A new crisis is emerging in Arakan State, Burma, where up to 700,000 Rohingya are trapped in their homes and villages, unable to go out and buy food or farm because of ongoing attacks and threats against them. BROUK is already receiving reports of babies are dying from malnutrition.
While international attention has focused on up to 100,000 Rohingya in camps for internally displaced people, who are now receiving regular aid, hundreds of thousands more Rohingya in areas not visited by aid workers and international observers are starving in their own homes.
It has been almost 4 months the violence erupted in Arakan State, Burma, and since then local Rohingya people describe being under effective siege by government forces and local Rakhine communities. Constant human rights abuses committed against Rohingya make it unsafe for them to leave their homes to get food.
BROUK has received the following information from the ground about abuses committed in the past week, which give an indication of the type of abuses forcing people to stay at home:
1. Two Rohingya were killed in Sittwe while they went to buy food from Central Market.
2. No Rohingyas can go to school, hospitals, or markets most of the towns of Arakan State. Several people who tried to go out were beaten and killed.
3. Many Rohingyas were arrested in Maungdaw Township. Those who were arrested have disappeared.
4. Around 3000 Rakhine armed with weapons, together with Rakhine Monks, gathered and surrounded Rohingya areas for hours in an attempt to recreate violence against the Rohingyas in Sittwe. They demanded all Rohingyas to come out of their houses or they would kill each and every Rohingya in the area.
5. 3 Rohingya boys were shot by government authorities while they were watching their cattle in the pasture between paddy field and forest nearby the village in Pauktaw Township.
6. In Pauktaw Township many babies have died because of malnutrition. Adults are also reported to be starving.
7. Rohingya face a boycott in many areas with local Rakhine shopkeepers refusing to sell them food.
8. Prison and security forces in Buthidaung jail are cutting off or burning the penises of Rohingyas, forcing them to have homosexual sex with one another, cutting off or pulling out their finger nails, severely beating them, keeping them naked all the time, keeping them without food and water for days. When they are given foods once in many days, it is on the ground with their hands tied at their backs. Authorities in the jail force them through immense torture to confess that they are animals and that’s why they have to eat like animals.
9. The bound and dead body of a Rohingya man was found in Sanpya village of Sittwe.
10. More than 10 Rohingyas were robbed and beaten, receiving serious injuries, by police and security forces while they tried to travel from Alay Than Kyaw village to another village in Maungdaw.
11. Those with bullet injuries and disease are in acute mental and physical pain without any medical care and treatment.
BROUK President Tun Khin said: “President Thein Sein has already publicly stated that he wants to ethnically cleanse all Rohingya out of Burma, even asking for international help to do so. He is already implementing this policy, using starvation instead of bullets to kill Rohingya men, women and children.”
“Hilary Clinton, David Cameron, Ban Ki-moon and others are praising Thein Sein at the same time as he is killing our people. They should be insisting to end the starvation siege against Rohingya, and allows in international aid all effected areas in Arakan. They should also be working at the UN General Assembly for a UN Commission of Inquiry into what is taking place.”
Date: 03/10/2012
For more information contact Tun Khin on +44 (0)7888714866.
3. Many Rohingyas were arrested in Maungdaw Township. Those who were arrested have disappeared.
4. Around 3000 Rakhine armed with weapons, together with Rakhine Monks, gathered and surrounded Rohingya areas for hours in an attempt to recreate violence against the Rohingyas in Sittwe. They demanded all Rohingyas to come out of their houses or they would kill each and every Rohingya in the area.
5. 3 Rohingya boys were shot by government authorities while they were watching their cattle in the pasture between paddy field and forest nearby the village in Pauktaw Township.
6. In Pauktaw Township many babies have died because of malnutrition. Adults are also reported to be starving.
7. Rohingya face a boycott in many areas with local Rakhine shopkeepers refusing to sell them food.
8. Prison and security forces in Buthidaung jail are cutting off or burning the penises of Rohingyas, forcing them to have homosexual sex with one another, cutting off or pulling out their finger nails, severely beating them, keeping them naked all the time, keeping them without food and water for days. When they are given foods once in many days, it is on the ground with their hands tied at their backs. Authorities in the jail force them through immense torture to confess that they are animals and that’s why they have to eat like animals.
9. The bound and dead body of a Rohingya man was found in Sanpya village of Sittwe.
10. More than 10 Rohingyas were robbed and beaten, receiving serious injuries, by police and security forces while they tried to travel from Alay Than Kyaw village to another village in Maungdaw.
11. Those with bullet injuries and disease are in acute mental and physical pain without any medical care and treatment.
BROUK President Tun Khin said: “President Thein Sein has already publicly stated that he wants to ethnically cleanse all Rohingya out of Burma, even asking for international help to do so. He is already implementing this policy, using starvation instead of bullets to kill Rohingya men, women and children.”
“Hilary Clinton, David Cameron, Ban Ki-moon and others are praising Thein Sein at the same time as he is killing our people. They should be insisting to end the starvation siege against Rohingya, and allows in international aid all effected areas in Arakan. They should also be working at the UN General Assembly for a UN Commission of Inquiry into what is taking place.”
Date: 03/10/2012
For more information contact Tun Khin on +44 (0)7888714866.
Road, Walthamstow, London E17 8AA
Tel: +44 2082 571 143, E-mail: brorg.london@gmail.com , web : www.bro-uk.org
Tel: +44 2082 571 143, E-mail: brorg.london@gmail.com , web : www.bro-uk.org
In Burma, all the Constitutional Tribunal’s seats are vacant after nine of the court’s judges resigned after the Union Parliament (Pyidaungsu Hluttaw) passed an impeachment resolution. The country is now enveloped in a constitutional crisis that was engineered by the Pyidaungsu Hluttaw.
According to the 2008 Constitution, the Pyidaungsu Hluttaw is comprised of the Pyithu Hluttaw (the People’s Assembly) and the Amyotha Hluttaw (National Assembly), while the Constitutional Tribunal constitutes a major part of the judiciary. The Pyidaungsu Hluttaw forced the judges to step down following the Tribunal’s ruling stating that the Parliament’s committees and commissions, formed by the respective Hluttaws, are not recognised as union-level entities.
“As all members of the Tribunal have already resigned, the ruling of the tribunal has [been] automatically dissolved,” said Pyithu Hluttaw MP Thein Nyunt. Here, the parliamentarian is claiming that the disputed committees and commissions should be considered union-level bodies in the wake of the judges’ resignation.
His statement is entirely contrary to British common law, a tradition the country inherited during the colonial period. The status of the Tribunal’s ruling must be scrutinised from a common law perspective, which centers on judicial precedents.
“If parliament was unhappy on the Court’s constitutional ruling, the common law tradition is either to amend the law and try again (this is the phenomenon of having a dialogue with the courts) or to amend the constitution,” said Simon NM Young, a law professor at Hong Kong University.
“The ruling of the tribunal, even if it is controversial or wrong, will stand until it is set aside by a court of higher status. Simply because resignation of the tribunal’s judges from their posts does not affect decisions made in the name of the tribunal,” argues Dr Venkat Iyer, a barrister and the UK-based Law Commissioner for Northern Ireland.
Or, as David Fisher, a professor of International Law at Stockholm University, commented: “The Constitutional Tribunal’s ruling was made in its institutional capacity and, therefore, that ruling should be unaffected by the resignation of its members.”
If the Pyidaungsu Hluttaw intentionally ignores the country’s common law tradition and allows its committees to operate at a union-level-status, then effectively the Hluttaw has the power to dissolve the rulings adjudicated by the country’s highest court.
If that is the case, whenever the parliament is unhappy it will have the power to reverse the rulings of the courts or Tribunal. As a result, the Hluttaw – not the judiciary – would become the final arbiter and therefore have the power to set one precedent after another, which will undoubtedly lead to the total collapse of Burma’s legal system.
According to Article 324 of the 2008 constitution, the Tribunal’s resolutions shall be “final and conclusive.” That provision is still effective. If the president and state officials, who adopted this constitution, hope to safeguard the rule of law and preserve the common law tradition then they must observe this provision.
President Thein Sein is set to appoint new members to the Tribunal shortly. Afterwards, he must submit the disputed issue back to the Tribunal and ask for a new ruling.
If the president chooses to ignore the rule of law and common law, the move might potentially prevent foreign companies from investing in the country. Generally speaking, foreign companies have not been as interested in investing in a country where there is no rule of law. Businesses justifiably avoid markets that lack fair, efficient and unbiased courts because the risk of incurring uncompensated losses simply becomes too great.
When the former military regime forcefully and illegally confiscated enterprises from the Singapore-based Yaung-chi-oo company, which entered into a joint venture with the Ministry of Industry in December 1997, the courts did not provide any protection for the company. Rather, it unjustifiably used its broad discretion under the law to side with the government, forcing the company to pull out of the country. The lack of an independent judiciary seemingly halted incoming foreign investment at that time.
Now the new regime led by President Thein Sein must decide how valuable rule of law is to the current government, as the country stands poised to usher in a wave of foreign investment. To preserve the country’s legal infrastructure, Thein Sein must abide by the 2008 Constitution and submit this issue to the Constitutional Tribunal again without fail.
But even if this happens, how will the new Tribunal adjudicate the case?
If the new judges set aside the previous ruling in line with the political pressure created by the Hluttaw, the Tribunal would be discredited and shamed. However, if the Tribunal stands by the previous ruling, tension between the court and the Hluttaw would likely intensify. If that is the case, will the Hluttaw impeach all the judges again?
Which begs the questions: why did the Pyidaungsu Hluttaw create such a serious crisis by impeaching all the Tribunal’s judges in the first place? Was it just because the court did not grant the parliamentary committees union-level status?
Is it just because the MPs would likely have earned allowances on par with union ministers if their affairs committees were granted union-level status? Or, is it because the Tribunal’s ruling lowered the status of their parliamentary committees, effectively preventing them from being able to subpoena ministers to testify?
Unfortunately, the second argument is also unreasonable because it is out of step with the legal norms practiced in most democratic countries.
As noted by Derek Tonkin, the chairman of Network Myanmar, in the UK “the formal powers of a select committee to require written and oral evidence (termed calling for “persons, papers and records”) are extensive, but are rarely used and do not apply to the Government or to Members of either House.”
Rather than parliamentary committees, the Pyidaungsu Hluttaw, as an entire institution, can still practice a system of ‘checks and balances’ in cooperation with the government. Given that such committees are only affairs committees belonging to legislative bodies, they should not be given unreasonable power.
However, under the irrational arguments pushed by the majority of the Pyidaungsu Hluttaw, the independence of the judiciary, which is the cornerstone of the rule of law, has been seriously damaged.
“To take this route of impeachment is like taking a sledgehammer to a nut and shows how vulnerable the judiciary is to political and legislative power and interference,” noted Professor Simon NM Young.
To rectify this, the 2008 Constitution must be amended. In so doing, the status of the parliamentary committees can be manifestly designated. In addition, judicial tenure must be guaranteed and the independence of the judiciary established.
To consolidate the latter, the separate existence of the constitutionally instituted Military Tribunals shall be abrogated as well. If it continues to exist, any member of the armed forces who commit heinous crime against civilians or take advantage of foreign companies would never be tried in civilian courts and high-ranking army officials will remain above the law.
However, the possibility to amend the 2008 Constitution in the halls of the Hluttaw is quite slim at the moment. To this end, Burma still needs the international community to push for an advisory opinion from the International Court of Justice (ICJ) on the legality of the provisions in Burma’s constitution under international law. That would be a healthy first step. -
Aung Htoo is a human rights lawyer
Sources Here
If you were going to compile a list of this year’s international ‘feel-good’ news stories (and I realise it is a bit early be doing that sort of thing), you might well be tempted to put the on-going reform process in Burma at – or near to the top.
The Burmese president, Thein Sein, was compared with Mikhail Gorbachev on his recent visit to the US. While the leader of the opposition, Aung San Suu Kyi – also travelling in America – has been greeted with well-meaning mobs of well-wishers and an avalanche of praise in the newspapers.
However, if you caught some our coverage from north-west Burma over the last few months, you will know that this is not just the regular ‘military-junta gradually hands over power to the people’ story. Burma is more complicated than that – not least because of a series of deeply entrenched ethnic and religious conflicts.
We saw it for ourselves, on two separate trips to Rakhine State, where the ethnic Buddhist majority and a sizable Muslim minority called the Rohingya are struggling to co-exist. After an allegation of rape in May, rival gangs burnt homes and settled scores. Sixty thousand Rohingya were burnt out of their homes and were later moved into a series of rough and ready rural camps by the authorities.
These ‘internal refugees’ are now receiving enough aid and assistance to keep themselves alive. However, the same cannot be said for Rohingya who retained their homes – and there are close to a million of them in Burma. In the name of internal security and stability, the local government has forbidden them from leaving their villages – but without the ability to travel, villagers cannot work and earn money.
As a result, they are struggling to feed themselves and their children. We went to one Rohingya village called Barzah, located on the outskirts of the region’s largest city, Sittwe. We were welcomed by a man called Maung Hla Sein and he told us that they were hungry – ‘they’ the 6,000 people who were living there.
It wasn’t something he really needed to say because we could see it for ourselves – tired, baggy eyed children wandering listlessly around a scruffy, water-logged site. Some had protruding bellies – their skin stretched tightly over bony frames.
We met a man called Farlie, who said he lost his job at a mosque when it was burnt down in the violence. His two daughters, Lalabu and Zaybarnisar were sick and starving. It was clear to me that without immediate assistance they would die. Yet Farlie could not take his daughters to the hospital in Sittwe because he and his daughters are Rohingya and they are not allowed to leave the village.
Maung Hla Sein said the local government had brought the villagers rice on five occasions over the last month – the equivalent of 10 cups of rice per person over the entire 30 day period he said – and clearly, it was not anywhere near enough. Yet these food shortages were, in my view, totally preventable. Barzah is located several hundred metres from Sittwe’s main air terminal. If the government wanted, it could simply dismantle the barbed-wire fence separating the village from the airfield and drive the aid right in.
While international aid agencies, including the UN, are providing regular food shipments to the refugee camps around Sittwe, they have very little knowledge of conditions in Rohingya villages – because the local government will not let their representatives in.
The softly spoken head of the UN in Burma, Ramesh Shrestha was uncharacteristically blunt when I asked him if he knew what was going on in these communities: “No, no,” he said. “It is a problem yes, because unless we have a clear picture of the whole situation you can’t devise a solution. We can’t propose a solution because we don’t know what is going on.”
Instead, aid workers and journalists who want information about these communities must rely on a combination of official pronouncements and rumour. We heard one troubling rumour about a Rohingya village located within a larger town called Chauk Taw. We’d been told that it had been rung with barbed wire and guarded by troops. Yet it lies within a restricted zone near the Bangladeshi border – a difficult place for foreign journalists to operate – so we sent a local contact to go for us.
You can see the pictures we obtained from Chauk Taw in my video report above. Villagers also gave us a carefully prepared 11 page document. It is entitled “Expressing the wishes and grievances of Rohingya from Chauk Taw Township.” Within the document, there is a list of those people killed and injured since the since the initial outbreak of violence in early June. Another passage describes restrictions on citizenship, marriage, travel and education that Rohingya have long faced in Burma.
The following passage was written about the current crisis:
“Since June, 6, 2012, we Rohingya cannot go to the main market. We also can’t trade in our shops in the market and we can’t work outside of market. The students can’t go to the school. We do not have access to medical care if needed. The farmers cannot grow rice in their files on time for harvest. We can’t also go from one village to the other. Because of the above restrictions and suppression, we are facing famine.”
“We are facing famine…”, which brings me back to that odd and saintly couple: Burma’s President Thein Sein and opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi. Yes, they are steering their nation towards a more prosperous and democratic future. Yet on the subject of the Rohingya, they have failed to lead.
When asked about the issue in the US, Aung San Suu Kyi said” “You must not forget that there have been human rights violations on both sides of the communal divide. It’s not a matter of condemning one community or the other. I condemn all human rights violations.”
Her careful comments are designed to neutral – but they are not. The two sides in this conflict are not ‘equal’ – and the behaviour of both communities is not ‘morally equivalent’. Regardless of where you stand on the ‘citizenship question’ for Rohingya in Burma, there are severely malnourished children in Barzah who are not eating because their parents can’t leave the village. A few miles up the beach however, local Buddhists drink beer and play guitars.
The analysts and commentators remind us that Aung San Suu Kyi is no longer a political dissident – but a politician with an eye on the presidency in 2015. But what is the point of showering her with awards and accolades if she no longer stands up for the downtrodden and oppressed – why hold her up as an icon if she now longer meets the standards she herself has set?
The Burmese president, Thein Sein, was compared with Mikhail Gorbachev on his recent visit to the US. While the leader of the opposition, Aung San Suu Kyi – also travelling in America – has been greeted with well-meaning mobs of well-wishers and an avalanche of praise in the newspapers.
However, if you caught some our coverage from north-west Burma over the last few months, you will know that this is not just the regular ‘military-junta gradually hands over power to the people’ story. Burma is more complicated than that – not least because of a series of deeply entrenched ethnic and religious conflicts.
We saw it for ourselves, on two separate trips to Rakhine State, where the ethnic Buddhist majority and a sizable Muslim minority called the Rohingya are struggling to co-exist. After an allegation of rape in May, rival gangs burnt homes and settled scores. Sixty thousand Rohingya were burnt out of their homes and were later moved into a series of rough and ready rural camps by the authorities.
These ‘internal refugees’ are now receiving enough aid and assistance to keep themselves alive. However, the same cannot be said for Rohingya who retained their homes – and there are close to a million of them in Burma. In the name of internal security and stability, the local government has forbidden them from leaving their villages – but without the ability to travel, villagers cannot work and earn money.
As a result, they are struggling to feed themselves and their children. We went to one Rohingya village called Barzah, located on the outskirts of the region’s largest city, Sittwe. We were welcomed by a man called Maung Hla Sein and he told us that they were hungry – ‘they’ the 6,000 people who were living there.
It wasn’t something he really needed to say because we could see it for ourselves – tired, baggy eyed children wandering listlessly around a scruffy, water-logged site. Some had protruding bellies – their skin stretched tightly over bony frames.
We met a man called Farlie, who said he lost his job at a mosque when it was burnt down in the violence. His two daughters, Lalabu and Zaybarnisar were sick and starving. It was clear to me that without immediate assistance they would die. Yet Farlie could not take his daughters to the hospital in Sittwe because he and his daughters are Rohingya and they are not allowed to leave the village.
Maung Hla Sein said the local government had brought the villagers rice on five occasions over the last month – the equivalent of 10 cups of rice per person over the entire 30 day period he said – and clearly, it was not anywhere near enough. Yet these food shortages were, in my view, totally preventable. Barzah is located several hundred metres from Sittwe’s main air terminal. If the government wanted, it could simply dismantle the barbed-wire fence separating the village from the airfield and drive the aid right in.
While international aid agencies, including the UN, are providing regular food shipments to the refugee camps around Sittwe, they have very little knowledge of conditions in Rohingya villages – because the local government will not let their representatives in.
The softly spoken head of the UN in Burma, Ramesh Shrestha was uncharacteristically blunt when I asked him if he knew what was going on in these communities: “No, no,” he said. “It is a problem yes, because unless we have a clear picture of the whole situation you can’t devise a solution. We can’t propose a solution because we don’t know what is going on.”
Instead, aid workers and journalists who want information about these communities must rely on a combination of official pronouncements and rumour. We heard one troubling rumour about a Rohingya village located within a larger town called Chauk Taw. We’d been told that it had been rung with barbed wire and guarded by troops. Yet it lies within a restricted zone near the Bangladeshi border – a difficult place for foreign journalists to operate – so we sent a local contact to go for us.
You can see the pictures we obtained from Chauk Taw in my video report above. Villagers also gave us a carefully prepared 11 page document. It is entitled “Expressing the wishes and grievances of Rohingya from Chauk Taw Township.” Within the document, there is a list of those people killed and injured since the since the initial outbreak of violence in early June. Another passage describes restrictions on citizenship, marriage, travel and education that Rohingya have long faced in Burma.The following passage was written about the current crisis:
“Since June, 6, 2012, we Rohingya cannot go to the main market. We also can’t trade in our shops in the market and we can’t work outside of market. The students can’t go to the school. We do not have access to medical care if needed. The farmers cannot grow rice in their files on time for harvest. We can’t also go from one village to the other. Because of the above restrictions and suppression, we are facing famine.”
“We are facing famine…”, which brings me back to that odd and saintly couple: Burma’s President Thein Sein and opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi. Yes, they are steering their nation towards a more prosperous and democratic future. Yet on the subject of the Rohingya, they have failed to lead.
When asked about the issue in the US, Aung San Suu Kyi said” “You must not forget that there have been human rights violations on both sides of the communal divide. It’s not a matter of condemning one community or the other. I condemn all human rights violations.”
Her careful comments are designed to neutral – but they are not. The two sides in this conflict are not ‘equal’ – and the behaviour of both communities is not ‘morally equivalent’. Regardless of where you stand on the ‘citizenship question’ for Rohingya in Burma, there are severely malnourished children in Barzah who are not eating because their parents can’t leave the village. A few miles up the beach however, local Buddhists drink beer and play guitars.
The analysts and commentators remind us that Aung San Suu Kyi is no longer a political dissident – but a politician with an eye on the presidency in 2015. But what is the point of showering her with awards and accolades if she no longer stands up for the downtrodden and oppressed – why hold her up as an icon if she now longer meets the standards she herself has set?
Sources Here:
By Ruxandra Guidi
Ko Ko Naing is a 26 year-old from the Rohingya Muslim minority in Burma who was granted US asylum in 2003.
Listen Now [3 min 59 sec] Download
Three hours before the scheduled start of Suu Kyi’s visit, Burmese Americans started lining up inside the LA Convention Center - the same place in which many of them became naturalized US citizens over the years.
"We are waiting for this day," said Zin Mar Htun. She stood at the front of the line wearing an embroidered turquoise dress and orchids in her hair. She and her family arrived as political refugees in the mid-1990s. Her father was involved in Burma’s pro-democracy movement, and they haven’t been able to return since they left.
“I know America is great, but we still need to go back and help our country, because our country is very underdeveloped," said Htun. "Mainly I want to help with education so I do want to go back. If they open up, then it will be better—right now, we’re still scared to go back in case something goes wrong.”
For many younger Burmese-Americans like Htun, who's in her late 20s, Suu Kyi’s visit to this country suggests the promise of a truly democratic Burma, and an opportunity to return someday.
After almost two decades of house arrest and her election to her country’s parliament this spring, Suu Kyi enjoys an international status similar to that of South Africa’s Nelson Mandela shortly after his release from prison. During her US visit, she’s made a point to reach out to the Burmese diaspora – the better to improve US-Burma relations and trigger economic development back home.
Some critics maintain that she has made too many political compromises with Burma’s current government; it includes many of the military leaders who kept her under house arrest. But Lal Thanga, a dentist by trade and one of the organizers of Suu Kyi’s visit here, said those criticisms aren’t completely fair.
“Some people might criticize and say she can’t speak up anymore," Thanga said. "But, to me, this is part of the democratic process. She has to deal with a lot of things that we don’t know; we don’t know the hardships she’s going through. If we don’t support her, what can she do? So we have to keep on supporting her.”
About 100,000 people of Burmese descent live in the United States. The biggest concentration – close to 5,000 – are in the Los Angeles area. Some of these refugees and immigrants belong to ethnic minorities that have been persecuted since the 1970s. Groups including the Rohingya, Keren, and Kachin do not qualify for Burmese citizenship under current law.
“Ms. Suu Kyi should focus on the human rights first, then we can talk about cooperating with Mr.Thein Sein, Burma’s current president," said Ko Ko Naing, a 26 year old from the Rohingya Muslim minority who obtained political asylum in this country nine years ago, sitting at a cafe near the LA Convention Center.
Naing peacefully opposes Suu Kyi’s visit, he said, because he wants people to know that not all is well in Burma. The West, he added, earnestly supports Suu Kyi’s party, the National League of Democracy, and seems eager for a democratic transition as it overlooks the needs of the wider Burmese population.
“She’s ignoring all the ethnic minorities," he said. "She’s only focusing on the political prisoners that have been fighting with the NLD members. She’s ignoring the core issues of all the ethnic minorities, their education needs, their basic food needs, their shelter needs.”
When Suu Kyi showed up exactly on time for her presentation, a couple of thousand cheering Burmese welcomed her waving the red flags of her political party. She fielded questions from the audience in Burmese, except for one in English: ‘What would you do if you became president?’ That’s too speculative, she responded, adding, ‘why don’t you ask the president what he will do, now that he’s president?’
Ko Ko Naing is a 26 year-old from the Rohingya Muslim minority in Burma who was granted US asylum in 2003.
Listen Now [3 min 59 sec] Download
Three hours before the scheduled start of Suu Kyi’s visit, Burmese Americans started lining up inside the LA Convention Center - the same place in which many of them became naturalized US citizens over the years.
"We are waiting for this day," said Zin Mar Htun. She stood at the front of the line wearing an embroidered turquoise dress and orchids in her hair. She and her family arrived as political refugees in the mid-1990s. Her father was involved in Burma’s pro-democracy movement, and they haven’t been able to return since they left.
“I know America is great, but we still need to go back and help our country, because our country is very underdeveloped," said Htun. "Mainly I want to help with education so I do want to go back. If they open up, then it will be better—right now, we’re still scared to go back in case something goes wrong.”
For many younger Burmese-Americans like Htun, who's in her late 20s, Suu Kyi’s visit to this country suggests the promise of a truly democratic Burma, and an opportunity to return someday.
After almost two decades of house arrest and her election to her country’s parliament this spring, Suu Kyi enjoys an international status similar to that of South Africa’s Nelson Mandela shortly after his release from prison. During her US visit, she’s made a point to reach out to the Burmese diaspora – the better to improve US-Burma relations and trigger economic development back home.
Some critics maintain that she has made too many political compromises with Burma’s current government; it includes many of the military leaders who kept her under house arrest. But Lal Thanga, a dentist by trade and one of the organizers of Suu Kyi’s visit here, said those criticisms aren’t completely fair.
“Some people might criticize and say she can’t speak up anymore," Thanga said. "But, to me, this is part of the democratic process. She has to deal with a lot of things that we don’t know; we don’t know the hardships she’s going through. If we don’t support her, what can she do? So we have to keep on supporting her.”
About 100,000 people of Burmese descent live in the United States. The biggest concentration – close to 5,000 – are in the Los Angeles area. Some of these refugees and immigrants belong to ethnic minorities that have been persecuted since the 1970s. Groups including the Rohingya, Keren, and Kachin do not qualify for Burmese citizenship under current law.
“Ms. Suu Kyi should focus on the human rights first, then we can talk about cooperating with Mr.Thein Sein, Burma’s current president," said Ko Ko Naing, a 26 year old from the Rohingya Muslim minority who obtained political asylum in this country nine years ago, sitting at a cafe near the LA Convention Center.
Naing peacefully opposes Suu Kyi’s visit, he said, because he wants people to know that not all is well in Burma. The West, he added, earnestly supports Suu Kyi’s party, the National League of Democracy, and seems eager for a democratic transition as it overlooks the needs of the wider Burmese population.
“She’s ignoring all the ethnic minorities," he said. "She’s only focusing on the political prisoners that have been fighting with the NLD members. She’s ignoring the core issues of all the ethnic minorities, their education needs, their basic food needs, their shelter needs.”
When Suu Kyi showed up exactly on time for her presentation, a couple of thousand cheering Burmese welcomed her waving the red flags of her political party. She fielded questions from the audience in Burmese, except for one in English: ‘What would you do if you became president?’ That’s too speculative, she responded, adding, ‘why don’t you ask the president what he will do, now that he’s president?’
Source here
Restless Beings have been working with the stateless Rohingya community of Burma, since May 2010 to voice their struggles and work together towards a future free from oppression and marginalisation.
Through unfortunate circumstances, it was through the eruption of violence in Arakan in May 2012 that instigated a spotlight to be shone on the Rohingya struggles. Restless Beings, after receiving disturbing and unimaginable on the ground reports, believed atrocities akin to genocide, ethnic cleansing and xenophobia were occurring, yet we were criticised for using such terms. However, as more reports of international organisations are published, their results show exactly this kind of violence and now; more people worldwide are beginning to see the true ugliness revealed.
The Restless Beings Remember Rohingya report demonstrates the process of how as an organisation, we have worked to voice the Rohingyas in ways which may be unconventional, but played a part to the universal call for help of the Rohingyas. In the space of three months we sought to increase international awareness of the Rohingya, encouraging both individuals and world leaders to recognise and take action for Rohingya human rights, all the while seeking to ensure that the Rohingya had the media coverage they deserve, but which thus far had failed to receive.
Remember Rohingya
Through unfortunate circumstances, it was through the eruption of violence in Arakan in May 2012 that instigated a spotlight to be shone on the Rohingya struggles. Restless Beings, after receiving disturbing and unimaginable on the ground reports, believed atrocities akin to genocide, ethnic cleansing and xenophobia were occurring, yet we were criticised for using such terms. However, as more reports of international organisations are published, their results show exactly this kind of violence and now; more people worldwide are beginning to see the true ugliness revealed.
The Restless Beings Remember Rohingya report demonstrates the process of how as an organisation, we have worked to voice the Rohingyas in ways which may be unconventional, but played a part to the universal call for help of the Rohingyas. In the space of three months we sought to increase international awareness of the Rohingya, encouraging both individuals and world leaders to recognise and take action for Rohingya human rights, all the while seeking to ensure that the Rohingya had the media coverage they deserve, but which thus far had failed to receive.
A minority can understand more easily what other minorities had to encounter in their respective countries. Differences between individuals, communities and countries are more diverse than similarities. If we are fighting due to this differences, the world never will be a peaceful place to live in. We must adjust ourselves with environment. We must understand each other. To live a midst diversity with patience and understanding is the essence of democracy.
Alas! There are some extreme groups who can not tolerate diversity. The strength of these dark forces have been gathering momentum. Due to their instigation undesired riot took place in Rakhine state and hundreds of thousands of people became internally displaced. This people have to go through a hard life. They are suffering unfold miseries. A lot of people lost their life. Those who are not displaced also confined in their own residential areas. They can not move and work for their livelihood. Their lives became worse than the refugees. In the near future they may face mass starvation. There still it sporadic killing and looting in every town. People life is highly insecure and terrorized. Official explanation is “It will take time for security and stability”. This is the most heart breaking.
There have been a series of demonstration, disturbances and violence in the last a few decades. Government seemed to have firmly controlled all these disharmony things. But in case of present Rakhine state ethnic violence, every thing remain insecure and instable. We implore law enforcing departments to take thing seriously and fairly to bring security and rule of law among the public. Public promptly need a normal life.
Despite the seriousness of the situation in Rakhine state we sorrowfully hear the news across the border that some Rakhine houses and monasteries were burnt down by Bangali mob in Cox’s Bazar district. Cause of this violence, according R.F.A is insulting Muslim religion and desecrating their holy book by a Cox’s Bazar based Rakhine face book.
What so ever we understand it as an act of an individual or a group. It was not done by the whole Rakhine community there in Bangladesh. Government can take action against the one who committed the crime. It is not fair to give collective punishment for the crime of an individual. It is not civilized thing for the strong to suppress the weak. It is uncivil for majority to take advantage over the minority. In Bangladesh the security organs and law enforcing departments will be mostly in the hands of Muslims. Without their backing or accomplices it is hard to believe this unscrupulous element could dare to this destruction.
We fully condemned this sort of communal violence. We must be restrained. We can realize the feeling the Rakhine minority in Bangladesh as we suffer as a minority in Rakhine. We regard prejudices against minority as a crime against humanity.
We are worried that already tense communal atmosphere in Arakan will turn worse due to this aggressive lawless burning of houses in Bangladesh. But to our relief, we came to learn there is no connection between the violence in Rakhine and the one in Bangladesh.
So we would like to urge Bangladesh Government to take prompt action and to control the situation. We hope Bangladesh will fulfill its obligation to protect its all citizens disrespect of race and religion. The victims should be given full compensation. We request Bangladesh authority to reconstruct all those which are destroyed with state funds.
My last request is to both Rakhine and Rohingya communities to exercise restraint, to be cool minded. We must be for sighted and rational. Destructing is easier than constructing. Let us reduce tension. Let us create normal life again. Greed, envy and anger are vice where as love, sympathy and compassion are virtues. Virtue leads us to peace and prosperity.
U Kyaw Min
Alas! There are some extreme groups who can not tolerate diversity. The strength of these dark forces have been gathering momentum. Due to their instigation undesired riot took place in Rakhine state and hundreds of thousands of people became internally displaced. This people have to go through a hard life. They are suffering unfold miseries. A lot of people lost their life. Those who are not displaced also confined in their own residential areas. They can not move and work for their livelihood. Their lives became worse than the refugees. In the near future they may face mass starvation. There still it sporadic killing and looting in every town. People life is highly insecure and terrorized. Official explanation is “It will take time for security and stability”. This is the most heart breaking.
There have been a series of demonstration, disturbances and violence in the last a few decades. Government seemed to have firmly controlled all these disharmony things. But in case of present Rakhine state ethnic violence, every thing remain insecure and instable. We implore law enforcing departments to take thing seriously and fairly to bring security and rule of law among the public. Public promptly need a normal life.
Despite the seriousness of the situation in Rakhine state we sorrowfully hear the news across the border that some Rakhine houses and monasteries were burnt down by Bangali mob in Cox’s Bazar district. Cause of this violence, according R.F.A is insulting Muslim religion and desecrating their holy book by a Cox’s Bazar based Rakhine face book.
What so ever we understand it as an act of an individual or a group. It was not done by the whole Rakhine community there in Bangladesh. Government can take action against the one who committed the crime. It is not fair to give collective punishment for the crime of an individual. It is not civilized thing for the strong to suppress the weak. It is uncivil for majority to take advantage over the minority. In Bangladesh the security organs and law enforcing departments will be mostly in the hands of Muslims. Without their backing or accomplices it is hard to believe this unscrupulous element could dare to this destruction.
We fully condemned this sort of communal violence. We must be restrained. We can realize the feeling the Rakhine minority in Bangladesh as we suffer as a minority in Rakhine. We regard prejudices against minority as a crime against humanity.
We are worried that already tense communal atmosphere in Arakan will turn worse due to this aggressive lawless burning of houses in Bangladesh. But to our relief, we came to learn there is no connection between the violence in Rakhine and the one in Bangladesh.
So we would like to urge Bangladesh Government to take prompt action and to control the situation. We hope Bangladesh will fulfill its obligation to protect its all citizens disrespect of race and religion. The victims should be given full compensation. We request Bangladesh authority to reconstruct all those which are destroyed with state funds.
My last request is to both Rakhine and Rohingya communities to exercise restraint, to be cool minded. We must be for sighted and rational. Destructing is easier than constructing. Let us reduce tension. Let us create normal life again. Greed, envy and anger are vice where as love, sympathy and compassion are virtues. Virtue leads us to peace and prosperity.
U Kyaw Min
M.P (elect) 1990 election, Buthidaung.
Former C.R.P.P member.
317, Kyaikkasan Road, Tarmwe, Yangon.
The UN describes the Rohingya population as among the world's most persecuted people. The tension, violence and discrimination vents from the ethnic majority Rakhine Buddhists that view them as illegal immigrants from Bangladesh although they have been native to Myanmar for centuries.
Aung San Suu Kyi, Nobel Peace prize winner, has conspicuously remained silent on their plight, which has drawn international criticism. Tens of thousands of Rohingyas live in appalling conditions that has been forced upon them.
Press TV has interviewed Mr. Raza Kazim of the Islamic Human Rights Commission in London about the repression and abuse of the Rohingyas and the lack of international response the issue has attracted.
What follows is an approximate transcript of the interview.
Press TV: Let's look at it in general, why do you think that it is continuing although there has been pressure especially from the Muslim nations and communities. In some cases it almost seems as if the government there in Myanmar is not really paying a whole lot of attention to it?
Kazim: That's right… and the problem has been that people are turning a blind eye to what's actually going on - the powers that be, the focus, the media and so on has been very much different in terms of the way that people are looking at this.
And I think one of the problems has been the way that Aung San Suu Kyi was made into a darling of the West, paraded around Western capitals and seen as if all the problems in Myanmar have gone away because she has been freed because her own narrative on the Rohingya Muslims was in itself quite worrying in terms of some of the parallels that you see with nationalist movements, which are not particularly taking into account the rights of minorities.
And when you have a leader, a so-called democratic leader, whose attitude is more nationalistic than actually recognizing that there are people, all people that need to have rights, then that becomes a problem.
What’s happened as a result of that, people in the West are thinking this is something - the problem there, is in the process of going away, when in fact it's been exacerbated and become a lot worse because of her attitude.
Press TV: What do you think, you're representing Islamic Human Rights Commission in London - What do you think needs to be done in order to put the pressure on the government there in order to get results for these Muslims?
Kazim: I think we need to look at how and what influence of China in particular who has had a relationship in the past… what kind of pressure can be brought to bear from that side.
I think there is also pressure that needs to be brought to bear on the idea of continuing to make sure that the boycott and sanctions against the Myanmar government continue - it's something that needs to be continued in that kind of narrative.
Press TV: What about the amount of media attention or the lack thereof, especially in the corporate media - What do you see behind this, especially in the West, there is a very short term memory that if it is not repeated constantly it's almost as if it no longer exists - What is the reason behind that?
Kazim: It's about an agenda… partly to do with resources; it's about making sure that the resources that the Western governments will have access to as a result of recognizing the government as it currently exists - giving favorable treatment in terms of having access to those resources. And that's one the most fundamental problems - that's an agenda of the government.
And unfortunately media organizations are following the lines of the Western governments rather than actually critiquing it and analyzing the reasons for the stances that governments have taken.
You know, when we talk having about a media that will question and see what the issues are for the stances that governments have taken, we don’t see that independence actually being carried out in terms of what is a responsibility of the media in the different Western countries.
That problem is quite embedded within the culture of the media and it's something that if they're not going to be on message with, then they are going to be brought to book. And it's something that is continuing and that is what you see as a result of this - a lack of independent scrutiny of the actions of the Western government's with regards to this particular case.
Sources Here:
Sources Here:
United Nations Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon told Burma’s President Thein Sein this weekend the ethnic unrest in Rakhine State could threaten the country’s recent progress in democratic reforms and also spill across international borders.
Burmese President Thein Sein with Secretary-General of the United Nations Ban Ki-moon at his residence in New York. Photo: President's office
Ban made his comment during a meeting with Thein Sein and the head the Organization of Islamic Cooperation.
He told Ekmeleddin Ihsanoglu, who heads the 57-nation group, that the Rakhine troubles have potential wider implications of the issue on Burma's reform process and on other countries, particularly Bangladesh which is home to tens of thousands of Rohingya refugees.
An OIC committee set up to deal with the Rohingya issue met for the first time in New York this week and called for Rohingyas to be given rights as citizens in Burma, Reuters news agency reported. Ihsanoglu said he wanted to visit Burma when the government was ready to “to remedy the fundamental rights issues of the Rohingya Muslims.”
Fighting between Rakhine natives and Rohingya Muslims in the state erupted in June, claiming close to 90 people killed and thousands of buildings and homes burned.
At the United Nations General Assembly this week, leaders of Muslim countries called for action to deal with the unrest.
Thein Sein promised Ban that his government would tackle the problem.
Thein Sein was named to head the government in March of last year and began a process of reforming the country after decades of military rule. He told the Voice of America on Saturday that the news media will play an important role in the democratization of Burma.
“We have to thank media because they are telling the stories of the country which public should know about. By publishing or broadcasting by media, [the] public would understand the situation, and I'm thankful for that,” he said.
An estimated 800,000 Rohingyas in Burma do not have the status of an official ethnic minority, and many ordinary Burmese people say they are illegal immigrants from neighboring Bangladesh.
Since the unrest began, a series of Islamic delegations have toured the region and expressed concern about the plight of the Rohingyas while calling for international aid.
Sources Here:
M.S. Anwar
RB Article
October 2, 2012
Bangladesh Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina, a longtime admirer of Burmese murderous regime and their political strategy of how to sustain the power and remain in power, unsurprisingly deployed a political strategy recently same to her Burmese counterparts’ (i.e. scapegoating the minorities). Before going further, it is very important to mention that she has always been hostile to one of the world’s most persecuted people, Rohingyas. And she is infamous for blocking the border for the escaping Rohingya victims and pushing them back to the sea.
A pre-planned and organized attack was carried out against Buddhist minority in Ramu, Cox’s Bazaar district, Bangladesh on Saturday night. The attack set ablaze or destroyed more than a dozen temples and monasteries and at least 50 homes. Besides, property was looted, including statues of the Buddha. According to Bangladesh media, the attack was in apparent retaliation for a picture of a burned Quran holy text tagged on the Facebook account of a Bangladeshi Buddhist called Uttam Barua by a Facebook ID “Insult Allah.”
Unsurprisingly, Home Minister Mohiuddin Khan Alamgir told reporters in Dhaka that "Rohingyas and political opponents of the government were also involved in the attacks." But how far is it true and believable? When you go inside and think deeply of Bangladesh political patterns, you will not be surprised but rather shocked. The whole attack was engineered by special Indian Intelligence Unit of Research and Analysis Wing (RAW) in coordination with Directorate General of Forces Intelligence (DGFI) under an operation named “Operation Tango.”
Sheikh Hasina had known the whole game plot in advance to the violence. She had been briefed by the intelligence that the violence would help her to get the sympathy of Bangladesh minorities and hence they would become her vote bank in the election next year. She was also briefed that she could not take advantage over Rohingya issue politically because BNP is also of the same stand with her party over the issue. Therefore, it is the most proper time to carry out the attacks in the name of retaliation to the defaming Quran on Facebook as her opposition parties are protesting over anti-Islam movie and hence differing stands from her party.
The attacks will not stop here. There will be many more attacks against the minorities coming and organized media to run a continuous news propaganda naming the violence as an effort to Islamize the hill area and the opposition parties specifically BNP is behind the communal attack.[1] Ridiculously, Sheikh Hasina who is attending UN General Assembly in US ordered the government to tighten the security and to protect the minority. She seems to be a perfect student of Burmese tyrannical and cunning regime.
Many more similarities can be found besides these. But the differences are the political context and the level of freedom between Burma and Bangladesh. While in Burma, the main opposition has no power and stands over the violence in the violence against Rohingyas especially its leader DASSK, in Bangladesh, the main opposition party BNP has its own great political power and can speak up. While in Burma, Arakan is locked region where International national media and independent observers can’t get free access to, it is quite opposite in Bangladesh as it is a democratic country.
Unfortunately, Rohingyas, a voiceless and defenseless people, has become a football who is getting kicked from net to net in the political match of Bangladesh and Burma. They are again unfairly and without any evidence dragged into the affairs of the violence by the Bangladesh government. It is known to the world that Bangladesh has pushed back the escaping Rohingya victims of Arakan violence. Those who managed to sneak into Bangladesh have no legal status to move around. In such situation, one should wonder how they would dare attack those minority people who have legal status in Bangladesh, which might exaggerate the violence against them in Arakan. Bangladesh government should stop playing insane and rather play good human beings.
While the ruling governments in both Burma and Bangladesh playing filthy political games, minorities in the countries are paying high cost. Therefore, any kind of victimization or scapegoating of and violence against minorities whether politically or economically, no matter who or where they are, must be condemned and be brought to the end.
M.S. Anwar is an activist studying Bachelor of Arts in Business Studies at Westminster International College, Malaysia.
On September 30 2012 There were about 50-60 people mainly from Burma Task force USA, Free Rohingya Campaign (FRC ) , Myanmar Muslim Civil Rights Movement (MMCRM) and Representatives from Ethnic Kachin people had assembled around 3:30 pm and walked up and down few blocks on Hollywood blvd chanting slogans, carrying slogan posters/placards and the large (10x3) 'Burma Task Force' banner.
The group of activists gathered on march back and forward with signs and banner showing to end oppression and restore Rohingya rights . Tourists and passerby stopped and took pictures also drivers and passenger that pass through Hollywood blvd beside roads turned and look at the rally. The rally ended at 530 pm where everyone was given an opportunity to made a short speech about the issue and prayed to end the oppression for the Rohingya Muslims
It was a good opportunity to distribute information leaflets and interact with tourists and passing foot traffic that showed interest, the road traffic honks showing their support "Said Ko Ko Naing from Free Rohingya Campaign (FRC) who is one of the organizer for the Rally.
Another rally is planned coordinated with Southern California Shura council on Tuesday Oct 2 at LA convention center where Daw Aung San Suu Kyi is speaking between 1:30 pm to 3:30 pm.
ARU DIRECTOR GENERAL ADDRESSES THE OIC MINISTERIAL CONTACT GROUP AT UN GENERAL ASSEMBLY; HIGHLIGHTED THE CURRENT SITUATION AND THE IMMEDIATE/LONGTERM NEEDS FOR ROHINGYA
During the General Assembly convened September 26-28 at the
United Nations in New York, the OIC Ministerial Contact Group Meeting on
Rohingya issue was one of the events that received widespread attention from
many delegates from around the world. The meeting was presided by the OIC
Secretary General HE Prof. Dr. Ekmeleddin Ihsanoglu, and the participants were OIC
Ambassador to the United Nations, HE Ufuk Gokcen, several delegates from OIC
member states, and ARU Director General Prof. Dr. Wakar Uddin. In his keynote
speech, Secretary General HE Prof. Dr. Ekmeleddin Ihsanoglu detailed all the
developments in Rohingya issues at the OIC starting from the Rohingya
Convention on May 31, 2011, in Jeddah, Saudi Arabia, to the recent engagement
with Myanmar Government on situation on the ground in Rohingya regions in
Arakan state in Myanmar.
The Secretary General also provided the details of the Resolution No. 4/38-MM that was passed unanimously by the member states calling on Myanmar Government to address all the plights of Rohingya and the OIC recognizing the Arakan Rohingya Union that represents Rohingya people worldwide. Following the keynote speech by the Secretary General, ARU Director General Prof. Dr. Wakar Uddin addressed the delegates emphasizing the most serious issues that the Rohingya people are currently facing in Arakan, particularly the atrocities and violence by the Myanmar police force that are committing against Rohingya people, rape cases, and the dire humanitarian situations in Rohingya camps and villages in several townships. Dr. Uddin appealed the OIC members states and the international community to have a strong coordination with U.S. Government and the member countries of United Nations to pressure Myanmar Government to address the current humanitarian issues urgently and the lingering citizenship issue.
The Secretary General also provided the details of the Resolution No. 4/38-MM that was passed unanimously by the member states calling on Myanmar Government to address all the plights of Rohingya and the OIC recognizing the Arakan Rohingya Union that represents Rohingya people worldwide. Following the keynote speech by the Secretary General, ARU Director General Prof. Dr. Wakar Uddin addressed the delegates emphasizing the most serious issues that the Rohingya people are currently facing in Arakan, particularly the atrocities and violence by the Myanmar police force that are committing against Rohingya people, rape cases, and the dire humanitarian situations in Rohingya camps and villages in several townships. Dr. Uddin appealed the OIC members states and the international community to have a strong coordination with U.S. Government and the member countries of United Nations to pressure Myanmar Government to address the current humanitarian issues urgently and the lingering citizenship issue.
Dr. Uddin
also appealed the member states to lobby United Nations for appointment of an
independent Commission of Inquiry to replace the Myanmar Government appointed
Commission of Inquiry that is seriously tainted because of the inclusion of
Rakhine masterminds of the recent violence and exclusion of Rohingya leaders in
Myanmar in the government’s commission. Further, as longterm objectives for
advancement of young generations of Rohingya, Dr. Uddin urged the OIC member
states to host Rohingya students in the institutions of higher education in
their countries and also development of an educational foundation at OIC for
unprivileged Rohingya students. He stressed that this foundation is needed to
address the needs of Rohingya students as they have certian specific needs. Several
OIC member states, particularly Saudi Arabia, Turkey, Egypt, Senegal, Djibuti,
Indonesia, and Afghanistan echoed the statements that Dr. Uddin made in his
appeals. Malaysian delegate stressed the engagement of Rohingya with Myanmar Government
and Rakhine ethnic group with dialogue. Foreign Minister of Bangladesh, Dr.
Dipu Moni, expressed deep sympathy for Rohingya victims and showed strong supports
for Rohingya people through diplomacy.
Dr. Moni explained that the stalling of
Rohingya refugee repatriation to their native Arakan in Myanmar is due to some political
reasons emerged recently in both countries. Dr. Uddin was given the floor for the second time to make the final statement, and he expressed the deep gratitude by
Rohingya people to OIC member states, the Muslim Umma, and the international
community for their sympathy and relentless support for the Rohingya victims.
“Bangladesh is a neighboring Muslim country to Myanmar, and supports from
people and the Government of Bangladesh for Rohingya people is of paramount
importance while the government of Bangladesh maintains a healthy diplomatic
relation with the government of Myanmar” Dr. Uddin concluded.
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| ARU Director General, Prof. Dr. Wakar Uddin, addresses the OIC Ministerial Contact Group at the UN General Assembly of the United Nations in New York. |
 |
| Foreign Minister of Bangladesh, Dr. Dipu Moni, addresses the OIC Ministerial Contact Group at the UN General Assembly of the United Nations in New York |
M.S. Anwar
RB Report
October 1, 2012
Since the violence against Rohingyas started, atrocities against Rohingyas have been being carried out in large scale. They have been arrested, tortured and killed. Their women and girls were raped. Their properties were looted, destroyed and torched. In fact, Arakan has become a worse Nazi Extermination Camp for Rohingyas. Almost all of their Mosques or religious were either destroyed or locked down.
Grave Human Rights Violations against Under-Aged Children
Authorities in Arakan state have been arresting Rohingya men and under-aged children alike. According to the authority in Maung Daw, all Rohingyas above the age of 12 are criminals and will be arrested sooner or later. Authority in Maung Daw said they don’t need any proof to arrest Rohingyas. All the arrested Rohingyas including children were locked up in Buthidaung prison where they are being tortured inhumanely and treated like animals. Some of arrested Rohingya children are:
Reply To The Demands to the Government from the People’s Gathering held on 25th and 26th of September in Yathetdaung, Arakan
1. To build strong fence both along the sea and land of the western border of Myanmar as there are illegal inflow of foreigners.
Reply:
Border fence: waste of time and money. Before fencing the border the communal harmony between the two communities must be defined and established. If the fence is meant for protection of National security and sovereignty without building mutual trust and unity, then it is ridiculous. National security cannot be safe guard only by the fence. As it is known to everybody that today’s world is only a single click. The actual fence to protect the national sovereignty is the unity of the people living in the region. As long as unity among the races and the equal rights to the communities are not assured the fence will not effective. For example, during the election campaign of 2010 and during the recent violence of Rakhine state, many arms and other weaponries were reported to smuggle in Maungdaw by the Rakhines. If the depressed community enjoy the freedom and equal rights, and the feared community is made to understand free of fear and hatred, be sure that the border is secured. According to the ongoing situation the fence is mainly aimed at the persecutions of Rohingyas.
Illegal inflow of Foreigners: illogical totally. The people of Bangladesh are enjoying the super freedom in the worst case than people of Myanmar. So how would it be logical to say that there will be illegal inflow of foreigners? From a logical point of view, who will come to the land of dire human rights violations, on may reason? Only the sons of the soil will come to the mother land challenging so many difficulties. According to the report of the NaSaKa and other border security forces who specially have been deployed since many years for the systematic control Rohingya community, there are no illegal inflows. It is Rakhine community who on their assumption repeatedly and shamelessly uttering that the Rohingyas are illegal immigrants. The President on the 17 minutes interview with VOA on 14th of August 2012 officially testified that there are almost no illegal immigrants in that area. Likewise Union immigration minister U Khin Yee has also same view on that issue. The 88 generation leader U Ko Ko Gyi also later expressed that they have also same view as President. In spite of all these, why the Rakhine community is claiming that there are illegal inflows? Should not they be referred to as ignorant and dump? To put simply, when Rohingya return to their ancestral land, they are branded as illegal immigrants, and when Mogh enter Myanmar they are branded as legal citizens.
2. To render full support in setting up economic zone in the Rakhine state with the lead of Rakhine people in order to refill the shrunk population.
Reply:
This would be a good initiative. From strategic points of view, Rakhine states have many reserves of natural resources like oil and gases including strategic location like Sittwe and Kyawkphyu harbors, and Saing Tin water fall on which the successive government did not pay importance due to various perceptions. But it seems illogical to me to set up economic zone to refill the shrunk population. It will bring no significance results as long as equal rights and security are assured. The reasons of the shrunk population is due to grievous human right violation to the Rohingyas and freedom of movement and everything (as compared to Rohingya) assured by the Government to the Mogh( Rakhine). Many Rohingyas left their ancestral land due to the persecutions while other hand Rakhine have moved to Burma proper in search of green pastures. Approximately 1.2 million Rohingya have been living in abroad.
3. To enjoy proportionate share of the natural resources of Rakhine state according to the international standard.
Reply:
In the letter dated 17th of August 2012 to the Hlutdaw by the President, under the section “The Situation of Rakhine People” the number (3) clause stated that Rakhine are accusing Government of only taking away the resources of Arakan without giving due share to the Rakhine people. Later this letter was announced as not-president-opinioned letter from the President Office and postponed reading it in the Hluttdaw on the protest of RNDP MPs. The protest was on the account that the points and clauses in it are against the RNDP and Rakhine People. That is Rakhine people are not accusing the Government of as was in the letter. The above statement again testifies that they do are accusing of Government regarding natural resources. In the letter it is said that Rakhines are accusing of the Government. When RNDP protest, President Office clarified that it is not their opinion. From these points one may conclude the status and the role played by the President Office.
4. To prescribed an effective law for controlling the birth rate of Bengali people.
Reply:
Remarkably, Rohingyas have been suffering from all kinds of human rights violation in all atmospheres of everyday life. Only for Rohingya, special border security forces (NaSaKa) on the cost national budget have been deployed. Local orders on the perception of contemporary situation are in huge practices by the NaSaKa. Marriages and birth have been in tight scrutiny and control. You still want more effective law to control birth rate? What could be more effective than checking the womb of every Rohingya pregnant women in the name of law? If you do not believe ask any officer of NaSaKa who are in various commands in Mayu area. What this is called if not Human right violations? The problem is the Rakhine community does believe neither Rohingya nor Government.
5. To put restrictions on the immoveable properties of non-citizens.
Reply:
From the interview of President and Union Immigration Minister with foreign news agencies, it is cleared that there are no foreigners in Rakhine Sate.
6. To form and deploy People's Militia with modern weapons in all villages of Rakhine.
Reply:
Instead of proposing this, why your thoughts not loiter around the solution for peaceful co-existence like before. How many of the countries in the world have that sort of security for the majority people? Even for the minority people the security is assured by the Government forces. This shows that the level of trust the Rakhine Community has in the Government. To speak practically, all new NaTaLa villages have camp of security forces which have been deployed since at the very beginning of the settlement of the villages.
7. To materialize exact practice on 1982 citizenship law.
Reply:
This 1982 citizen law is out of international standard. For Myanmar going for Democracy it is shameful in the international exposure to have this law got implemented. Because there are various concrete documents claiming that the Rohingyas are one of indigenous races of Myanmar. Even before the 1982 citizenships law, the Rohingyas by and according to the successive Governments and law they already are citizens of Myanmar.
8. To closely monitor the activities of UN and iNGOs in the region.
Reply:
I do not understand whether they ( so called Rakhine Scholars) pretend not to know or actually not know that in UNHR there is always undercover government appointed intelligent person employed as UNHCR employee who are directly appointed from Yangon. I personally know such person and witnessed their spying in the various occasions of UNHCR’s visit to the Muslim villages. To the worse extend, during the military intelligent (MI) era, the Government has informer in every school who monitor the movement of other staffs and students.
9. To reveal the roots of Islamist inside Burma and take action accordingly.
Reply:
This demand is baseless. As the Muslims are under severe Human rights violations since 1962 there is no such possibility. In the country where there is no religious freedom for Muslims, where there is no permission to build, rebuild, renovate and repair the religious structures, where every mosques and their care takers are closely watched, how come it would be possible? From the historical evidences, Muslims are living peacefully in Myanmar since time immemorial. More specifically, in the name of Islamist, many have been tortured and killed by MI and NaSaKa by false accusations.
10. To regain the lands of those who fled due to 1942 Muslim-Buddhist riots and after-1948 Mujahid’s movement and establish the villages for the generation of those on these lands. The resettlement should be on the equal proportion of Muslims and Buddhist.
Reply:
In the 1942 riots, both communities suffered. In the northern Rakhine, Rakhines suffered more and in the southern Rakhine, Rohingyas suffered more.Rakhine in northern parts fled to the southern and Muslim in southern part fled to the northern. According to historians, dense Muslims population in the northern Rakhine state is the result of that. Years later after the riots, many Rakhine came and sold out their immoveable properties to the local Muslims. If you are claiming such lands of those Rakhines, will you be magnanimous enough to give back the lands of those Muslims who fled during the riots from the southern part of Rakhine? Please don’t be double standard? Equal proportion of Muslim and Buddhists resettlement: what will you do with equal proportion resettlement? The number will do nothing in this digital age.
11. To remove the Bengali villages along the main communication streams in the Rakhine state and also to remove the surrounding Muslim villages of Sittwe University for peaceful schooling of the students.
Reply:
This demand is due to the fear rooted in the mindset of Rakhine people. If we analyze the factual history, not a single occasion where the Muslim community around the Sittwe University made any disturbance to the students, cannot be pointed out. Rather there were many occasions that the Mosque near Sittwe University was attempted to destroy many times from the authority and Muslims students were harassed everyday in the transport vehicles. It is Rakhine students who repeatedly have tried to create problem nearby area.
12. To promptly implement the Saing Tin Water Fall to generate hydro electric power for local people.
Reply:
It is a long cherished hope of both Rakhine and Rohingya people. The successive government did not pay any solid attention due to the existence of Muslims in the region.
13. To assure security of all the government services employee along the border area.
Reply:
This is a kind of creating turmoil for a nonexistence phenomenon. There is no such record that any government employee is attacked or harassed while on their duty. There are so many examples in Maungdaw that non Muslims government employees are given brotherly treatment by the Muslim families. For example in Alaythankyaw there are two families; one retired MI 18 personal and the other school teachers, are living together in the Muslim compounds as family members.
14. To prescribe the curriculum of Madrasa from the concern authority and watch closely whether the same is in action.
Reply:
Rohingya Muslims will be very happy to have got such implementations as long as curriculum is not against the religious prescription and is controlled by the Islamic affairs of the state.
15.To execute the words that the president have urged the UNHCR officer on 11-07-20012 regarding Rohingyas. The Rakhine communities whole heartedly support these words and demand to implement the same.
Reply:
That statement of the President has worsened the condition more unsolvable. On the other hand, Rakhine community in particular and other communities in general have gained more courage to remain on their stances. Being the head of the state he should even not uttered such single word which has erupted a great criticism around the globe. Later these words of President are nullified on the interview with VOA on the 14th of August 2012. When you study carefully these demands, you can contradictory in itself. In demand no.(10) it demanded for the proportionate settlement of Muslim and Buddhist and here it said to completely deport the Rohingyas to the third country.
16.To return the all kinds of lands, lakes, creeks confiscated by the concerned military, department and organization.
Reply:
In this regard, Rohingya suffered and suffering worse than Rakhine community. Everybody in Mayu Area knew that all Muslim’s shrimp breeding projects have been confiscated by the Military since many years and put auction for yearly basis. Such projects can be seen along Alaythankyaw beach area and Kayindan sea side area.
17. To stop auction system of creeks, streams, seas which are the main sources of family earning for the common people.
Reply:
This system actually has worsened the daily earning for the Rohingya ordinary people. In Maungdaw and Buthidaung every sellable items they carried must have to give tolls to NaSaKa and Hluntein camp based along the roads.
18. To quickly implement the rail road, motor road between villages and townships.
Reply:
This infrastructural development is a must for building modern developed nation.
People’s Gathering held on 25th and 26th of September in Yathetdaung, Rakhine
Totally GO AGAINST the following Points:
1.The co-existence of Rakhine-Bengali as it has become impossible to live together the two communities because of
(1) the situation and circumstances of the cause of the violence,
(2)the irregularity of Bengali’s inner mind set,(3) the Bengali’s unfaithfulness to the Government and disrespecting of Burmese Culture.
Refutation:
If you don’t want to live together what will you do? But remember that the President’s words can never be implemented in this age of 21st century. So what is the option? You can remain on your stance on the cost of your reputation of wild and hostile behaviors towards not only a community but also humanity. If you can afford your community write such hostile history of your own by ignoring human value then remaining on your current stance of not living together is an option. But care should be taken that you are trying to build a dead kingdom on which every world will refrain from doing any engagement.
How come one can accuse Rohingya of unfaithful to Government despite many-years-many-qualified-personnel’s dedicated services in the Government? It is not a mouth say but evidences from the history. What is meant by disrespect of Burmese culture? If you study carefully what Rohingyas have in practice as their dress is as same as Burmese people except in some religious cases? It is Rakhine community that cannot perceive the Rohingya with positive and constructive vision.
2.The OIC’s interference in the internal matters of Myanmar and we also strongly denounced the any office set up of OIC in any place of Arakan.
Refutation:
OIC’s interference has no political interest. This is a kind of Humanitarian engagement for both communities. At the same time one should realize that the value of universal brotherhood not only within Islam but also beyond Islam. Due to lack of self confidence or having too much confidence in them, Rakhine communities have no confidence on others.
3.The implementation of Lay Mro Hyro-electric generation project as it may make damages to the environments and soci-economic condition of Rakhine people.
4.The use of non-existence race Rohingya in the local and international media.
Refutation:
This is made on the due to ignorance of the truth. There are numerous documents and records that there were Rohingyas in Myanmar since time immemorial. The earliest record the 18th century. Rohingya historical evidences are flooding around the web. The latest record that the name Rohingya appeared is in the official family list of Rohingya around 1990s.
5.The Bengalis MPs who are attending on different Hluttdaws by the possession of National identification Card (Citizenship Cards) in illegal means.
Refutation:
This has been cleared by the Union Immigration Minister in the recent interview with RFA. The Rakhine community is accusing the border immigrations officers of issuing the NIC cards to the Rohingyas. This view is also cleared by the minister on the same occasion. But the Rakhine extremists are giving no heed to the clarification.
6.The copying and use of religious, cultural signs and marks which are noble to Rakhine community by the Bengali.
Refutation:
Arakan is the name of the land where Rohingya have been living for many years. If they use Arakan to represent their ancestry, it is not copying and using of others cultural and religious values. Actually this sort of demands deserves no reply and discussion.
RECOMMENDATIONS to the Government from the People’s Gathering held on 25th and 26th of September in Yathetdaung, Rakhine State
1. Urged all the political parties in the Rakhine State(RNDP,ALP,ALD,USDP and NUP) to whole heartedly support the demands, denouncement and advices put forward to the State from the Rakhine People Gathering,Yathetdaung.
2. Urged all the Rakhine representing parties to come to the unity in spite of diversification and disunity for the sake of Rakhine’s benefits.
3. Urged to build strong network between the organizations inside and outside of Rakhine for the future development of Rakhine State.
RB News Desk
SITTWE, Myanmar // There are no Muslim faithful in most of this crumbling town's main mosques anymore, no Muslim students at its university.
They're gone from the market, missing from the port, too terrified to walk on just about any street in the centre of the town.
Three-and-a-half months after some of the bloodiest clashes in a generation between Myanmar's ethnic Rakhine Buddhists and stateless Muslims known as Rohingya left the western town of Sittwe in flames, nobody is quite sure when, or even if, the Rohingya will be allowed to resume the lives they once lived here.
The conflict has fundamentally altered the demographic landscape of this coastal state capital, giving way to a disturbing policy of government-backed segregation that contrasts starkly with the democratic reforms Myanmar's leadership has promised the world since half a century of military rule ended last year.
While the Rakhine can move freely, some 75,000 Rohingya have effectively been confined to a series of rural displaced camps outside Sittwe and a single central district they dare not leave for fear of being attacked.
For the town's Muslim population, it is a life of exclusion that is separate, and anything but equal.
"We're living like prisoners here," said Thant Sin, a Rohingya shopkeeper who has been holed up since June in the last Rohingya-dominated quarter of central Sittwe that wasn't burnt down.
Too afraid to leave, the 47-year-old cannot work anyway. The blue wooden doors of his shuttered pharmaceutical stall sit abandoned inside the town's main market - an area only Rakhine are now allowed to enter.
The crisis in western Myanmar goes back decades and is rooted in a highly controversial dispute over where the region's Muslim inhabitants are really from. Although many Rohingya have lived in Myanmar for generations, they are widely denigrated here as foreigners - intruders who came from neighbouring Bangladesh to steal scarce land.
The United Nations estimates their number at 800,000. But the government does not count them as one of the country's 135 ethnic groups, and so, like Bangladesh, denies them citizenship. Human-rights groups say racism also plays a role. Many Rohingya, who speak a distinct Bengali dialect and resemble Muslim Bangladeshis, have darker skin and are heavily discriminated against.
In late May, tensions boiled over after the rape and murder of a Rakhine woman, allegedly by three Rohingya, in a town south of Sittwe. By mid-June, skirmishes between rival mobs carrying swords, spears and iron rods erupted across the region. Conservative estimates put the death toll at about 100 across the state, with 5,000 homes burnt along with dozens of mosques and monasteries.
Sittwe suffered more damage than most, and today blackened tracts of rubble-strewn land filled with knotted tree stumps are scattered everywhere. The largest, called Narzi, was home to 10,000 Muslims.
The Human Rights Watch agency accused security forces of colluding with Rakhine mobs at the height of the mayhem, opening fire on Rohingya even as they struggled to douse the flames of their burning homes.
Speaking to a delegation of visiting US diplomats earlier this month, Lt Gen Thein Htay, the border affairs minister, described Sittwe's new status quo. Drawing his finger across a town map, he said there are now "lines that cannot be crossed" by either side, or else "there will be aggression ... there will be disputes".
He added: "It's not what we want, but this is the reality we face."
While police and soldiers are protecting mosques and guarding Rohingya in camps, there is much they cannot control. One group of 300 local Buddhist leaders, for example, issued pamphlets urging the Rakhine not to do business with the Rohingya or even talk to them. It is the only way, they say, to avert violence.
Sources Here:
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MP U Shwe Maung Explained on Amendment 1982 Citizenship Law on 25 July 2012. MP U Shwe Maung explained on amendment of 1982 Citizenship Law...
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