin, Nasaka and Natala villagers when the husbands were absent at homes for fear of arrest by the security forces. The victims openly told their matter to the delegation, said a village elder who denied to be named.

The delegation also asked to the village leaders and elders about the recent violence, the present situation of Roingya community and why the violence was occurred.

Regarding the questions villagers said, “During the violence, the Rakhine mobs were torching our houses and when we tried to extinguish the fire the security forces fired to us, so we are unable to switch off our houses. Meanwhile, many villagers were killed and wounded.

Another villager said, “The concerned authorities have been persecuted us by various means to expel us from the country. But, we still exist in Arakan. As a result, the concerned authorities created these riots between two communities.”

“The present situation is very bad. Daily the security forces such as—police, Hluntin, Nasaka, Sarapa, army--- enter our villages, and arrest villagers, torture, extort money, looting our properties, take away our cattle, and rape our women and girls. Now, we are under house arrest, We are not allowed to go to market to buy essentials. If police, army and local Rakhine extremists met us- they beat up and looted our money and goods. Even army robbed a bus of Rohingya passengers recently. How, can we trust them? We have no ration, no medicine, no money, no works, how will we survive. There are NGOs and other donors to support us, said a local leader on condition of anonymity.

A local youth from the village said, “Ten minutes before, the arrival of the delegation to our village, a group of patrol army severely tortured to a poor villager without any reason who was selling vegetables in Sarcombo village market.. He is belong to Konna Para ( village). This event was also appraised to the delegation.

Yesterday, the delegation arrived at Akyab (Sittwe) at about 3:00 pm. The Ambassador met RNDP Chairman Dr U Aye Maung along with other members of RNDP, Phethu Hluttaw member U Maung Nyu of Sittwe, NLD members, USDP members and other social welfare organization members.

They also met with Rohingya leaders in Sittwe (Akyab) and went to Refugee camps to see the situation of Rohingya refugees, said a Rohingya villager from Sittwe.

The aim of the delegation is to discuss with the local people, especially Rakhine and Rohingy, regarding the violence and how they will live together in future. The two groups;- Rohingyas want to stay together as before and the Rakhine want to stay spreatly as they don’t want again conflict( riot).

The Ambassador said that the British government donated 3 million US Dollar to Burma this year, for education, regional and social developments.

Tonight, they will stay at Nasaka Headquarters of Maungdaw Township.

Sources Here:
Rohingya people perennially leave their homes and families in Burma and Bangladesh where they face extreme discrimination and are denied citizenship. They often find they have little alternative but to try to travel illegally across the Andaman Sea to try to find work in Thailand, Malaysia or another third country. (PHOTO: Reuters)

Forty-three of the 85 Rohingya boatpeople who were sentenced to one year in prison for illegally entering Burma were on Wednesday released under a presidential pardon, with the remaining 42 due to be released on Thursday, according to sources in Mon State.

The 85 were sentenced in June and have been detained in Moulmein Prison since being arrested in May when their boat broke down while they were attempting to flee to Malaysia. The economic refugees were rescued in high seas by Mon fishermen and taken to the town of Ann Deim in Ye Township, Mon State. They were fed and sheltered by local villagers, but were subsequently arrested and detained for allegedly violating Burma’s immigration law.

Sources in Moulmein said that the 43 were pardoned by Burmese President Thein Sein, and were transported by truck to Pegu Division on Wednesday night.

Speaking to The Irrawaddy on Thursday, a Muslim religious leader in Pegu, Than Htike Aung, said that he had met the 43 released Rohingyas who were mostly young men between the ages of 17 and 50. He said they could not speak Burmese.

Than Htike Aung said that when the remaining 42 economic migrants arrive in Pegu, the local police intend to transfer them to Buthidaung near the Bangladeshi border.

He said that he and other representatives of the Muslim community in Pegu had brought food to the Rohingya boatpeople that morning, and had documented the returning refugees in case any of them go missing en route to the western border.

Rohingya people perennially leave their homes and families in Burma and Bangladesh where they face extreme discrimination and are denied citizenship.

The Muslim Rohingya often find they have little alternative but to try to travel illegally across the Andaman Sea to try to find work in Thailand, Malaysia or another third country.

They are frequently described by human rights groups as “one of the most persecuted people in the world.” The Rohingya issue drew international attention in 2009 when the Thai military was accused of intercepting boatloads of Rohingyas, sabotaging their vessels, and abandoning them at sea.

Sources Here:




 In the first of a two-part series, our reporters explore the root cause of human trafficking through the story of the Rohingyas, a stateless Muslim minority living in Burma and Bangladesh.

goodmorningbeautiful is a team of four Australians seeking inspiration, justice and adventure through film and art. We do whatever it takes to find stories from the edges of the world and share them with the global audience.

goodmorningbeautiful was founded in Cambodia in 2006, and now has offices in Asia, Africa and Australia.

 NO PLACE IN THE WORLD PART (1)
NO PLACE IN THE WORLD PART (2)




Sources Here :


(1)A Rohingya Vehicle attacked in Maungdaw South
- On 30th September, 2012, at 2:35pm, a Rohingya owned vehicle was attacked by a mob comprising of two military, 4 Nasaka and about 20 Bengali Rakhines in Kine Gyi hamlet (near Du-Thanda), Du Chi Ra Tan village tract, Maungdaw south. The car was leading to Maungdaw downtown from a trip from Inn Din that was paid on one day before. The car owner is Sayedul Amin from Ward-5, Maungdaw and the car Registered No. 1 Ka/441. There were 18 passengers, some of whom are from Inn Din area and some are from Maungdaw downtown, who do mini-business. On the way, another car (Nissan Hilux) being used by the said mob forcibly made the car stopped and all the passengers including the driver and spare were ordered to take off from the car. And all the victims were ordered to load on the mob’s car and drove to a Buddish temple in Kine Gyi. All the victims were inhumanly tortured and all the properties, goods and cash money that they had were looted by the mob and set them out. The panes of the aforementioned car were seriously demolished with the handle of the gun and some iron sticks. The victims were tortured so seriously that some of them cannot walk or speak properly till today. The estimated amount of cash money is over 2 million Kyats and the amount of goods and properties are unknown. This information was collected from the interview with the driver, Fozol Ahmed @ Halaya, son of Eliyas (55 years) from Ka Nyin Tan (Myoma), Maungdaw.

- (2)Looting, Torture and Robbery

- On 30th September, 2012, a mob consisting of 3 military, 2 Nasaka and over 10 Bengali Rakhines (Magh) raided Du-Thanda village, Maungdaw south, at 5:00pm and entered 14 houses and seriously beat Rohingya men and women found in the houses. The identified victims are:

1. Daw Shomjidah (F) U Nawzu Mia

2. Daw Fayruzah (F) U Nawzirr Ahmed

3. Daw Lyla (F) U Husson Ahmed

4. Daw Ohnmar Kulsum (F) U Abdu Karim

5. Daw Baidu (F) U Sultan

6. Daw Umbiyah Khatu (F) U Nawbi Hussain (she has delivered a baby only four days ago)

7. Daw Noor Harbar (F) U Fozol Karim

8. Daw Shaha Zhan (F) U Aman Ullah

9. Daw Hasina (F) Mv. U Abdu Karim

10. Daw Fatima (F) U Lalu

11. Daw Mabuba Begum (F) U Nawbi Husson

12. Daw Zahidah Begum (F) U Robiul Hasson

13. Daw Khawtizah (F) U Abdullah

14. Daw Shuna Mayrr (F) ?

The abovementioned mob had also taken away 23 cows and robbed 9 lakhs of cash money. The cow owners are identified as:
1. U Fozol Ahmed (F) U Sayed Ahmed (2) cows

2. U Shukkurr Ahmed (F) U Abul Kasim (1) cow

3. U Shakayr (F) U Ola Mia (8) cows

4. U Nawbi Husson (F) U Sulay (2) cows

5. U Aman Ullah (F) U Nawzir Ahmed (3) cows

6. Daw Zulay Kha (F) U Sultan (1) cow

7. U Aman Ullah (F) U Shuna Ali (3) cows

8. U Abdullah (F) U Abdul Hakim (2) cows

9. U Hamid (F) U Sulay (1) cow

The details of the robbed cash money are:

1. U Salim Ullah (F) U Kala Mia 2 lakhs

2. U Ajimullah (F) U Kala Mia 2 lakhs

3. Daw Dildar Begum (F) U Abdu Sawmoth 4 lakhs

4. U Ali Juharr (F) U Nawju Mia 1 lakh

(3)Rohingya Fishermen killed in Pauk Taw township

- On 30th September, 2012, 4 fishermen from Ward (3), Pauk Taw Township went to the nearby river in a registered boat. As the boat did not return back in a timely manner, the relatives of the said fishermen informed to the concerned authorities about the failure of boat return on the next day. When the relatives with the authorities searched for the boat along the river, they found the boat ashore. On the boat they found a fisherman dead with fire injuries. The dead fisherman was identified as U Shobbir Ahmed (F) U Basir Ahmed (35 years). The rest three fishermen were not found and no information about them was clued. They are:

1. U Basir Ahmed (F) U Fay Rhdan Ali 60 years

2. U Alom Bard Shah (F) U Sayed Ahmed 35 years

3. U Mohammed Rohim (F) U Bard Shah Mia 28 years

(4)Nasaka extorted money from Rohingyas in Maungdaw North
On 30th September, 2012, Nasaka Sector (5) Commander Win Hlaing and his personal assistant U Htun Htun Naing arrested the following Rohingyas from Auk Phyuu Ma (Hasari Bil), Maungdaw North and extorted money (Kyat) as per detailed below.

1. Ra Shayd (F) U Sayed Husson 7 lakhs

2. Salim Ullah (F) U Luk Mun 2 lakhs

3. Mohammed Kasim (F) ? 1.5 lakhs

4. Mohammed Khan (F) U Obai Dul Haque 2 lakhs

In the same way, on 29th September, 2012, another Rohingya from Kyet Yoe Pyin, Maungdaw North, was arrested and extorted money by the same personnel.
1. Fay Ru Duss (F) U Asaw Dullah 9 lakhs

Again, on 1st October, 2012, at 10:00pm, the aforementioned Nasaka Sector personnel arrested two Rohingyas from Laik Aing hamlet, Nga Sar Kyeu (Na Sha Furu) village tract, Maungdaw north. The arresters were Htun Htun Naing, Sit Oo Zi and another two Nasakas. The arrestees were tortured seriously and released after taking cash money on 2nd October, 2012, at 4:00pm. The arrestees and extorted cash are as follow:

1. Mohammed Noor (F) U Shom Shu 10 lakhs

2. Noor Kobir (F) U Zaa Ru 2 lakhs

On 3rd October, 2012, exactly the same Nasaka personnel who arrested Rohingyas from Nga Sar Kyeu arrested two more Rohingyas from Kyet Yoe Pyin and extorted cash money from them as per following.

1. Dil Dar Hussain (F) U Abu Kalam 7.5 lakhs

2. Nu Ru (F) ? 1.5 lakhs

The same event occurred in Maungdaw downtown on 2nd October, 2012. Police personnel U Hla Myint and his informers Maa Bu (F) Mohammed Amin-Retired police and Mawji Ullah (F) Gura Mia- current temporary administrator for Myoma East Quarter (Ward-2) extorted money from a Rohingya [Abu Bakkar Siddik (F) U Lal Mia] with fabricated allegation. The extorted amount is Kyat one lakh and the victim’s business is selling bamboo near a bridge that spans Kan Yi and Maung Ni.

(5)Three Rohingyas attacked in Min Bya township
On 30th September, 2012, three Rohingyas from The Ra Oak hamlet, Pit Myaung village tract, Min Bya township, were attacked by a mob composed of Bengali Rakhines and Bengali Marama Gyi (Bawr Gua) while the victims were schooling cows in the village pasture. The attackers threw piercing iron quills to the victims. One of the attackers was identified by the victims. When the police arrested the identified attacker, who is a Bengali Marama Gyi (Bawr Gua), a group of Bengali Rakhines forced the police to release the arrestee. Finally, the police had to release the arrestee for his life safety as the number of mob participants was huge. When the injured victims were tried to evacuate in the town general hospital, a group of monks blocked the patient not to admit in hospital. Eventually, with a help of a group of Military, the victim reached to Sittway general hospital and now the patient is under treatment.


"Compiled by Rohingya Youths"

CHIANG MAI, 4 October 2012 (IRIN) - Nearly 75,000 people living in temporary camps and shelters following inter-communal conflict in Myanmar’s Rakhine State in June face deteriorating living conditions, say local aid workers and residents.

“Right now [the displaced] are facing health problems from diarrhoea, fevers and colds. A lot of [them] are living together in small spaces,” said Mohammad Nawsim, secretary of the Rohingya Human Rights Association (RHRA) based in Bangkok. “Their condition is worse than animals.”

As of 25 September, the government estimated some 72,000 from the (mainly Muslim) Rohingya ethnic group and almost 3,000 people from the (mainly Buddhist) Rakhine ethnic group are displaced. They are staying in 40 camps and temporary sites in Sittwe and Kyauktaw townships, from where they are still able to access schools and work.

Immediately after the outbreak of violence in June, aid agencies visited areas in four affected townships and identified sanitation and clean water as major needs. At the time, only about 30 percent of the surveyed displaced persons had access to clean water, while six out of 10 people did not have any way to store it even if they secured some.

A number of camps had only one latrine serving 100 persons. Little has changed in recent months said Nawsim, noting that young and elderly Rohingya in the temporary camps along the road leading west out Sittwe (capital of Rakhine State) as well as Sittwe township are falling ill due to fetid living conditions.

Long-simmering ethnic and religious tensions between Rakhine State’s majority population from the Rakhine ethnic group and its minority Rohingya population erupted in early June after the alleged rape and murder of a Buddhist woman by a group of Rohingya.

Fear

Meanwhile, Rohingya both in the camps and villages have reported arbitrary arrests and detention, said Nawsim, citing frequent phone calls with those in and around camps and shelters for the displaced.

“They send me messages and then I call them back but it's still very dangerous for them to have mobile phones because the soldiers will search them often. They used Bangladesh mobile phones. The phone only works for a while so when I get on the phone they will give me all details such as how many people are missing and which villages they come from.”

Phil Robertson, deputy director of Human Rights Watch’s Asia division based in Bangkok, told IRIN the displaced are “effectively restricted to camps by both the security forces and by the violent attacks they fear from the Rakhine [community].”

Most Muslims have shuttered their former businesses and left Sittwe after the authorities ordered their departure, said Chris Lewa, director of the Arakan Project, an advocacy organization for the Rohingya.

While supplies and relief are getting into the camps, delivery is still hampered, she added.

Based on her visits to the displaced in Sittwe with the NGO Refugees International at the end of September, she said: “Many of the staff of the NGOs are local workers and are afraid to go to the Muslim camps - not so much that they are afraid to be attacked by Muslims in the camps, but they are mostly afraid that if the Rakhine Buddhists see that they are assisting the Muslims, they will be attacked by their own community.”

According to a 4 September report from the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, “humanitarian partners remain concerned that access is still limited to some affected areas and townships outside of Sittwe,” which includes aid groups working with Rohingya before the most recent bloodshed which have now been forced to discontinue their services.

International aid workers report being unable to get travel authorization to work in affected northern townships in Rakhine State, including Maungdaw, which borders on Bangladesh and where almost 500 homes were burnt down in the violence.

Hundreds of thousands of Rohingya have fled persecution in Myanmar over the past three decades, the vast majority to Bangladesh in the 1990s.

International aid efforts

UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon and Myanmar’s President Thein Sein discussed how to address the root causes of inter-communal tensions in Rakhine State, including through development efforts, on 29 September at the recent UN General Assembly meeting in New York. The president said the government would address the needs.

The Burmese government signed a memorandum of understanding with the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) in mid-August to facilitate OIC partner organizations’ humanitarian assistance to displaced Rohingya. The head of international relief and development of Qatar Red Crescent Society, Khaled Diab, told IRIN his chapter will carry out relief work estimated at US$1.5 million among displaced Rohingya over the next six months - and possibly longer depending on funding - in health, shelter, water and sanitation.

A multi-agency Rakhine Response Plan estimates it will take some $32.5 million to cover basic emergency needs until the end of the year for an estimated 80,000 displaced.

“Most people in the camps believe they will never be able to go back to the town, even though the government says the camps are only temporary,” Arakan Project's Lewa said.

Aid groups working in Rakhine State are meeting in Myanmar’s capital - most recently on 22-23 September - to review longer-term issues of relief, rehabilitation and rule of law in the state.

According to the UN database which records international humanitarian aid, the Financial Tracking Service, and not-yet-recorded recent donor announcements, some $11 million has been pledged or contributed to humanitarian assistance in Rakhine State this year.

Sources Here:

    • Rohingya Exodus