5 August 2012 –

Myanmar needs to tackle serious human rights challenges for democratic transition and national reconciliation to succeed, an independent United Nations human rights expert said at the end of a six-day visit to the country.

Tomás Ojea Quintana, the Special Rapporteur on the human rights situation in Myanmar, noted a number of positive developments during his 30 July to 4 August visit, including the increasing engagement of civil society, political parties and other stakeholders in the reform process, greater openness in discussing human rights issues, and efforts towards building a society based on the rule of law.

At the same time, he highlighted a number of key human rights concerns, including the situation in Rakhine state and the related detention of UN staff members, the continued detention of prisoners of conscience, and the situation in Kachin state.

Clashes between Buddhist and Muslim communities in Rakhine state reportedly killed at least 78 people and displaced thousands in June.

“The human rights situation in Rakhine state is serious,” said Mr. Ojea Quintana, who witnessed the suffering of people who have lost their homes and livelihoods as a result of the violence.

In a statement issued yesterday, the expert called for a credible, independent investigation into allegations of serious human rights violations committed by State actors in Rakhine, including the excessive use of force by security and police personnel, arbitrary arrest and detention, killings, the denial of due process guarantees and the use of torture in places of detention.

“It is of fundamental importance to clearly establish what has happened in Rakhine state and to ensure accountability. Reconciliation will not be possible without this, and exaggerations and distortions will fill the vacuum to further fuel distrust and tensions between communities,” he said on Saturday prior to leaving the country.

Urgent attention was also required to address the immediate humanitarian needs of the displaced, particularly in the larger camps, he said, urging the international community to respond to Myanmar authorities' appeal for increased assistance.

He also stressed the need for the Government to develop a longer-term strategy for rehabilitation and reconciliation – one that is based on integration and not separation of the Rakhine Buddhist and Rohingya communities.

Mr. Ojea Quintana also met prisoners of conscience at Insein Prison and called for the release of all remaining prisoners of conscience without conditions or delay. He commended the President for releasing a number of other prisoners of conscience, including Phyo Wai Aung who was released during his visit.

He interviewed six UN staff members, in Insein and Buthidaung prisons, who have been detained in connection with the events in Rakhine State, adding that he had also received information that a number of staff of international non-governmental organizations had been similarly detained.

“Based on my interviews, I have serious concerns about the treatment of these individuals during detention,” said the Special Rapporteur, who called for their immediate release, adding that the charges against them are “unfounded” and that their due process rights have been denied.

Welcoming the ceasefire agreements reached with 10 ethnic armed groups, and the ongoing dialogue in this regard, Mr. Ojea Quintana said that efforts towards finding a durable political solutions to the conflicts should be accelerated and should address long-standing grievances and deep-rooted concerns amongst ethnic groups.

“Yet, as a result of ongoing conflict, particularly in Kachin State, I continue to receive allegations of serious human rights violations committed, including attacks against civilian populations, extrajudicial killings, sexual violence, internal displacement, and torture. Furthermore, I received allegations of the use of landmines, the recruitment of child soldiers, as well as forced labour and portering committed by all parties to the conflict,” he said.

He reiterated the need to address these allegations as a matter of priority, as well as grievances from decades of human rights violations.

The Special Rapporteur called on Myanmar to ensure that a human rights-based approach is firmly embedded in its economic and social development, especially given the increase of foreign investment.

During his visit, Mr. Ojea Quintana met a number of high-level Government officials, the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court, the Vice-Speaker of the Pyithu Hluttaw (lower house) and members of several parliamentary committees, the National Human Rights Commission, local authorities in Rakhine State, and civil society. He also met pro-democracy leader and Nobel laureate Daw Aung San Suu Kyi.

Independent experts, or special rapporteurs, are appointed by the Geneva-based UN Human Rights Council to examine and report back on a country situation or a specific human rights theme. The positions are honorary and the experts are not UN staff, nor are they paid for their work.

Source : UN News Center

5th August 2012

This afternoon, armed Rakhine extremists in Kyawk Taw township of Arakan torched the houses of Rohingyas in five villages such as GopPi Taung, Appok Wak and Shwe Hlaing and other two. 

Here how it happened. We are informed that “this afternoon at 1:30 pm, hundreds of Rakhine extremists came to GopPi Taung village and started to torch the houses of Rohingyas. There were 100 houses in the village. Even though the concerned authorities were informed immediately after Rakhine extremist had started firing Rohingyas’ houses, their reply was just this “We are coming.” Most of the people in the burned villages are poor farmers and daily labors.

Again at 3pm, there were more 50 Rohingyas’ houses burned in Appok Wak village. Besides, Rohingyas have been trying to escape the dangers posed by Rakhine hooligans and running towards the safe places” a local from Kyawk Taw reported on the condition of anonymity. There were 46 Rohingyas’ houses burned in the same village in last June. There were around 200 houses in this village after that.

Besides, at 4pm, Rakhine extremists came to Shwe Hlaing village which has more 130 houses and torched many houses of Rohingyas. According to the latest report, around 500 houses of Rohingyas’ houses have already been burned by Rakhine hoodlums in all villages mentioned above. Around 50 Rohingyas were killed and one village is still on fire. Military and Hluntin (Security Guards) got to the places of incident. They have been doing nothing to prevent the Rakhines from their malevolent deeds but looking on.

Revised and Translated by M.S. Anwar

4 August 2012, Yangon International Airport, Myanmar

Moreover, the similar pattern of tortures and extortion of money from vulnerable Rohingyas are mercilessly carried out by NaSaKa in Camp Base 14 in Shwe Zar and KayinChaung based camps under the command of Captain BoGyi Kyaw Min in cooperation with his assistants Sit Oo Zi- Soe Thiha Hlaing (ph: 0949676453) and Aung Naing. Some of Rohingyas who were arrested and extorted money from are shown below. 

1. Ali Akbar S/o Bashir (31 years) (0.3M Kyats)

2. Islam S/o Khalu (35 years) (0.15M Kyats)

3. Ziyabur Rahaman S/o Halaya (28 years) (Gold Ear Rings from Women,

House Contract& 0.15M Kyats) 

1. Aziz S/o Adurazak (15years) (7M Kyats)

2. Baser S/o Fawzal (18 years) (1.7M Kyats)

3. Anwar Shanjeed S/o Nir Ahmed (3Diamon Family) (2M Kyats)

4. Jamal Uddin S/o Nabi Hussein (28years) (1.7M Kyats)

5. Md Taher S/o Dil Md (42years) (2.3M Kyats)

6. Anwar Sha@ Mg Mg Hla S/o Shamshu (23 years) (1.5M Kyats)

7. Mg Mg S/o Shamshu (25 years) (3M Kyats)

8. Mawnu S/o Abdul Ali (25years) (1M Kyats)

9. Naser Ahmed S/o Rashid (25 years) (1.7M Kyats)

10. Mohammed Ali S/o Bashar (Ex-Head Master of BEPS) (2.8 M.)

1. Enus S/o Usan Ahmed (31 years) (5M Kyats)

2. Eliyas S/o Rahamed (32 years) (5M Kyats)

3. Enus S/o Rahmed (35 years) (1M Kyats)

4. Alom S/o Halamya (36 years) (1.2M Kyats)

5. Anam Ullah S/o Rashid (25 years) (5M Kyats)

The NaSaKa mostly come at curfew time of the night with their puppet and troll Maung Maung Tin who enjoys 30% shares. There are many more places where the authorities are extorting money from Rohingyas by torturing and threatening to kill and that is happening on daily basis silently” reported by Rahim from Maung Daw.

“Whereas, at 6pm on 3rd August 2012, in Zular Para village of Mrauk-Oo Township, a group of Rakhine extremists numbering 8 to 10 armed with homemade weapons such as sharp-long knives, spears and lances attacked 5 Rohingya farmers near a paddy filed while coming back from their works. Consequently, two farmers died on the spot and other three, who were severely wounded, were fortunately able to escape from being killed. Then, the killers threw the dead bodies into river nearby the village. The next morning, the dead bodies were found in the river when some 40 Rohingya villagers were out on look for them. Their names and ages could not be confirmed yet. This is the second time Rohingyas were killed in Mrauk-Oo by Rakhines after the killings of four Rohingyas who also happened to be from the same village.

On the other hand, Rohingyas are unable to go from one village to another and banned by Monks and Rakhine leaders from buying foods, rations and medicines from the nearby Bazaar even though it is located within a kilometer from Rohingya villages such as Valti Para (Purin Rua), Fundukul, Tong Para, Dash Para, Zeeza Para and Zula Para. Every day, Rohingyas, most of whom are children and elderly people, are dying due to the lack of foods and medical care” reported by Mr. Hasan, a primary school teacher, from Purin Village of Mrauk-Oo at 9:30am on Saturday, 4th August 2012. 

It is certain that if the situation continues for 2-3 months, all Rohingyas will die without being killed and the government’s and Rakhine extremists’ plan of extermination of Rohingyas will become true.

Compiled by M.S. Anwar

Most of the above-mentioned people are from the Anauk Pyin Village of Rathedaung Township. The village is surrounded by Rakhine villages. They are the most suffered people from the Rathedaung Township. Over one hundred young boys and men were detained, severely tortured by both security forces and Rakhine gang and put in prison. Many of the villagers fled from their homes. 

Later, some security forces were assigned to guard and harass the villagers. They are now systematically looting and raping the villagers. The villagers are not allowed to possess knives, lighters or even matches. Every night about 10 to 15 girls are picked up from their houses and gang raped by both security forces and Rakhine gangsters in a school. 

International monitors and independent media are urgently needed to uncover the ongoing atrocities and prevent such thing in the future.

RB News Desk

Source: From the ground via Syed Hussein ( Norway)

One photograph shows a Burmese monk in saffron robes, looking austere and intelligent in wireframe glasses. On his palm are the words "ROHINGYA NO," written in English. The Rohingya Muslims are an ethnic minority in Burma's western Rakhine state, and are considered by the United Nations to be among the world's most persecuted minorities. Since ethnic violence erupted last month, state-sanctioned and publicly supported oppression has driven thousands of Rohingya across the border into Bangladesh, where they are treated not as refugees but as illegal asylum seekers.Interviews with survivors in unofficial refugee camps describe how the Burmese army has systematically gone through villages, murdering men and raping women. To justify their actions, the Burmese government has attempted to portray the Rohingya as Muslim radicals, despite consistent lack of evidence, but the "anti-Rohingya campaign [also] wraps itself in calls for ethnic purity, defense of sovereignty, and protection of Buddhism."

Hannah Hindstrom at The Independent writes, "In recent days, [Buddhist] monks have emerged in a leading role to enforce denial of humanitarian assistance to Muslims, in support of policy statements by [Burmese] politicians." The same monks who campaigned against the brutal former regime are advocating against a stateless people, for what appears to be no other reason than their race and religion, "[failing] to practice compassion for all victims of violence." How can we make sense of this, and where do we go from here?

The history of eastern religions in the West is a strange and serendipitous one, where the experience of those faith traditions is often divorced from the cultural, historical, political and even religious contexts from which they emerged. Hinduism, Buddhism, Islamic Sufism and other faiths transformed in the crucible of cultural revolution that began half a century ago, taking on new relationships with race and class in the United States. Pop-spirituality, the secularization of meditation and yoga, and the democratization of spirituality have both enhanced our religious and spiritual landscape while simultaneously limiting what we know about global religion and culture.

At the same time, Islam and Muslims are frequently portrayed as the new enemy, Islamic lawcreeping into our courts, the Muslim Brotherhood infiltrating our government -- despite hard evidence indicating that American Muslims seek neither to impose sharia on Americans nor are they fomenting revolution. While this is evidence of a greater need for religious literacy, it also suggests some of the processes by which we construct categories of religions that are "good" and religions that are "bad."

The cognitive dissonance produced by Burmese monks actively preventing humanitarian aid from reaching one of the world's most persecuted minorities is real, and is worth picking apart. In the West, we conceive of certain religious groups as being inherently more "violent" or more "peaceful" or more "compassionate" than others. The victimization of Buddhists in Tibet at the hands of the Chinese state and the popularization of the Tibetan cause in American culture have uni-dimensionally reinforced the notion that Buddhists are, and can only be, nonviolent actors at the mercy of their oppressors.

My point is not to say that Buddhists aren't or can't be those things, but that all religious groups -- simply because they are made up of human beings -- are all of those descriptors while being none of them. The history of Buddhism is bloody, too. If we choose to frame history in terms of violent conflict and oppression, then the same can be said of Islam or any other belief system, including secularism.

Naturally, we can lob back and forth accusations of one religious group causing more suffering than another all day long and to no effect, entirely missing the point that the best of religious thought -- in Buddhism, Islam and elsewhere -- persistently demands compassion. Both Islam and Buddhism underscore that human nature and ego must be overcome through self-discipline and practiced compassion in order to become our best selves.

Cognitive dissonance generates questions. Ideally, stories like this can challenge us to think about one another in less monolithic, more nuanced ways. It allows us as news readers and members of pluralistic societies to complicate our understandings of The Other, whether that "Other" lives in another country or across the street. With greater attention, we can begin to be attuned to diversity and debate within religious traditions, both contemporary and historical, and to acknowledge that they are just as complicated as our own. The case of the Burmese monks also creates room for dialogue between Buddhists and Muslims, and reminds Muslims to be sensitive to the needs of vulnerable Muslim and non-Muslim ethnic and religious minorities in Muslim-majority countries. Lastly, the story opens spaces for Buddhists worldwide to put their faith into action on a global level, and to be a voice for compassion in Burma.
_________________________________________________________
Krystina Friedlander is the Senior Editor at islawmix, a project of the Berkman Center for Internet and Society at Harvard Law School. She is a co-founder of Beyond Halal, a project examining relationships between Islamic law, Islamic ethics, the treatment of animals, and ethical meat consumption. She is also a childbirth doula and women’s health advocate. She holds a B.A. in Middle Eastern Studies and Anthropology, and an M.A. in Cultural Anthropology from Tulane University in New Orleans, where her research focused on intersections between Islamic authority, new media, and emerging virtual publics. A New Orleanian at heart, she currently lives in Cambridge, Massachusetts.
 

Follow on twitter @yallayagirl, @islawmix and @beyondhalal

This is perplexing. When the Pope lectures the world about morality, few non-Catholics pay attention. When Ayatollah Khamenei of Iran instructs the world about good and evil, most people who aren’t Shiite Muslims just shrug. But Buddhist leaders are given more respect, because most people think that Buddhism really is a religion of tolerance and peace.

When the Dalai Lama speaks out about injustice, people listen. Most of them don’t share his beliefs, and they probably won’t act on his words, but they listen with respect. But he hasn’t said anything at all about what is happening to the Rohingyas — and neither has any other Buddhist leader of note.

To be fair, the Dalai Lama is Tibetan, not Burmese, but he is not usually so reserved in his judgments. As for Burma’s own Buddhist monks, they have been heroes in that nation’s long struggle against tyranny — so it’s disorienting to see them behaving like oppressors themselves.

Buddhist monks are standing outside the refugee camps in Arakan, turning away people who are trying to bring food and other aid to the Rohingyas. Two important Buddhist organizations in the region, the Young Monks’ Association of Sittwe and the Mrauk U Monks’ Association, have urged locals to have no dealings with them. One pamphlet distributed by the monks says Rohingya Muslims are “cruel by nature.”

And Aung Sang Suu Kyi, the woman who spent two decades under house arrest for defying the generals — the woman who may one day be Burma’s first democratically elected prime minister — has declined to offer any support or comfort to the Rohingyas either.

Recently a foreign journalist asked her whether she regarded Rohingyas as citizens of Burma. “I do not know,” she prevaricated. “We have to be very clear about what the laws of citizenship are and who are entitled to them.”

If she were honest, she would have replied: “Of course the Rohingyas are citizens, but I dare not say so. The military are finally giving up power, and I want to win the 2015 election. I won’t win any votes by defending the rights of Burmese Muslims.”

Nelson Mandela, with whom she is often compared, would never have said anything like that, but it's a failure of courage on her part that has nothing to do with her religion. Religious belief and moral behavior don’t automatically go together, and nationalism often trumps both of them. So let’s stop being astonished that Buddhists behave badly and just consider what’s really happening in Burma.

The ancestors of the Rohingyas settled in the Arakan region between the 14th and 18th centuries, long before the main wave of Indian immigrants arrived in Burma after it was conquered by the British empire during the 19th century. By the 1930s the new Indian arrivals were a majority in most big Burmese cities, and dominated the commercial sector of the economy. Burmese resentment, naturally, was intense.

The Japanese invasion of Burma during the World War II drove out most of those Indian immigrants, but the Burmese fear and hatred of “foreigners” in their midst remained, and it then turned against the Rohingyas. They were targeted mainly because they were perceived as “foreigners”, but the fact that they were Muslims in an overwhelmingly Buddhist country made them seem even more alien.

The Rohingyas of Arakan were poor farmers, just like their Buddhist neighbors, and their right to Burmese citizenship was unquestioned until the Burmese military seized power in 1962. However, the army attacked the Rohingya and drove some 200,000 of them across the border into Bangladesh in 1978, in a campaign marked by widespread killings, mass rape and the destruction of mosques.

The military dictator of the day, Ne Win, revoked the citizenship of all Rohingyas in 1982, and other new laws forbade them to travel without official permission, banned them from owning land, and required newly married couples to sign a commitment to have no more than two children. Another military campaign drove a further quarter-million Rohingyas into Bangladesh in 1990-91. And now this.

On Sunday former general Thein Sein, the transitional president of Burma, replied to UN human rights chief Navi Pillay: “We will take responsibilities for our ethnic people but it is impossible to accept the illegally entered Rohingyas who are not our ethnicity.” Some other country must take them all, he said.

But the Rohingyas did not “enter illegally”, and there are a dozen “ethnicities” in Burma. What drives this policy is fear, greed and ignorance — exploited, as usual, by politicians pandering to nationalist passions and religious prejudice. Being Buddhist, it turns out, doesn’t stop you from falling for all that. Surprise.

— Gwynne Dyer is a London-based independent journalist whose articles are published in 45 countries.