RB Article
July 6, 2012
Arakan is the Western most province of Burma. Historically, it has developed two major solitudes, Rakhine and the Rohingya. However, not known to the outside world that most Rakhines are a religiously motivated race conscious people. This is evident in their chosen word 'Rakhine' or 'Rakskhine' understood to have originated from the Pali word Rakhapura meaning the land of the people of Rakshasa (Rakshasa >demon) > Rakkha > Rakkhaing>Rakhaing> Rakhine).” Different from this, Rakhines however were known in history as the Arakanese or the Moghs. But from the 30's they have adopted the present ethnocentric name meant to “the preservation of their national heritage (a myo) and ethics (sila).” This whole idea in this ultra nationalist argument is about saving the land from the supposed “intruders.” This is repeatedly explained by the xenophobic Rakhine leaders to their fellow Rakhines using a symbolic demon like figure of an imaginary assassin man sitting in a tongi (theachet quarter almost hiding) with a knife to kill somebody, the "foreigner". This somebody is the non Rakhine, non Buddhist person in Arakan. This “intruder” “enemy” is no other person than the Rohingya living next door. With this understanding, Rakhine leader Aye Kyaw (on record confessed) successfully motivated the Burmese military leader Ne win to deprive Rohingyas their Burmese citizenship. This was done by a constitutional Act in 1982.
Aye Kyaw (now deceased), Aye Chan and Ashin Nayaka (a monk) evidently are self contradictory leaders but are master manipulators. While they deny Rohingya's birth rights but all three of them have become the naturalized citizens of Western countries. There have been anti Rohingya propaganda going on led by them for years. Largely due to their influence, Rohingyas lost their rights, now were not allowed to marry, were not allowed to move from one village to another. International community knowing this ongoing trend very well have tolerated this ongoing oppression. Aye Chan in a book several years ago even identified the Rohingyas as “Influx Viruses.” His and his colleague’s reactions to dehumanize the Rohingyas no doubt were the early signs of present genocide.
For a while this intolerance using religious symbols was brewing genuine hatred between the two communities led to mass exodus of Rohingyas to Bangladesh in 1978 and 1991. Gradullay, to escape oppression, about a million Rohingyas left Arakan. There are about a million Rohingyas still live in Arakan. Like the previous massacres, the recent 2012 June machete massacres have all the marks of a religiously motivated racism. This time the xenophobes have also successfully hijacked the Buman group largely through the Rakhine monks in mobilizing the majority Buddhist opinion. Information available to us shows, this attack on the Rohingyas no doubt was centrally planned by Rakhine leaders, evident in the Rakhine distribution of anti Rohingya pamphlet in last May. In addition, see the Rakhine protest signs against Rohingyas, and comments against BBC report, and the online protests by the Rakhines demanding the complete elimination of the Rohingyas people from Arakan. At the same time, check the stab marks on the Rohingya victims, men, women and even children; they all have the mark of religious "Rakhasha knife"; Rakhasha believed to be guarding the land for the Rakhine Mogh people only. No doubt, this is a case of religiously motivated racism now continues with help of security forces, nasaka, and leading up to genocide.
If Burmese government and the international community wish to bring genuine democratic reforms and peace in Arakan, the first step for them would be to denounce Rakhine racism in Arakan in clear terms, at the same time return the Rohingyas their legitimate citizenship rights. It is evident in history that Rohingya are not the “foreigners” in Burma. Their citizenship rights were recognized by Aung San, the founding father of Burma and the first democratically elected leader UNu. Rohingya existence in Burma was recorded in history repeatedly and even found by Francis Buchanon as late as in 1799. Rohingyas didn't settle in Burma after 1824. They are the people of a multiethnic Burma. It is 2012, the matched massacres have widely exposed Burma's internal bleedings into open wounds. It is about time to stop racism and genocide in Arakan, NOW!!!!!!
In a bulletin on the situation in violence-wracked Rakhine state, the UN said humanitarian staff have been held for "questioning" -- adding that Myanmar's government has failed to respond to queries about those detained.
More than 80 people were killed in a wave of communal violence between ethnic Rakhine and Rohingya that swept the state in June, forcing tens of thousands to flee as homes were torched and communities ripped apart.
"At the moment, some 10 UN and INGO (international non-government organisation) staff are kept in custody by the authorities of Rakhine state for questioning," said a statement from the United Nations humanitarian agency, OCHA.
The UN "has reported to the government the situation on several occasions and has requested the government for information about each detained staff member."
Six local staff from Medecins Sans Frontieres (Doctors Without Borders) were among those held, MSF confirmed in a statement to AFP on Friday, although one has since been released.
"We do not have full information on the reasons," MSF said. The medical charity temporarily suspended activities and reduced staff last month in its Rakhine state projects.
Although security forces have quelled the worst of the unrest, tens of thousands of people remain in government-run relief camps with the UN's World Food Programme reporting that it has provided food to some 100,000 people.
Ten Rohingya were killed on June 3 by a mob seeking revenge for the rape and murder of a local woman -- the apparent spark for the unrest.
Both sides - the Rohingya and the ethnic Rakhine - have accused each other of violent attacks.
A state of emergency is still in force over several areas and Human Rights Watch on Friday alleged that some within Myanmar's security forces have carried out "mass round-ups" and other abuses on Rohingya communities.
"While the Burmese army has largely contained the sectarian violence, abuses by security forces against Rohingya communities appear to be on the upsurge in recent weeks," HRW said, using Myanmar's colonial-era name.
"The mass arrests ongoing in northern Arakan (Rakhine) state seem to be discriminatory, as the authorities in these townships do not appear to be investigating or apprehending Arakan suspected of criminal offences."
Decades of discrimination have left the Rohingya stateless and viewed by the United Nations as among the most persecuted minorities on the planet.
-AFP/ac
ရခိုင္ျပည္နယ္တြင္းမွာ ျဖစ္ပြားခဲ့တဲ့ ဆူပူ အျကမ္းဖက္မႈေတြ အတြင္း အစိုးရ လံုျခံုေရး အဖဲြ့ေတြကေန လူ အေျမာက္အျမား ကို ဖမ္းဆီးမႈေတြ နဲ့ လူ့အခြင့္အေရး ခို်းေဖာက္မႈေတြ ရိွေနတယ္၊ နိွမ္နွင္းမႈ ေတြ လုပ္ရာမွာ ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာ ေတြ ကို တဖက္သတ္ ပိုျပီး နိွပ္ကြပ္ေနတယ္ လို့ နိုင္ငံတကာ လူ့အခြင့္အေရး အဖဲြ့ျဖစ္တဲ့ Human Rights Watch အဖဲြ့ရဲ့ အစီရင္ခံစာ ထုတ္ျပန္လိုက္ပါတယ္။အထူးသျဖင့္ ရခိုင္ျပည္နယ္ ေျမာက္ဖ်ားပိုင္းက ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာ မြတ္ဆလင္ေတြ ရိွတဲ့ေနရာမွာ လူ့အခြင့္အေရး ခို်းေဖာက္မႈေတြ အမ်ားအျပား ေတြ့ရတယ္လို့ ဆိုပါတယ္။ဥပမာ တစ္ခုအေနနဲ့ ဇြန္လ ၂၃ ရက္ေန့က ေမာင္းေတာျမို့အနီး ရြာတရြာက လယ္ကြင္းေတြနဲ့ ေတာအုပ္ေတြအနီး ပုန္းေအာင္းေနတဲ့ ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာ မြတ္ဆလင္ေတြကို လံုျခံုေရးအဖဲြ့ေတြက ပစ္ခတ္နိွမ္နင္းမႈေတြ လုပ္ခဲ့တယ္လို့ ထြက္ေျပး လာသူတစ္ဦးကို ကိုးကားျပီး Human Rights Watch အဖဲြ့က ေျပာပါတယ္၊ ဒါေပမယ့္ ေသေျက ဒဏ္ရာရသူ ဘယ္နွစ္ဦးရိွလဲဆိုတာကိုေတာ့ မသိရဘူးလို့ ဆိုပါတယ္။အစိုးရဘက္ကေန ရခိုင္တိုင္းရင္းသား လူ ၃၀ ကို ဖမ္းဆီးထားတယ္လို့ ဇူလိုင္လ ၁ ရက္ေန့တုန္းက ေျကျငာခဲ့ေပမယ့္ ရခိုင္ျပည္နယ္ ေျမာက္ဖ်ားက ဖမ္းဆီးထားသူေတြနဲ့ပတ္သက္ျပီးေတာ့ အေရအတြက္၊ နာမည္နဲ့ ဘာ အမႈေတြနဲ့ စဲြခ်က္တင္ထားလဲဆိုတာကိုေတာ့ ထုတ္ျပန္တာ မေတြ့ရဘူးလို့ ေျပာပါတယ္။ဒါေျကာင့္ ျမန္မာအစိုးရအေနနဲ့ ဥပေဒမဲ့ ဖမ္းဆီးမႈေတြ ၊ ဥပေဒမဲ့ ထိန္းသိမ္းထားမႈေတြကို ရပ္တန့္ဖို့ Human Rights Watch အဖဲြ့က တိုက္တြန္းထားပါတယ္။ဖမ္းဆီးထားသူေတြကိုလည္း နာမည္နဲ့တကြ ထုတ္ျပန္ေျကျငာဖို့၊ ဖမ္းဆီး ထိန္းသိမ္းထားတဲ့ ေနရာေတြ ေဖာ္ျပဖို့၊ အျပစ္ရိွ တယ္လို့ ယူဆျပီး ဖမ္းဆီးထားသူေတြကို တရားသူျကီး ေရွ့ေမွာက္မွာ အျမန္ စစ္ေဆးဖို့၊ အျပစ္မရိွရင္ လွြတ္ေပးဖို့နဲ့ ဖမ္းဆီးထားစဉ္မွာလည္း မိသားစုဝင္ ေဆြမို်းေတြနဲ့ ေတြ့ခြင့္ေပးဖို့ ျမန္မာအစိုးရကို တိုက္တြန္း ထားပါတယ္။ဒါ့အျပင္ Human Rights Watch အဖဲြ့ရဲ့ ျမန္မာအစိုးရအေပၚ ေနာက္ထပ္ တိုက္တြန္း အျကံျပုခ်က္ေတြထဲမွာ ရခိုင္ျပည္နယ္တြင္း ျဖစ္ပြားခဲ့တဲ့ ပဋိပကၡေတြ နဲ့ ပတ္သက္ျပီး လြတ္လပ္တဲ့ စံုစမ္းစစ္ေဆးမႈေတြ လုပ္ဖို့၊ ကုလသမဂၢလူ့အခြင့္အေရးအထူးကိုယ္စားလွယ္ ေတာမတ္စ္ အိုေဟး ကင္တားနားကို ရခိုင္ျပည္နယ္ကို သြားေရာက္ျပီး စံုစမ္းေစဖို့လည္း တိုက္တြန္းထားပါတယ္။နိုင္ငံတကာ အေနနဲ့လည္း ရခိုင္ေဒသ ပဋိပကၡ နဲ့ ပတ္သက္ျပီး လြတ္လပ္တဲ့ စံုစမ္း စစ္ေဆးမႈေတြ ျဖစ္လာေအာင္ ျမန္မာအစိုးရကို ဖိအားေပး လုပ္ေဆာင္ဖို့ နဲ့ အိမ္နီးခ်င္း ဘဂၤလားေဒ့ရွ္ အစိုးရအေနနဲ့လည္း ထြက္ေျပး လာသူ ဒုကၡသည္ေတြကို ျပန္ေမာင္းမထုတ္ပဲ ယာယီ ကာကြယ္မႈေပးဖို့ Human Rights Watch အဖဲြ့ ရဲ့ အစီရင္ခံစာမွာ ေဖာ္ျပ ထားပါတယ္။
ရခိုင္ျပည္နယ္ က စစ္ေတြ၊ ဘူးသီးေတာင္၊ ေမာင္ေတာ နဲ့ ရေသ့ေတာင္ ျမို့ ေတြ က အေျခအေန ေတြ ကို ဇြန္လ လကုန္ပိုင္း ေလာက္မွာ သြားေရာက္ ေလ့လာခဲ့တဲ့ ျမန္မာနိုင္ငံ အမို်းသား လူ့အခြင့္အေရး ေကာ္မရွင္ အတြင္းေရးမႉး ဉီးစစ္ျမိုင္ က သူတို့ ရခိုင္တိုင္းရင္းသား ဖက္ ေကာ၊ ဘဂၤါလီ ေတြ ဖက္ေကာ ေမးျမန္းမႈ စံုစမ္းမႈ ေတြ လုပ္ခဲ့ေျကာင္း နဲ့ ဘယ္ဘက္ ကမွ အခုလို လံုျခံုေရး တပ္ဖဲြ့ဝင္ေတြက နိွပ္ကြပ္မႈ ေတြ လုပ္ေနေျကာင္း မေျပာျကေျကာင္း တုန့္ျပန္ ပါတယ္။ေမာင္ေတာ ဘက္မွာ ျဖစ္ခဲ့တဲ့ အျကမ္းဖက္မႈ ေတြ အတြင္း ရခိုင္တိုင္းရင္းသား ေတြ ေသေျကတာပိုမ်ား သလို စစ္ေတြဘက္က အျကမ္းဖက္ မႈ ေတြ မွာေတာ့ ဘဂၤါလီ ေတြ ပိုေသေျက ျကတယ္ လို့ လည္း သူ က ေျပာ ပါတယ္။လြတ္လပ္တဲ့ နိုင္ငံတကာ အဖဲြ့ေတြ၊ နိုင္ငံတကာ မီဒီယာ ေတြ အဲဒီ ေဒသ ကို သြားေရာက္ စံုစမ္း ေလ့လာခြင့္ နဲ့ ပတ္သက္လို့ ေမးျမန္း ရာမွာ ေတာ့ အခုအခိ်န္မွာ ၂ ဘက္ အေနနဲ့ စိတ္ခံစားခ်က္ ေတြ ျမင့္မားေနတာ၊ မေက်နပ္ခ်က္ ေတြ ျမင့္မား ေနတာ ေျကာင့္ အေျခအေန က မတည္ျငိမ္ေသးတဲ့ အတြက္ သြားေရာက္ဖို့ မသင့္ ေသးဖူးလို့ သူ ယူဆ ေျကာင္း ေျပာပါတယ္၊ သြားခြင့္ ပိတ္တာ မဟုတ္ ေျကာင္းလည္း သူ က ေျပာပါတယ္။
Source :ဘီဘီစီၿမန္မာပိုင္း
Source :ဘီဘီစီၿမန္မာပိုင္း
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ရခုိင္ျပည္နယ္ နဲ႔ ဘဂၤလားေဒ့ခ်္ ျမန္မာနယ္စပ္ေဒသေတြမွာ ျဖစ္ပြားခဲ့တဲ့ အျငင္းပြားဖြယ္ အေျခအေနေတြနဲ႔ ပတ္သက္ၿပီး ႀကံ့ခုိင္ဖြံ႔ၿဖဳိးေရးပါတီရဲ႕ သေဘာထားအျမင္ေတြကို သိႏိုင္ဖို႔အတြက္ ပါတီရဲ႕ အေထြေထြအတြင္းေရးမႉး ဦးေဌးဦးကို RFA အဖြဲ႔သား ကုိဥာဏ္ဝင္းေအာင္က ဆက္သြယ္ေမးျမန္းထားပါတယ္။
Source :RFA
ႏုိင္ငံေပါင္း ၅၇ႏိုင္ငံျဖင့္ ဖြဲ႔စည္းထားေသာ အစၥလာမ္ ပူးေပါင္းေဆာင္ရြက္ေရး အဖြဲ႔အစည္း OIC အေထြေထြ အတြင္းေရးမွဴ အကၠမိလဒၵင္း အဲဟ္ဆန္ႏုိဂ္လူ က ရခိုင္ျပည္နယ္ရွိ လူနည္းစု မြတ္စလင္ မ်ားအေပၚ က်ဴးလြန္ေနမႈမ်ား ရပ္တန္႔ေအာင္ ကူညီေပးရန္ ျမန္မာဒီမုိကေရစီ ေခါင္းေဆာင္ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္အား စာေရးသားေတာင္းဆိုလုိက္ပါသည္။
ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရး ႏုိဘယ္လ္ဆုရွင္တဦးအေနႏွင့္ ကမာၻ႔ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးအတြက္ လုပ္ငန္းမ်ားကို ျမန္မာျပည္တြင္း ျပႆနာမ်ား ေျဖရွင္းရာကေန စတင္ေဆာင္ရြက္ လိမ့္မယ္ဟု ကြ်ႏ္ုပ္တို႔ ယံုၾကည္ေၾကာင္း ေရးသား ေဖၚျပထားသည္။
ရခိုင္ျပည္နယ္အတြင္း မြတ္စလင္မ်ားႏွင့္ ဗုဒၶဘာသာ၀င္မ်ားအၾကားျဖစ္ပြားခဲ့ေသာ အဓိကရုဏ္းႏွင့္ပတ္သက္ျပီး ႏုိင္ငံတကာ စံုစမ္းစစ္ေဆးေရး အဖြဲ႔အား လက္ခံရန္ ၊ ႏိုင္ငံတကာမီဒီယာမ်ား လူသားခ်င္းစာနာေထာက္ထားမႈ အကူအညီမ်ားကို လြတ္လပ္စြာ ၀င္ေရာက္ခြင့္ျပဳရန္ ေရြးေကာက္တင္ေျမာက္ခံ ဥပေဒျပဳအမတ္မ်ားကို OIC က ေတာင္းဆိုထားသည္။
၄င္းစာတြင္ အစၥလာမ္ပူးေပါင္းေဆာင္ရြက္ေရး အဖြဲ႔အစည္း OIC ရံုးခ်ဳပ္ရွိရာ ေဆာ္ဒီအာေရးဘီယားႏိုင္ငံ ဂ်စ္ဒါျမိဳ႕သို႔ လာေရာက္လည္ ပတ္ရန္ ျမန္မာဒီမိုကေရ စီေခါင္းေဆာင္ ေဒၚေအာင္ ဆန္းစုၾကည္အား ဖိတ္ေခၚထားသည္။
ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံတြင္ ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာ ၈သိန္းခန္႔ ေနထိုင္လ်က္ရွိၾကျပီး ကမာၻ႕အဖိႏွိပ္ခံရဆံုးလူနည္းစု အျဖစ္ ကမာၻ႕ကုလသမဂၢအဖြဲ႔ၾကီးက သတ္မွတ္ထားသည္။
Source here
Over the past 4 weeks, the Rohingya, a community numbering nearly 1 million in Burma's Arakan state have been under siege by local Rakhine community also living in Arakan.
The UN have described the Rohingya as 'the most persecuted community in the world' and have referenced the Rohingya as the Palestine of Asia. It is reported that the Rohingya have been living in Myanmar from as far back as the 8th Century, yet in 1962, the Burmese military junta began a programme of ethnic cleansing. Starting by denying birth certificates and citizenship to the Rohingya, right now, the community are in a perilous situation where they are being targeted because they are not of the same race and religion of the Buddhist majority Rakhine. Looking darker and closer to the South Asian race as opposed to the more oriental looking majority, and being Muslims as opposed to Buddhist, the Rohingya are being targeted by state sponsored ethnic cleansing.
It doesn't matter if you're Rohingya, Bangladeshi, Pakistani, Indian, Black, White, Muslim, Hindu or whatever. If you are human, and believe in humanity and want to stop persecution of innocent, vulnerable and helpless Rohingyas, you would sign this petition.
Thank you
For the sake of humanity, please everyone take a moment to sign this petition!
Please sign here
SIR – While Aung San Suu Kyi’s visit to Britain showed that some changes are taking place in Burma, recent events in western Burma indicate that there is still a long way to go.
In the past three weeks, sectarian violence between Buddhist Rakhine and Muslim Rohingya has resulted in hundreds of deaths, the destruction of at least 22 villages, and the displacement of at least 90,000 people. A humanitarian crisis is unfolding, out of sight of the international community because the media, human rights monitors and aid agencies have been denied access to the affected areas.
There is now an urgent need for international action. The priority must be to put pressure on the government of Burma to stop the violence and to provide unhindered access for aid agencies to all affected areas. More emergency aid is needed, and pressure on Bangladesh to allow refugees to flee across its borders is required.
While violence has been committed by both sides, the Rohingya are the primary victims, having faced persecution for years. Burma needs to revise its 1982 citizenship law, which does not recognise the Rohingya as citizens, even though they have lived in Burma for generations. Their statelessness leaves them vulnerable.
This crisis has consequences for regional peace and security, and for Burma’s reforms. It merits the urgent attention of the UN Security Council and the Secretary‑General. As a permanent member of the Security Council, Britain should ensure that this is placed on the agenda immediately.
Lord Alton of Liverpool
Baroness Cox
Baroness Jenkin of Kennington
Baroness Kinnock of Holyhead
Lord Steel of Aikwood
Lord McConnell of Glenscorrodale
London SW1
Source here
မၾကာမီကျဖစ္ပြားခဲ့ေသာစစ္ေတြၿမဳိ႕အဓိကရုဏ္း၌ အိမ္ေျခေပါင္း ၆၀၀၀ ေက်ာ္ႏွင့္ ဗလီ (၃၅) လုံးဖ်က္ဆီး ခံခဲ့ရပါသည္။ ရခုိင္ျပည္နယ္အစုိးရမွ သတင္းစာရွင္းလင္းပြဲတြင္ အိမ္ေျခ ၂၅၂၈ လုံးသာေဖာ္ျပခဲ့ၿပီး အစၥလာမ္ဘာသာ၀င္မ်ား၏ အိမ္ေျခ ၁၃၃၆ လုံးဟုေျပာၾကားခဲ့ေသာ္လည္း အမွန္တကယ္မွာ ၆၀၀၀ ေက်ာ္ရွိသည္ဟု ျပည္တြင္းမွသတင္းေပးပုိ႔သည္။ အဆုိပါ သတင္းစာရွင္း လင္းပြဲတြင္အစၥလာမ္ ဘာသာ ၀င္မ်ား၏ ဗလီ (၇) လုံးသာအဖ်က္ဆီးခံခဲ့ရသည္ဟု အစုိးရတာ၀န္ရွိသူ မ်ားမွာေျပာၾကားခဲ့သည္။ အမွန္အားျဖင့္ ဗလီ (၃၅) လုံးႏွင့္ သခၤ်ဳိင္း တစ္ခုဖ်က္ဆီး ခံခဲ့ရသည္။
ဖ်က္ဆီးခံရသည့္ရြာမ်ားမွာအိမ္ေျခမ်ားစာရင္း -
· နာဇီရြာ - အိမ္ေျခ ၃၆၀၀ ခန္႔
· ေအာင္ဘာလာရြာ - အိမ္ေျခ ၁၀၀ ခန္႔
· ေစ်းေဟာင္းေမာလိပ္ - အိမ္ေျခ ၆၀၀ ခန္႔
· ပလုပ္ေတာင္ - အိမ္ေျခ ၂၀၀ ခန္႔
· မက်ည္းၿမဳိင္ - အိမ္ေျခ ၈၀ ခန္႔
· စံျပရပ္ကြက္ - အိမ္ေျခ ၃၀၀ ခန္႔
· ပုိက္သည္ရြာ - အိမ္ေျခ ၉၀၀ ခန္႔
· သံေတာ္လီ - အိမ္ေျခ ၃၀၀ ခန္႔
· ဘုေမရြာ - အိမ္ေျခ ၁၀၀ ခန္႔
· ေက်ာင္းႀကီးလမ္း - အိမ္ေျခ ၁၅၀ ခန္႔
ဖ်က္ဆီးခံရသည့္ဗလီမ်ားစာရင္း -
· နာဇီရြာ - ၁၆ လုံး
· ေအာင္ဘာလာရြာ - ၂ လုံး
· ေစ်းေဟာင္းေမာလိပ္ - ၁ လုံး
· ပလုပ္ေတာင္ - ၁ လုံး
· မက်ည္းၿမဳိင္ - ၁ လုံး
· စံျပရပ္ကြက္ - ၃ လုံး
· ပုိက္သည္ရြာ - ၅ လုံး
· သံေတာ္လီ - ၂ လုံး
· ဘုေမရြာ - ၃ လုံး
· ေက်ာင္းႀကီးလမ္း - ၁ လုံး
နာဇီရြာမွဖ်က္ဆီးခံခဲ့ရေသာဗလီ (၁၆) လုံးမွာေအာက္ပါအတုိင္းျဖစ္ပါသည္။
1. နာဇီအကြက္ (၈) - ဗလီ + မဒၵရာဆာ
2. ၀ါးတန္းဗလီ
3. မာရ္ကာဇ္ဗလီ
4. သခၤ်ဳိင္းဗလီ + မဒၵရာဆာ
5. ခ်န္ေဒၚရီရြာဗလီ
6. မက်ည္းၿမဳိင္ဗလီ
7. ကမန္ရြာဗလီ + မဒၵရာဆာ
8. ခါနာအီႏုစ္ရြာဗလီ
9. နယာဖာရာဗလီ
10. သာလ္ဂခ်ားဖာရာဗလီ
11. သခၤ်ဳိင္းရြာဗလီ
12. ကမန္ရြာ(တြင္း) ဗလီ
13. သခၤ်ဳိင္းရြာအ၀င္ဗလီ
14. ဒရမ္ဖာရာဗလီ
15. ကုန္းတန္းဗလီ + မဒၵရာဆာႀကီး
16. ေက်ာက္ေတာ္၊ မနီဂါးရြာဗလီေဟာင္းႀကီး
Rohingya Blogger News Desk
Brutal and Biased Police Response to Sectarian Violence in Arakan State
The Burmese government needs to put an immediate end to the abusive sweeps by the security forces against Rohingya communities. Anyone being held should be promptly charged or released, and their relatives given access.
Elaine Pearson, deputy Asia director
(New York) – Burmese security forces have responded to sectarian violence in northern Arakan State with mass arrests and unlawful force against the Rohingya Muslim population, Human Rights Watch said today. Local police, the military, and a border security force known as Nasaka have committed numerous abuses in predominantly Muslim townships while combating the violence between the Rohingya and ethnic Arakan, who are predominantly Buddhist, that broke out in early June 2012.
Human Rights Watch urged the Burmese government to end arbitrary and incommunicado detention, and redeploy and hold accountable security forces implicated in serious abuses. Burmese authorities should ensure safe access to the area by the United Nations (UN), independent humanitarian organizations, and the media.
“The Burmese government needs to put an immediate end to the abusive sweeps by the security forces against Rohingya communities,” said Elaine Pearson, deputy Asia director at Human Rights Watch. “Anyone being held should be promptly charged or released, and their relatives given access.”
Burmese security forces have been implicated in killings and other abuses since the sectarian violence in northern Arakan State began, Human Rights Watch said. For instance, on June 23, in a village near the town of Maungdaw, security forces pursued and opened fire on two dozen Rohingya villagers who had been hiding from the violence in fields and forest areas. The total killed or wounded is unknown, but one survivor told Human Rights Watch that out of a group of eight young men who were fleeing, only two managed to escape unharmed after the security forces fired on them.
“Everybody was so scared,” he told Human Rights Watch. “We saw them entering and we left, trying to get out of the village. There was a canal, but some people could not cross it and the army shot at them and killed them.”
The recent sectarian violence began after an ethnic Arakan woman was allegedly raped and killed by three Muslim men on Ramri island in southern Arakan State in late May, which was followed by the June 3 killing of 10 Muslims by an Arakan mob in Toungop. On June 8, thousands of Rohingya rioted in the town of Maungdaw, destroying Arakan property and causing an unknown number of deaths. Groups of Rohingya subsequently committed killings and other violence elsewhere in the state, burning down Arakan homes and villages. Arakan groups, in some cases with the collusion of local authorities and police, committed violence against Rohingya communities, including killings and beatings, and burning down Muslim homes and villages.
On June 10, President Thein Sein declared a state of emergency in northern Arakan State, which permits the armed forces to carry out arrests and detain people without fundamental due process protections. While the Burmese army has largely contained the sectarian violence, abuses by security forces against Rohingya communities appear to be on the upsurge in recent weeks, Human Rights Watch said.
Local police and the Nasaka, claiming to be searching for Rohingya criminal suspects involved in the sectarian strife, have conducted mass round-ups of Rohingya. On July 1, the state-run New Light of Myanmar reported that 30 Arakan suspects were arrested for the June 3 killings. Nevertheless, the mass arrests ongoing in northern Arakan State seem to be discriminatory, as the authorities in these townships do not appear to be investigating or apprehending Arakan suspected of criminal offenses, Human Rights Watch said. The total number of people arrested, their names, and any charges against them have not been reported.
Witnesses told Human Rights Watch that state security forces violently raided predominately Rohingya villages in Maungdaw township, firing on villagers and looting homes and businesses. In several villages, police and Nasaka dragged Rohingya from their homes and violently beat them. Witnesses in villages outside of Maungdaw said dozens of people, including women and children, were taken away in mid-June in Nasaka trucks to unknown locations, and have not been heard from since. Mass arrests of Rohingya have also taken place in Buthidaung and Rathedaung townships. Witnesses in Maungdaw township described several instances in which Arakan men wielding sticks and swords accompanied the security forces in raids on Rohingya villages. A 27-year-old Rohingya man told Human Rights Watch, “Twenty-five of my relatives have been arrested.… I saw with my own eyes, two of my nephews were taken by the military and Nasaka. They tried to hide themselves in the large embankments in the paddy fields, but some Arakan found them and stabbed them with long knives. They stabbed them and took them to the jail.”
Human Rights Watch documented the destruction of Buddhist temples, mosques, and thousands of Arakan and Rohingya houses that were burned to the ground during the sectarian violence, leaving an estimated 90,000 people displaced and taking segregated refuge in temporary camps and community sites. Hundreds of Rohingya fled across the nearby border to Bangladesh, where many were forced back by Bangladeshi border guards.
“The violence in Arakan State has devastated both the Rohingya and Arakan communities, but government efforts to identify and arrest those responsible should not result in further abuses,” Pearson said. “The sectarian violence and state of emergency provides no excuse for the security forces to continue their past record of abuses and discrimination against the Rohingya community.”
(New York) – Burmese security forces have responded to sectarian violence in northern Arakan State with mass arrests and unlawful force against the Rohingya Muslim population, Human Rights Watch said today. Local police, the military, and a border security force known as Nasaka have committed numerous abuses in predominantly Muslim townships while combating the violence between the Rohingya and ethnic Arakan, who are predominantly Buddhist, that broke out in early June 2012.
Human Rights Watch urged the Burmese government to end arbitrary and incommunicado detention, and redeploy and hold accountable security forces implicated in serious abuses. Burmese authorities should ensure safe access to the area by the United Nations (UN), independent humanitarian organizations, and the media.
“The Burmese government needs to put an immediate end to the abusive sweeps by the security forces against Rohingya communities,” said Elaine Pearson, deputy Asia director at Human Rights Watch. “Anyone being held should be promptly charged or released, and their relatives given access.”
Burmese security forces have been implicated in killings and other abuses since the sectarian violence in northern Arakan State began, Human Rights Watch said. For instance, on June 23, in a village near the town of Maungdaw, security forces pursued and opened fire on two dozen Rohingya villagers who had been hiding from the violence in fields and forest areas. The total killed or wounded is unknown, but one survivor told Human Rights Watch that out of a group of eight young men who were fleeing, only two managed to escape unharmed after the security forces fired on them.
“Everybody was so scared,” he told Human Rights Watch. “We saw them entering and we left, trying to get out of the village. There was a canal, but some people could not cross it and the army shot at them and killed them.”
The recent sectarian violence began after an ethnic Arakan woman was allegedly raped and killed by three Muslim men on Ramri island in southern Arakan State in late May, which was followed by the June 3 killing of 10 Muslims by an Arakan mob in Toungop. On June 8, thousands of Rohingya rioted in the town of Maungdaw, destroying Arakan property and causing an unknown number of deaths. Groups of Rohingya subsequently committed killings and other violence elsewhere in the state, burning down Arakan homes and villages. Arakan groups, in some cases with the collusion of local authorities and police, committed violence against Rohingya communities, including killings and beatings, and burning down Muslim homes and villages.
On June 10, President Thein Sein declared a state of emergency in northern Arakan State, which permits the armed forces to carry out arrests and detain people without fundamental due process protections. While the Burmese army has largely contained the sectarian violence, abuses by security forces against Rohingya communities appear to be on the upsurge in recent weeks, Human Rights Watch said.
Local police and the Nasaka, claiming to be searching for Rohingya criminal suspects involved in the sectarian strife, have conducted mass round-ups of Rohingya. On July 1, the state-run New Light of Myanmar reported that 30 Arakan suspects were arrested for the June 3 killings. Nevertheless, the mass arrests ongoing in northern Arakan State seem to be discriminatory, as the authorities in these townships do not appear to be investigating or apprehending Arakan suspected of criminal offenses, Human Rights Watch said. The total number of people arrested, their names, and any charges against them have not been reported.
Witnesses told Human Rights Watch that state security forces violently raided predominately Rohingya villages in Maungdaw township, firing on villagers and looting homes and businesses. In several villages, police and Nasaka dragged Rohingya from their homes and violently beat them. Witnesses in villages outside of Maungdaw said dozens of people, including women and children, were taken away in mid-June in Nasaka trucks to unknown locations, and have not been heard from since. Mass arrests of Rohingya have also taken place in Buthidaung and Rathedaung townships. Witnesses in Maungdaw township described several instances in which Arakan men wielding sticks and swords accompanied the security forces in raids on Rohingya villages. A 27-year-old Rohingya man told Human Rights Watch, “Twenty-five of my relatives have been arrested.… I saw with my own eyes, two of my nephews were taken by the military and Nasaka. They tried to hide themselves in the large embankments in the paddy fields, but some Arakan found them and stabbed them with long knives. They stabbed them and took them to the jail.”
Human Rights Watch documented the destruction of Buddhist temples, mosques, and thousands of Arakan and Rohingya houses that were burned to the ground during the sectarian violence, leaving an estimated 90,000 people displaced and taking segregated refuge in temporary camps and community sites. Hundreds of Rohingya fled across the nearby border to Bangladesh, where many were forced back by Bangladeshi border guards.
“The violence in Arakan State has devastated both the Rohingya and Arakan communities, but government efforts to identify and arrest those responsible should not result in further abuses,” Pearson said. “The sectarian violence and state of emergency provides no excuse for the security forces to continue their past record of abuses and discrimination against the Rohingya community.”
The Burmese government restricts international access to northern Arakan State – an area comprising the predominantly Muslim townships of Maungdaw, Buthidaung, and Rathedaung – and severely curtails freedom of movement for Rohingya residents. The Nasaka’s long history of arbitrary detentions, torture, and other ill-treatment of Rohingya detainees heightens concerns about the recent mass arrests, Human Rights Watch said.
The government has not allowed independent investigations in the affected areas since the violence began. On June 6, Thein Sein ordered a high-level government committee to investigate the causes of the violence, identify the perpetrators, and issue recommendations. The committee is scheduled to present its findings by August 30. However, there are concerns about the independence and objectivity of the investigation committee, given that it includes local security forces and Arakan State officials, Human Rights Watch said.
The government should invite the UN special rapporteur on human rights in Burma, Tomas Quintana, to Arakan State to conduct an urgent visit to investigate the violence and conduct of the security forces, Human Rights Watch said. The authorities should immediately disclose the location of all detention centers, provide the names of all detainees, bring them promptly before a judge, and allow independent humanitarian agencies access to all facilities.
The government has not allowed independent investigations in the affected areas since the violence began. On June 6, Thein Sein ordered a high-level government committee to investigate the causes of the violence, identify the perpetrators, and issue recommendations. The committee is scheduled to present its findings by August 30. However, there are concerns about the independence and objectivity of the investigation committee, given that it includes local security forces and Arakan State officials, Human Rights Watch said.
The government should invite the UN special rapporteur on human rights in Burma, Tomas Quintana, to Arakan State to conduct an urgent visit to investigate the violence and conduct of the security forces, Human Rights Watch said. The authorities should immediately disclose the location of all detention centers, provide the names of all detainees, bring them promptly before a judge, and allow independent humanitarian agencies access to all facilities.
Human Rights Watch urged the United States, European Union, ASEAN, Australia, Japan, and other countries concerned about human rights in Burma to press the government to allow an independent and thorough investigation of the violence, and to ensure that the basic rights of those detained are respected. They should also call upon the Bangladesh authorities not to return or push back those fleeing violence and to provide them temporary protection.
“The Burmese government should demonstrate that the political changes taking place in the country extend to the ethnic areas, and that abuses by local authorities will not be tolerated,” Pearson said. “This means stopping the violations, holding abusive officials to account, and promptly permitting an independent investigation.”
Source : HRW NewYork
“The Burmese government should demonstrate that the political changes taking place in the country extend to the ethnic areas, and that abuses by local authorities will not be tolerated,” Pearson said. “This means stopping the violations, holding abusive officials to account, and promptly permitting an independent investigation.”
Source : HRW NewYork
By Dr. Bina D'Costa
Rohingya children are reflected in a fountain outside a mosque in the village of Gollyadeil north of the town of Sittwe on 18 May 2012. (Reuters)
By now the story has been told countless times in the wake of the recent rioting in western Burma where tensions between the areas’ Rohingyas and Arakanese communities boiled over last month. People were killed, houses destroyed, thousands were displaced and boatloads of Rohingyas crossing into Bangladesh were turned away.
The Rohingyas remain one of the most persecuted and vulnerable communities in the world. The group has been repeatedly portrayed as terrorists in both Bangladesh and Burma. The group cannot rightfully claim Burma as their own state while Rohingya men are perceived to be misogynist Muslims who threaten the ‘peace loving’ ethnically heterogeneous, but predominantly Buddhist communities of Burma.
During fieldwork on the Thai-Burma and Bangladesh-Burma border, I was deeply troubled by the vitriol attitudes aimed at Rohingyas. I have asked this question over and over again to activists and the political elite, including 88-generation political activists from Burma, why there was such profound tension and anxiety to include Rohingyas in the otherwise inclusive activism that literally framed Burma’s democratic movement.
The international humanitarian discourse on refugees provides some insights on how in the age of the ‘Global War on Terror’, refugees are no longer welcome and are seen as security threats. While citizens can be under surveillance and, at the same time ‘protected’ from outside threats, illegal immigrants, refugees, stateless residents and internally displaced people remain as threats, thus creating moral and ethical dilemmas for states.
Although it is poor practice as a member of the international community and detrimental for the global image to send away refugees, governments often claim that it is imperative for state security and for the protection of citizens. In this kind of security architecture, borders are strictly controlled and identity differences are accentuated and securitized.
Burma’s fractured narrative
A state that had gone through more than 60 years of conflict, during which more than 30 insurgent, non-state armed groups have actively fought against the Burmese government is bound to have multi-layered internal divisions and security anxieties.
The intense militarisation processes penetrated Burma’s everyday discourses including its social, economic, cultural and political systems, norms and priorities. The Tatmadaw’s strategies in the guise of modernisation, articulated as ‘Burmanisation’, was in effect a process of ‘homogenisation’ forcing out people whose appearance, religious belief, language and everyday practices reproduced their identity as the ‘other’ and, I would argue, the enemy within.
By deceptively producing the Muslims as the internal threat, the military regime sought to portray itself as the protector of its citizens. Ironically, while some of the other undemocratic and authoritarian practices of the Tatmadaw have been challenged, the regime had largely succeeded in wiping out the idea of including Rohingyas in a multiethnic, heterogeneous national consciousness. Through state-sponsored exclusion policies, Rohingyas were made aliens in their own land.
“The regime had largely succeeded in wiping out the idea of including Rohingyas in a multiethnic, heterogeneous national consciousness”
Key exclusion policies and strategies were implemented after the military coup resulting in the restriction of free movement in 1962; the promulgation of the Emergency Immigration Act designed to prevent people entering from India, China and Bangladesh in 1974; the census program, Nagamin, to check identification cards and take action against illegal aliens in 1977; and the 1982 Citizenship Law following the 1978 exodus when many Rohingyas returned or attempted to return to Burma.
The State Peace and Development Council repeatedly invoked its moral authority through the lens of national security and state sovereignty in dealing with Rohingyas. There is of course a historical context to it, which could perhaps be explained through the ‘good’ citizens model. A key source of anxiety had been the perceived disloyalty to the idea of a Burmese statehood by Rohingyas, such as when the political elite sought to be an independent state and made deals with the outgoing British Raj; when the community was divided in its support of the local and national political shifts; and when the armed resistance began.
Rohingyas taking up arms have generated a different source of anxiety under the pretext of the ‘war on terror’, unlike the other non-state armed groups such as the Karen National Liberation Army, which has roughly 3,000 to 4,000 troops, or the Shan State Army-South, which has between 6,000 and 7,000 troops.
The divided system in various ethnic states such as in Karen state, Shan state and Mon state in effect gives the control to the Tatmadaw and those insurgency factions, which have entered into recent agreements with the Burmese state. All these non-state armed actors claim to be the champions of their groups’ rights and hold the view that it is necessary to take up arms against Burma.
Similar to these groups, the Rohingya militant movement also claims to be the sole protector of the Muslim Arakanese/Rohingyas. Unlike the other armed groups, the sharp reactions to their claims also come from various democratic platforms of Burma.
One of the leading groups, the Arakan Rohingya National Organisation (ARNO) agreed to ban the use of anti-personnel mines and victim activated explosive devices and signed the Geneva Call Deed of Commitment for Adherence to a Total Ban on anti-personnel Mines and for Cooperation in Mine Action (DoC) on 5 December 2003.
A document that was leaked in early 2012 from 10 October 2002 claimed the ARNO had links with various terrorist networks. The ARNO was operating from Chittagong in Bangladesh and allegedly had contacts with groups on the Thai-Burma border. The document noted that the government of Bangladesh instructed the ARNO in May 2002 to move its bases from southeastern Bangladesh, which resulted in 195 Arakan Army members turning themselves in to the Burmese.
Over the last decade, the ARNO has significantly weakened in numbers and leaned towards moderate politics unlike some of the other splinter groups that attracted the more radical, extremist factions in the country.
For example, the Rohingya Solidarity Organisation that broke away from the Rohingya Patriotic Front in 1980s, and primarily operated across the border in Bangladesh, attracted a number of radical and militant Rohingya activists. RSO’s links with extremist groups in Bangladesh and associations with the international terrorist networks have been reported in media, which fuelled prejudice against all the Rohingyas.
According to reports, the Bangladesh Army in a few major operations almost disbanded the RSO as early as 2005. There are also a few small groups such as the Central Rohingya Jammatul Ulama, the Ittehadul Mujahiddial, the Rohingya Islamic Liberation Organisation and the Arakan Rohingya Islamic Front. These groups joined the Democratic Alliance of Burma in May 1992, which is virtually inactive now.
The Burmese and Bangladeshi authorities in reality take advantage of the global climate of fear and anxiety that have securitised the discourse concerning refugees, in particular Muslim refugees. This ‘refugees as threat’ perception matters when it comes to the Rohingyas because the discourse actually drives policies and public support of specific policies. Those who remained in camps in Bangladesh are particularly vulnerable, since the barbed wire camps had their unique violent everyday narratives while the host communities from outside perceived the camps as breeding grounds for militancy.
The misleading and prejudicial information fed by the hostile state and non-state actors and the media in both Burma and Bangladesh created an image of Rohingya militancy as a massive security threat which in reality is simply not accurate.
The massive presence of the security sector in the North Arakan state has seen an increase in sexual and gender-based violence. In particular, the Nay-Sat Kut-kwey Ye (NaSaKa), established in 1992, has systematically targeted the Rohingyas.
NaSaKa members and soldiers have targeted Rohingya girls and women and many of their attacks have been racially motivated. Various human rights reports also noted how race was one of the major instigators of sexual violence against Rohingya women and children.
The strict licensing system to restrict movements, deportation and forced labour, land grabbing and torture have made the living conditions harsh for Rohingyas in their own homeland. Racial hatred had been a huge factor in the human rights abuses perpetrated against Rohingyas.
During personal interviews taken over the span of the last few years, Rohingya refugees have talked about the use of derogatory and humiliating words by the security forces. The more refined officials use newly accepted terms concealed beneath other politically correct categories accentuating difference such as culture, ethnicity and religion.
A recent report states that in 2009, in an open letter to other diplomats Burma’s consul general in Hong Kong, who is now a UN ambassador, described the Rohingya as ‘ugly as ogres’ and compared their ‘dark brown skin to that of the fair and soft ethnic Burmese majority’.
What is really demoralising for human rights activism is that members of ethnic communities, who have been oppressed for decades by the military regimes, also despise the Rohingya.
Ko Ko Gyi, a prominent former political prisoner who was released in January, has said that the Rohingya should not be mistreated but stressed that they were not an ethnic group of Burma.
There are numerous political/human rights/women’s groups and activists who firmly believe that Rohingyas do not belong to their Burma. Burmese women’s networks, for example, which are champions of human rights and gender sensitive strategies often deliberately exclude Rohingya women’s rights activists following obstructions made by particular Arakanese women’s rights groups.
When I questioned activists on the Thai-Burma border why Rohingya activists were not included in their programs, one of the most common responses that I heard was that the Arakanese and Rohingya leadership needed to resolve internal issues first. The lack of political will for a variety of reasons and also to some extent the capacity of other ethnic groups to intervene had also compounded the problem.
All these events took place just when Aung San Suu Kyi was about to leave the country for her European tour on 13 June. Some criticised her for leaving Burma during such a sensitive period. Suu Kyi, during her trip in Thailand and in Europe, has stressed that the rule of law is necessary to bring stability in Burma.
Responding to a question on the citizenship issue of Rohingyas at the Oslo Forum, Suu Kyi pointed out: “We are not certain exactly what the requirements of citizenship law are…, If we were very clear as to who are the citizens of the country under the citizenship law and who qualify, then there wouldn’t be this problem… We have to have rule of law, and we have to know what the law is. We have to make sure that it is properly implemented”.
The citizenship question remains at the core of Rohingyas’ persecution, statelessness and insecurity. Sadly, the winds of change in Burma do not automatically signal a change in the question of legality and illegality for Rohingyas. Their lack of bargaining power and the deep resentment and racist attitude of various key stakeholders towards Rohingyas indicate that this is not going to be resolved on a priority basis in the near future by Burma’s leaders either.
While six boats carrying the distraught and traumatised refugees from Sittwe were stranded on the Naf River, Bangladesh’s Foreign Minister Dipu Moni stated in a parliamentary session that this was an internal issue of Burma, which was not persecuting the Rohingya and that Bangladesh had no obligation to provide humanitarian assistance because it was not a signatory to the 1951 Refugee Convention and its 1967 Protocol. She further stated that Bangladesh had to protect its national security.
Similar internal displacement was caused after communal violence erupted in Burma in 1942 that also spilled over into the whole of Arakan. The Buddhist Arakanese and the Muslim Rohingya were engaged in a bitter battle after which the Arakanese moved to the south and the Rohingyas to the north – including 22,000 who crossed the border to Bengal. The second wave of migration occurred following a nationwide census project, Nagamin, during which more than 200,000 fled across the border in Bangladesh.
From 1991 to 1992, more than 270,000 Rohingya refugees crossed the border from Burma. With them they brought their experiences of horrific violence, forced labour, rape, executions and torture.
Bangladesh initially welcomed the persecuted refugees. The country’s leadership viewed the issue as a short-term problem and wanted to resolve it through bilateral negotiations with Burma. The Bangladeshi government saw it as a moral boost to be offering assistance for once and not seeking it. Initially, the country welcomed the UNHCR, the Red Cross and various other international agencies to assist the refugees.
But soon, the strain on localities where the camps were constructed started to worry the ruling regimes. Over the last two decades, public support in Bangladesh has significantly decreased and subsequent governments have been less sympathetic to the refugees.
The recent anti-Rohingya xenophobic attitude displayed by Bangladeshis is primarily coming from the ultra-nationalistic front, which claims that the Rohingyas are being supported and armed by Jamaa’t-i-Islami, the party that questioned and violently opposed the liberation war of Bangladesh in 1971. Those who hold this view believe that the Rohingyas would also be used as a vote bank for the next election. Burmese propaganda also implied that the fleeing people were mostly Islamic insurgents added to the anxiety of the Bangladesh government.
This accusation took the consideration away from the inhumane condition of the Rohingya living into various camps, by making them a national security concern. The UNHCR viewed repatriation as the most logical response and in many instances resorted to involuntary repatriation of the Rohingya refugees from Bangladesh.
“The Burmese and the Bangladeshi government have strategically employed misperceptions, fears and prejudice to portray all Rohingyas as terrorists”
Rohingya children are reflected in a fountain outside a mosque in the village of Gollyadeil north of the town of Sittwe on 18 May 2012. (Reuters)
By now the story has been told countless times in the wake of the recent rioting in western Burma where tensions between the areas’ Rohingyas and Arakanese communities boiled over last month. People were killed, houses destroyed, thousands were displaced and boatloads of Rohingyas crossing into Bangladesh were turned away.
The Rohingyas remain one of the most persecuted and vulnerable communities in the world. The group has been repeatedly portrayed as terrorists in both Bangladesh and Burma. The group cannot rightfully claim Burma as their own state while Rohingya men are perceived to be misogynist Muslims who threaten the ‘peace loving’ ethnically heterogeneous, but predominantly Buddhist communities of Burma.
During fieldwork on the Thai-Burma and Bangladesh-Burma border, I was deeply troubled by the vitriol attitudes aimed at Rohingyas. I have asked this question over and over again to activists and the political elite, including 88-generation political activists from Burma, why there was such profound tension and anxiety to include Rohingyas in the otherwise inclusive activism that literally framed Burma’s democratic movement.
The international humanitarian discourse on refugees provides some insights on how in the age of the ‘Global War on Terror’, refugees are no longer welcome and are seen as security threats. While citizens can be under surveillance and, at the same time ‘protected’ from outside threats, illegal immigrants, refugees, stateless residents and internally displaced people remain as threats, thus creating moral and ethical dilemmas for states.
Although it is poor practice as a member of the international community and detrimental for the global image to send away refugees, governments often claim that it is imperative for state security and for the protection of citizens. In this kind of security architecture, borders are strictly controlled and identity differences are accentuated and securitized.
Burma’s fractured narrative
A state that had gone through more than 60 years of conflict, during which more than 30 insurgent, non-state armed groups have actively fought against the Burmese government is bound to have multi-layered internal divisions and security anxieties.
The intense militarisation processes penetrated Burma’s everyday discourses including its social, economic, cultural and political systems, norms and priorities. The Tatmadaw’s strategies in the guise of modernisation, articulated as ‘Burmanisation’, was in effect a process of ‘homogenisation’ forcing out people whose appearance, religious belief, language and everyday practices reproduced their identity as the ‘other’ and, I would argue, the enemy within.
By deceptively producing the Muslims as the internal threat, the military regime sought to portray itself as the protector of its citizens. Ironically, while some of the other undemocratic and authoritarian practices of the Tatmadaw have been challenged, the regime had largely succeeded in wiping out the idea of including Rohingyas in a multiethnic, heterogeneous national consciousness. Through state-sponsored exclusion policies, Rohingyas were made aliens in their own land.
“The regime had largely succeeded in wiping out the idea of including Rohingyas in a multiethnic, heterogeneous national consciousness”
Key exclusion policies and strategies were implemented after the military coup resulting in the restriction of free movement in 1962; the promulgation of the Emergency Immigration Act designed to prevent people entering from India, China and Bangladesh in 1974; the census program, Nagamin, to check identification cards and take action against illegal aliens in 1977; and the 1982 Citizenship Law following the 1978 exodus when many Rohingyas returned or attempted to return to Burma.
The State Peace and Development Council repeatedly invoked its moral authority through the lens of national security and state sovereignty in dealing with Rohingyas. There is of course a historical context to it, which could perhaps be explained through the ‘good’ citizens model. A key source of anxiety had been the perceived disloyalty to the idea of a Burmese statehood by Rohingyas, such as when the political elite sought to be an independent state and made deals with the outgoing British Raj; when the community was divided in its support of the local and national political shifts; and when the armed resistance began.
Rohingyas taking up arms have generated a different source of anxiety under the pretext of the ‘war on terror’, unlike the other non-state armed groups such as the Karen National Liberation Army, which has roughly 3,000 to 4,000 troops, or the Shan State Army-South, which has between 6,000 and 7,000 troops.
The divided system in various ethnic states such as in Karen state, Shan state and Mon state in effect gives the control to the Tatmadaw and those insurgency factions, which have entered into recent agreements with the Burmese state. All these non-state armed actors claim to be the champions of their groups’ rights and hold the view that it is necessary to take up arms against Burma.
Similar to these groups, the Rohingya militant movement also claims to be the sole protector of the Muslim Arakanese/Rohingyas. Unlike the other armed groups, the sharp reactions to their claims also come from various democratic platforms of Burma.
One of the leading groups, the Arakan Rohingya National Organisation (ARNO) agreed to ban the use of anti-personnel mines and victim activated explosive devices and signed the Geneva Call Deed of Commitment for Adherence to a Total Ban on anti-personnel Mines and for Cooperation in Mine Action (DoC) on 5 December 2003.
A document that was leaked in early 2012 from 10 October 2002 claimed the ARNO had links with various terrorist networks. The ARNO was operating from Chittagong in Bangladesh and allegedly had contacts with groups on the Thai-Burma border. The document noted that the government of Bangladesh instructed the ARNO in May 2002 to move its bases from southeastern Bangladesh, which resulted in 195 Arakan Army members turning themselves in to the Burmese.
Over the last decade, the ARNO has significantly weakened in numbers and leaned towards moderate politics unlike some of the other splinter groups that attracted the more radical, extremist factions in the country.
For example, the Rohingya Solidarity Organisation that broke away from the Rohingya Patriotic Front in 1980s, and primarily operated across the border in Bangladesh, attracted a number of radical and militant Rohingya activists. RSO’s links with extremist groups in Bangladesh and associations with the international terrorist networks have been reported in media, which fuelled prejudice against all the Rohingyas.
According to reports, the Bangladesh Army in a few major operations almost disbanded the RSO as early as 2005. There are also a few small groups such as the Central Rohingya Jammatul Ulama, the Ittehadul Mujahiddial, the Rohingya Islamic Liberation Organisation and the Arakan Rohingya Islamic Front. These groups joined the Democratic Alliance of Burma in May 1992, which is virtually inactive now.
The Burmese and Bangladeshi authorities in reality take advantage of the global climate of fear and anxiety that have securitised the discourse concerning refugees, in particular Muslim refugees. This ‘refugees as threat’ perception matters when it comes to the Rohingyas because the discourse actually drives policies and public support of specific policies. Those who remained in camps in Bangladesh are particularly vulnerable, since the barbed wire camps had their unique violent everyday narratives while the host communities from outside perceived the camps as breeding grounds for militancy.
The misleading and prejudicial information fed by the hostile state and non-state actors and the media in both Burma and Bangladesh created an image of Rohingya militancy as a massive security threat which in reality is simply not accurate.
The massive presence of the security sector in the North Arakan state has seen an increase in sexual and gender-based violence. In particular, the Nay-Sat Kut-kwey Ye (NaSaKa), established in 1992, has systematically targeted the Rohingyas.
NaSaKa members and soldiers have targeted Rohingya girls and women and many of their attacks have been racially motivated. Various human rights reports also noted how race was one of the major instigators of sexual violence against Rohingya women and children.
The strict licensing system to restrict movements, deportation and forced labour, land grabbing and torture have made the living conditions harsh for Rohingyas in their own homeland. Racial hatred had been a huge factor in the human rights abuses perpetrated against Rohingyas.
During personal interviews taken over the span of the last few years, Rohingya refugees have talked about the use of derogatory and humiliating words by the security forces. The more refined officials use newly accepted terms concealed beneath other politically correct categories accentuating difference such as culture, ethnicity and religion.
A recent report states that in 2009, in an open letter to other diplomats Burma’s consul general in Hong Kong, who is now a UN ambassador, described the Rohingya as ‘ugly as ogres’ and compared their ‘dark brown skin to that of the fair and soft ethnic Burmese majority’.
What is really demoralising for human rights activism is that members of ethnic communities, who have been oppressed for decades by the military regimes, also despise the Rohingya.
Ko Ko Gyi, a prominent former political prisoner who was released in January, has said that the Rohingya should not be mistreated but stressed that they were not an ethnic group of Burma.
There are numerous political/human rights/women’s groups and activists who firmly believe that Rohingyas do not belong to their Burma. Burmese women’s networks, for example, which are champions of human rights and gender sensitive strategies often deliberately exclude Rohingya women’s rights activists following obstructions made by particular Arakanese women’s rights groups.
When I questioned activists on the Thai-Burma border why Rohingya activists were not included in their programs, one of the most common responses that I heard was that the Arakanese and Rohingya leadership needed to resolve internal issues first. The lack of political will for a variety of reasons and also to some extent the capacity of other ethnic groups to intervene had also compounded the problem.
All these events took place just when Aung San Suu Kyi was about to leave the country for her European tour on 13 June. Some criticised her for leaving Burma during such a sensitive period. Suu Kyi, during her trip in Thailand and in Europe, has stressed that the rule of law is necessary to bring stability in Burma.
Responding to a question on the citizenship issue of Rohingyas at the Oslo Forum, Suu Kyi pointed out: “We are not certain exactly what the requirements of citizenship law are…, If we were very clear as to who are the citizens of the country under the citizenship law and who qualify, then there wouldn’t be this problem… We have to have rule of law, and we have to know what the law is. We have to make sure that it is properly implemented”.
The citizenship question remains at the core of Rohingyas’ persecution, statelessness and insecurity. Sadly, the winds of change in Burma do not automatically signal a change in the question of legality and illegality for Rohingyas. Their lack of bargaining power and the deep resentment and racist attitude of various key stakeholders towards Rohingyas indicate that this is not going to be resolved on a priority basis in the near future by Burma’s leaders either.
The Burma-Bangladesh border and its discontents
While six boats carrying the distraught and traumatised refugees from Sittwe were stranded on the Naf River, Bangladesh’s Foreign Minister Dipu Moni stated in a parliamentary session that this was an internal issue of Burma, which was not persecuting the Rohingya and that Bangladesh had no obligation to provide humanitarian assistance because it was not a signatory to the 1951 Refugee Convention and its 1967 Protocol. She further stated that Bangladesh had to protect its national security.
Similar internal displacement was caused after communal violence erupted in Burma in 1942 that also spilled over into the whole of Arakan. The Buddhist Arakanese and the Muslim Rohingya were engaged in a bitter battle after which the Arakanese moved to the south and the Rohingyas to the north – including 22,000 who crossed the border to Bengal. The second wave of migration occurred following a nationwide census project, Nagamin, during which more than 200,000 fled across the border in Bangladesh.
From 1991 to 1992, more than 270,000 Rohingya refugees crossed the border from Burma. With them they brought their experiences of horrific violence, forced labour, rape, executions and torture.
Bangladesh initially welcomed the persecuted refugees. The country’s leadership viewed the issue as a short-term problem and wanted to resolve it through bilateral negotiations with Burma. The Bangladeshi government saw it as a moral boost to be offering assistance for once and not seeking it. Initially, the country welcomed the UNHCR, the Red Cross and various other international agencies to assist the refugees.
But soon, the strain on localities where the camps were constructed started to worry the ruling regimes. Over the last two decades, public support in Bangladesh has significantly decreased and subsequent governments have been less sympathetic to the refugees.
The recent anti-Rohingya xenophobic attitude displayed by Bangladeshis is primarily coming from the ultra-nationalistic front, which claims that the Rohingyas are being supported and armed by Jamaa’t-i-Islami, the party that questioned and violently opposed the liberation war of Bangladesh in 1971. Those who hold this view believe that the Rohingyas would also be used as a vote bank for the next election. Burmese propaganda also implied that the fleeing people were mostly Islamic insurgents added to the anxiety of the Bangladesh government.
This accusation took the consideration away from the inhumane condition of the Rohingya living into various camps, by making them a national security concern. The UNHCR viewed repatriation as the most logical response and in many instances resorted to involuntary repatriation of the Rohingya refugees from Bangladesh.
“The Burmese and the Bangladeshi government have strategically employed misperceptions, fears and prejudice to portray all Rohingyas as terrorists”
Currently, there are 26,311 Rohingya recognised refugees living in various camps in border areas. Although the UNHCR is providing support to 21,716 of the Rohingya refugees living in camps, the Bangladeshi government has repeatedly denied UNHCR requests to set up self-reliance activities both inside and outside the camps. According to the Refugee Relief and Repatriation Commission (RRRC), there are about 200,000 undocumented refugees.
Further, the increase in numbers of undocumented Rohingyas settled in Chittagong, particularly in the hills, have angered local communities.
Meghna Guhathakurta, a researcher studying the Rohingyas, noted in a personal conversation: “Rohingyas have come in (Bangladesh) anyway over the years and have (now) settled in Bandarban only because they have been chased away from the [plains]. The construction boom in Cox’s Bazar is one of the main attractions, so they would naturally want to settle in the [plains], but [after] meeting hostility in the host community they therefore are driven to the woods and hills.”
The Chittagong Hill Tracts, which is home to indigenous Bangladeshis, has yet to recover from its own experience of a protracted conflict that formally ended with signing of an accord in 1997. Continual human rights abuses, major displacements of indigenous communities and land grabbing by illegal Bengali settlers from the plains have produced multi-layered insecurities for its indigenous population.
Rohingya migration to the CHT adds to these insecurities as reports spread concerning the Rohingya’s involvement in illegal logging, drug trafficking and various unlawful activities. However, it is actually the security sector and the Bengali settlers who run these activities and take advantage of Rohingya labour in the CHT.
With regard to the legality argument, Bangladesh needs to adhere to international norms and laws. The Partition of India displaced millions from West Bengal and Bihar who took refuge in East Pakistan, which later became Bangladesh. An estimated 10 million people were forcibly displaced to India during its independence in 1971. A large number returned when it became independent. Since breaking away from Pakistan, it was the home of 300,000 Biharis who became stateless and were interned in 66 camps within the country, at least until 2007.
It has a large indigenous population, which were displaced during development projects and/or during the conflict in the CHT. Also, every year, thousands of people are internally displaced in Bangladesh due to floods and waterlogging. Thus, one could argue that its population has a variety of experiences of displacement and the nation-state had been built by refugees and a history of wars.
Yet, it doesn’t have any legal regime that could protect people who are refugees, internally displaced or stateless. As mentioned above, Bangladesh is not a signatory of the 1951 Convention and the 1967 Protocol. However, it is party to a number of international human rights instruments, the four Geneva Conventions of 1949 and International Conventions.
Bangladesh is bound to offer protection to the refugees by Article 5 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights; Article 2 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights; Article 22 of the Convention of the Rights of the Child; Articles 2, 3 (this is paralleled to non-refoulement of the 1951 Convention) and 6 of the Convention against Torture and Other Cruel and Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment; Article 44 and 45 of the fourth Geneva Conventions. Most importantly, Bangladesh’s Constitution in its Preamble pledges to protect fundamental human rights of all.
Both the Burmese and the Bangladeshi government have strategically employed misperceptions, fears and prejudice to portray all Rohingyas as terrorists. Neither the states nor in many cases, the human rights and political activists from these states, separate armed groups activities from the plight of the civilian Rohingyas.
Following the forced migration in 1991 and 1992, both the states and, to some extent the UNHCR, provided inadequate information and suggested that it would make more sense to send the refugees back ‘home’.
Bangladesh ignored their stateless status in Burma and the UNHCR stated that refugees wouldn’t be any worse in Burma. As repeated events of desperate attempts by Rohingya refugees demonstrate, power inequalities, repatriation politics and the discourse of national security not only made the Rohingya community more vulnerable but also denied them the ‘right to have rights’.
- Dr Bina D’Costa, Fellow, Politics and International Affairs, School of Culture, History and Language, the Australian National University. She is currently working on a manuscript focusing on the edifice of political violence in refugee communities in South Asia.
Meghna Guhathakurta, a researcher studying the Rohingyas, noted in a personal conversation: “Rohingyas have come in (Bangladesh) anyway over the years and have (now) settled in Bandarban only because they have been chased away from the [plains]. The construction boom in Cox’s Bazar is one of the main attractions, so they would naturally want to settle in the [plains], but [after] meeting hostility in the host community they therefore are driven to the woods and hills.”
The Chittagong Hill Tracts, which is home to indigenous Bangladeshis, has yet to recover from its own experience of a protracted conflict that formally ended with signing of an accord in 1997. Continual human rights abuses, major displacements of indigenous communities and land grabbing by illegal Bengali settlers from the plains have produced multi-layered insecurities for its indigenous population.
Rohingya migration to the CHT adds to these insecurities as reports spread concerning the Rohingya’s involvement in illegal logging, drug trafficking and various unlawful activities. However, it is actually the security sector and the Bengali settlers who run these activities and take advantage of Rohingya labour in the CHT.
With regard to the legality argument, Bangladesh needs to adhere to international norms and laws. The Partition of India displaced millions from West Bengal and Bihar who took refuge in East Pakistan, which later became Bangladesh. An estimated 10 million people were forcibly displaced to India during its independence in 1971. A large number returned when it became independent. Since breaking away from Pakistan, it was the home of 300,000 Biharis who became stateless and were interned in 66 camps within the country, at least until 2007.
It has a large indigenous population, which were displaced during development projects and/or during the conflict in the CHT. Also, every year, thousands of people are internally displaced in Bangladesh due to floods and waterlogging. Thus, one could argue that its population has a variety of experiences of displacement and the nation-state had been built by refugees and a history of wars.
Yet, it doesn’t have any legal regime that could protect people who are refugees, internally displaced or stateless. As mentioned above, Bangladesh is not a signatory of the 1951 Convention and the 1967 Protocol. However, it is party to a number of international human rights instruments, the four Geneva Conventions of 1949 and International Conventions.
Bangladesh is bound to offer protection to the refugees by Article 5 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights; Article 2 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights; Article 22 of the Convention of the Rights of the Child; Articles 2, 3 (this is paralleled to non-refoulement of the 1951 Convention) and 6 of the Convention against Torture and Other Cruel and Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment; Article 44 and 45 of the fourth Geneva Conventions. Most importantly, Bangladesh’s Constitution in its Preamble pledges to protect fundamental human rights of all.
Both the Burmese and the Bangladeshi government have strategically employed misperceptions, fears and prejudice to portray all Rohingyas as terrorists. Neither the states nor in many cases, the human rights and political activists from these states, separate armed groups activities from the plight of the civilian Rohingyas.
Following the forced migration in 1991 and 1992, both the states and, to some extent the UNHCR, provided inadequate information and suggested that it would make more sense to send the refugees back ‘home’.
Bangladesh ignored their stateless status in Burma and the UNHCR stated that refugees wouldn’t be any worse in Burma. As repeated events of desperate attempts by Rohingya refugees demonstrate, power inequalities, repatriation politics and the discourse of national security not only made the Rohingya community more vulnerable but also denied them the ‘right to have rights’.
- Dr Bina D’Costa, Fellow, Politics and International Affairs, School of Culture, History and Language, the Australian National University. She is currently working on a manuscript focusing on the edifice of political violence in refugee communities in South Asia.
Source here
During the raid by a joint group of Police, Lun-Htain (Security Forces), Sa-Ra-Pha (State Affairs Security) and local Rakhine extremists in Maung Ni village yesterday (04.07.2012), seven Rohingya men were mercilessly killed and approximately 40 Rohingya men were tortured almost to death and taken away to unknown locations. It was reported that all along the way, blood were falling like rains from the trucks loaded with Rohingyas. According to people in Arakan, the authorities have plans to do more such barbaric killings in other villages too.
This morning, NaSaKa arrested almost 30 terrified Rohingya men who were trying to escape the massacres and flee to Bangladesh with three small boats, while Bangladesh Border Security Guards arrested almost 10 Rohingya men with a boat in Bangladesh. It is said that NaSaKa kept these Rohingya men along the Naf river not allowing them to go back to their homes. More news on this situation are being followed. (Rahim reporting from Maung Ni village, a victim who escaped the terrible incident on a close shave)
Immigration department and NaSaKa of southern Maungdaw has started checking the census and counting the number of people in every family in every village. So far, three people were arrested in suspicion in Gojjondiya village of Pading. Some are afraid of going to NaSaKa for the check. Subsequently, NaSaKa are cancelling their names from the census list accusing that they ran away to Bangladesh. Worse still, it has been known that authorities have been arresting Rohingya men in each and every village and those who were taken away never came back. Therefore, during the NaSaKa check, they (NaSaKa) force the remaining members of their families to say that they left the country. When the people say they were arrested by the authorities, NaSaKa and police torture them.
During the raid at a part of Baggona village on 04.07.2012, several men were arrested and tortured both men and women in inhumane ways. A Rohingya man from Baggonna village reported that the way they are being tortured by the Burmese authorities is worse than the way Jews were done by Hitler's Nazis. He further mentioned that Nazis used to kill the Jews on the spot. But Burmese authorities are torturing Rohingyas by using different means until their ends. (Reported by A. Fais from Baggona village on 05.07.2012)
On 1st July 2012, a joint force of NaSaKa and Military raided Nurullah Village and arrested 40 Rohingya men. And these people have not come back yet. During the raid, almost 100 houses were looted and several women were raped. However, it is too difficult for one to know the exact number of women being raped as Rohingyas try to cover up such cases in fear of losing dignity and respect in the society. Besides, it is reported that Rohingyas are being hunted like animals by the the Military and Nasaka. (Reported by a Rohingya on condition of anonymity)
It is also reported that this plot to wipe out all Rohingyas from Arakan is supported by the Rakhine leaders in the country and abroad. They (the leaders of Rakhines) are saying "let's wipe out all these people. If International Court of Justice punish us for these killings, we (a few leaders of Rakhines) will plead guilty and take the punishments on behalf all Rakhine people. By no means, they (International Court of Justice) can punish all the Rakhines for the killings of these people." So, by this statement, it is very obvious that they have genocidal tendency and malicious propaganda against Rohingyas, who want to extinguish all Rohingyas from Arakan.
Therefore, this is the high time for international communities to a stand to either take any possible actions to save Rohingyas from being extinguished or help Burmese authorities and Rakhine mass murderers to wipe out all Rohingyas as quickly as possible because Rohingyas are no longer able to bear up the inhumane tortures at the hands of these evils in human forms.
Reports compiled by M.S. Anwar (RB Correspondent)
Ihsanoglu asks Aung San Suu Kyi to play a role in ending the violence in Arakan The Secretary General of the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) Ekmeleddin Ihsanoglu reached out to Aung San Suu Kyi, Chairperson of the National League for Democracy (NLD) in Myanmar, Nobel Peace Laureate to play a positive role in bringing an end to the violence that has afflicted Arakan State.
In a letter he sent to Suu Kyi, the Secretary General wrote: As a Nobel Peace Laureate, we are confident that the first step of your journey towards ensuring peace in the world would start from your own doorstep and that you would play a positive role in bringing an end to the violence that has afflicted Arakan State. He suggested she could make the Government agree to an international inquiry into the recent violence, granting free access to humanitarian aid groups and international media in Arakan as well as expediting the return of the victims to their respective properties. He expressed his deep concern about the unabated and continuous violation of Rohingya rights in Myanmar where thousands of Rohingyas were killed, injured and displaced both internally and externally. Ihsanoglu stated that the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) and its institutions, being the second largest intergovernmental political entity after the United Nations remains seized with the issue of Rohingya. The Secretary General assured Suu Kyi that the OIC stands ready to cooperate with her and the Myanmar Government. To this end, he extended an open invitation to her to visit the OIC headquarters in Jeddah at a mutually convenient time. Meanwhile, he congratulated her for being elected as a member of the Myanmar Parliament through an election that initiated the road to democracy in her country. He added: It was also heartening to see you delivering the acceptance speech after more than twenty years of being awarded the Nobel Peace Prize.
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OIC Secretary General Ekmeleddin Ihsanoglu |
Organisation of Islamic Cooperation, the 57-member group of Muslim nations, has sought help of Aung San Suu Kyi, the Nobel Peace Laureate and chairperson of the National League for Democracy in Burma, towards seeking an end to violence against the Rohingya Muslims in that country’s Arakan region.
The OIC secretary general, Ekmeleddin Ihsanoglu, has in order to reach out to the popular Burmese politician written her a letter requesting to play a positive role in bringing an end to the violence that has afflicted Arakan State. “As a Nobel Peace Laureate, we are confident that the first step of your journey towards ensuring peace in the world would start from your own doorstep and that you would play a positive role in bringing an end to the violence that has afflicted Arakan State,” it said.
The official suggested she could make the government in Naypyidaw agree to an international inquiry into the recent violence, granting free access to humanitarian aid groups and international media in Arakan as well as expediting the return of the victims to their respective properties. He expressed concern over the “unabated and continuous violation of Rohingya rights in Burma where thousands of Rohingyas were killed, injured and displaced both internally and externally.”
***
SC to hear plea against BSF
New Delhi, July 4: The Supreme Court on Wednesday agreed to hear a plea for probe into the alleged extra-judicial killings by the Border Security Force in the West Bengal border area.
A bench of justices B S Chauhan and Swata-nter Kumar deferred the hearing for Monday when the matter would be taken up along with a similar petition raising the issue of extra-judicial killings.
Petitioner Banglar Manabadhikar Suraksha Mancha, a Kolkata NGO alleged that there are more than 200 cases where the BSF personnel indulged in extra-judicial killings, torture in the border area and those cases were never probed by the state police.
“The present case will show, the procedure followed by the West Bengal Police makes a mockery of the rule of law. This petition pertains to the cases of torture or torture followed by extra-judicial executions of more than 200 Indian nationals by the Border Security Force between 2005 and 2011,” said petitioner’s counsel Colin Gonsalves.
“In over 100 cases, there are eye witnesses to the BSF taking into custody the person concerned and there are eye witnesses to the torture in custody of the person concerned leading to his death,” he further said. — PTI
Source here
Arakan Rohingya Union Director General Appeals to President Thein Sein for Full Enforcement of the State of Emergency in Arakan
"The segment of the Rohingya issue in this report starts at 41th minute"
Prof. Dr. Wakar Uddin has urgently called on the Burmese President U Thein Sein to ensure that the imposition of state of emergency law is implemented in Arakan State to the fullest of its letter and spirit. During the interview on BBC World Service in London, Dr. Wakar Uddin has appealed to President U Thein Sein not to allow the local police and Lon Htein forces in Northern Rakhine State operate above the law, but to show full regards to the law by those forces.
Dr. Uddin was referring to the daily looting of Rohingya shops and houses by Rakhine mobs under the cover from the police and Lon Htein forces in broad daylight. Additionally, he expressed his serious concerns on police shootings and killings of Rohingya civilians, and the partiality in enforcement of the state of emergency law. He was referring to the movement of Rakhine mobs on the street during the curfew at night and Rohingya civilians getting fired upon when anyone tries to peak out from their property looking for food and water even during the daylight. When the BBC moderator asked Dr. Uddin whether he was sure about the police shooting and guarding of Rakhine property and the Rakhine mob, he offered documentation (photographs) as the evidence in addition to the reliable reports. He has also indicated that the ethnic cleansing to eliminate the indigenous Rohingya population of Arakan has been systematically turned into religious violence by Rakhine extremist elements (to seek broader supports from their fellow Buddhist elsewhere in the country).
In response to the question of whether the newly emerging democratic reforms is being threatened by the violence and the military rule in Arakan, he responded that there is a real risk of return of the military administration in other areas in Burma. "This is because the government may have to impose such conditions in other parts of the country, if the violence spills over to other cities in Burma beyond Arakan. So, there is a risk" he added.
Evidence suggests Myanmar’s military has participated in abuses against stateless Muslim Rohingyas following June’s communal violence in western Myanmar, a report from a rights group said this week.
Burning Homes, Sinking Lives by the UK-based Equal Rights Trust (ERT), based on more than 50 interviews with Rohingyas between June 13 and 29, also criticised Bangladesh for refusing entry to many who fled the violence.
Rakhine State experienced days of sectarian violence last month following the gang rape and murder of a Buddhist Rakhine woman and an apparent vigilante killing of 10 Muslims unconnected with the first case.
The violence underlines the big challenges facing Myanmar's first civilian government, which took power in March 2011, ending half a century of authoritarian military rule.
The report said information collected by the ERT and others appears to show that serious and widespread abuses are taking place against Rohingyas in Myanmar.
“At best, the state may be unable or unwilling to take control of the situation and stop such violations,” it said.
“At worst – and what appears to be most likely on the basis of the available evidence – both state and non-state actors have been responsible for human rights abuses which have been carried out in an organised and a systematic manner,” the report added.
Rights groups say the Rohingyas, a Muslim minority in predominantly Buddhist Myanmar, face some of the worst discrimination in the world. They were deprived of free movement, education and employment under the country's former military rulers - a situation that continues today.
They are also denied Myanmar citizenship and considered illegal immigrants. Bangladesh refuses to recognise them as citizens too.
'KILLINGS AND ARRESTS'
According to the ERT, the violence against Rohingyas worsened after the government declared a state of emergency on June 10 and the United Nations withdrew from the area, leaving no international observers on the ground.
“From June 16 onwards, the military became more actively involved in committing acts of violence and other human rights abuses against the Rohingya including killings and mass-scale arrests of Rohingya men and boys in North Rakhine State,” the report said.
“This has caused an increased proportion of men and boys to flee the country, resulting in increased incidences of rape of the women left behind, committed by Myanmar security personnel,” it added.
The report also said displaced Rohingyas have not received sufficient humanitarian assistance from the state.
Across the border in Bangladesh, fleeing Rohingyas were turned back “despite the pleas... that they would be killed if returned, as well as the extremely unsafe condition of some of their boats”, violating international refugee and human rights laws, it said.
source here
Reported from Maung Ni Village this morning by Rahim, a victim who escaped the terrible incident on a close shave.
A joint group of Police, Lun-Htin (Security Forces), Sa-Ra-Pha (State Affairs Security) and local Rakhine thugs raided Maung Ni Village of Maung Daw, Arakan, Burma this morning at a time when everyone was sleeping and praying. Hence, everyone was unconscious about the raid.The Rohingya men are made into coma and unconscious state by beating with already designed and articulated weapons. By this means, they took away almost every man from the village by putting into four trucks to unknown locations. Besides, it is informed that the blood was dropping like rain all along the way from the trucks on which Rohingya men were taken away. According to the people in Arakan, the authorities have plans to do more such barbaric killings in other villages too.
The worst thing is that this plan to wipe out all Rohingyas from Arakan is supported by the Rakhine leaders in the country and abroad. They (the leaders of Rakhines) are saying "let's wipe out all these people. If International Court of Justice punish us for these killings, we (a few leaders of Rakhines) will plead guilty and take the punishments on behalf all Rakhine people. By no means, they (International Court of Justice) can punish all the Rakhines for the killings of these people." So, by this statement, it is very obvious that they have genocidal tendency against Rohingyas, who want to extinguish all Rohingyas from Arakan.
As it is known to everyone that Rohingyas in Arakan have been under threats and being killed by the authorities. Now, the situation has become worse as they have speeded up the killings. Please UN, International Criminal Court of Justice Amnesty International and other international communities, help out to save Rohingyas from being extinguished.
Report By :Mohammed S. Anwar
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Maungdaw Township
4 July, Wednesday Early morning: A joint raid in Maung Ni Village arrested at least 100 Rohingyans, 2 shot dead and the 8 other wounded..
(Pl see BRCA's press statement from the attached file)
As we, NDPHR received information, except from the 2 dead bodies, all of them including wounded people were taken by trucks after brutally beating until some got unconscious. The forces also did religious humiliations by kicking and pissing on the Holy Books, prayer-mats and in the mosque..
Sittwe Township
4 July, Wednesday
16:30pm: Four military forces who guard Aungmingala Quarter were beaten-up by a group of Rakhines near the central market as a result of they came to buy foods for Rohingyans. The money military have about four lakhs Kyat given from Rohingya villagers were also looted. Because of seriously injured, the military were admitted to hospital and the 3 related Rakhines were also arrested.
A few hour later, a group of Rakhines crossed Minbargyi Road and chanted to set fire the remaining houses..
Reported by : Habib (KL)
4 July, Wednesday Early morning: A joint raid in Maung Ni Village arrested at least 100 Rohingyans, 2 shot dead and the 8 other wounded..
(Pl see BRCA's press statement from the attached file)
As we, NDPHR received information, except from the 2 dead bodies, all of them including wounded people were taken by trucks after brutally beating until some got unconscious. The forces also did religious humiliations by kicking and pissing on the Holy Books, prayer-mats and in the mosque..
Sittwe Township
4 July, Wednesday
16:30pm: Four military forces who guard Aungmingala Quarter were beaten-up by a group of Rakhines near the central market as a result of they came to buy foods for Rohingyans. The money military have about four lakhs Kyat given from Rohingya villagers were also looted. Because of seriously injured, the military were admitted to hospital and the 3 related Rakhines were also arrested.
A few hour later, a group of Rakhines crossed Minbargyi Road and chanted to set fire the remaining houses..
Reported by : Habib (KL)
၁။ မူလဘူတက ျမန္မာျပည္မွာ တုိင္းရင္းသား (၁၄၄)မ်ိဳးရွိတာကုိ သိပါသလား။
၂။ ဗုိလ္ခ်ဳပ္မွဴးႀကီးေစာေမာင္က (၁၃၅)ျဖစ္ေစသတည္းလုိ႔ မာရွယ္ေလာႏွင့္ ဖန္ဆင္းလုိက္တာႏွင့္ (၁၃၅)မ်ိဳး ျဖစ္သြားရတာကုိ သိပါသလား။
၃။ မၾကာခင္က တုိင္းရင္းသားလူမ်ိဳး (၁၀၁)မ်ိဳးသာ ရွိတယ္ဆုိကာ ေရြးေကာက္ပဲြေကာ္မရွင္က ဇုိမီးကုိ တုိင္းရင္းသား မဟုတ္ဘူးဆုိျပီး ဇုိမီးတုိင္းရင္းသား တစ္အုပ္စုလုံးကုိ အရွင္လတ္လတ္ ေဖ်ာက္ဖ်က္ပစ္လုိက္တာကုိ သိပါသလား။
၄။ ဇုိမီးေတြက ကန္႔ကြက္သျဖင့္ လူမိသြားျပီး ဥံဳဖြ ဇုိမီးတုိင္းရင္းသား ျပန္ျဖစ္ေစလုိ႔ မိန္႔ၾကားလုိက္ရာ ဇုိမီးလူမ်ိဳးမ်ား ခ်က္ခ်င္း ေငါက္ေတာက္ထ အသက္ျပန္ရွင္လာရတာကုိ သိပါသလား။
၅။ မူလ (၁၄၄)မ်ိဳးကုိ (၁၃၅)မ်ိဳးလုိ႔ သတ္မွတ္လုိက္တုန္းက အပယ္ခံလိုက္ရတဲ့ လူမ်ိဳး(၉)မ်ိဳးက ဘယ္ေခ်ာင္မွာ ငုတ္တုတ္ ေပ်ာက္သြားပါသလဲ။
၆။ တစ္ဖန္ လူမ်ိဳး(၁၃၅)မွ (၁၀၁)မ်ိဳးသာျဖစ္ေစလုိ႔ ဦးသိန္းစိန္အစုိးရက မိန္႔ဆုိလုိက္ျပန္ေတာ့ ေနာက္ထပ္ ပယ္လုိက္တဲ့ လူမ်ဳိး (၃၄)မ်ိဳးကုိေကာ ဘယ္ေထာင့္မွာ လူမသိ သူမသိ သြားသတ္ပစ္လုိက္ပါသလဲ။
(တစ္ကယ္ေတာ့ မ်ိဳးျဖဳတ္ခံ (Genocide) လိုက္တဲ့ ကာယကံရွင္ ျမန္မာတုိင္းရင္းသား (၃၄)မ်ိဳးကေတာ့ သူတုိ႔ကုိယ္ သူတုိ႔ ဘယ္တုန္းက ဘယ္လုိ အရွင္လတ္လတ္ ေပ်ာက္ကြယ္သြားျပီ ဆုိတာေတာင္ ယခုအထိ မသိရွာေသးပါဘူး။ လူဦးေရ သန္း(၆၀)ေလာက္ရဲ့ တုိင္းရင္းသား (၁၃၅)မ်ိဳးမွာ သိန္းဂဏန္းသာရွိတဲ့ ခ်င္းလူမ်ိဳးကုိ (၅၃)မ်ိဳးခဲြျဖစ္ေအာင္ ဗရဗြ ခဲြစိတ္ထားတဲ့အတြက္ ခ်င္း၊ ကူကီး၊ ဇုိမီးစသည့္ ကာယကံရွင္ေတြကပင္ မႏွစ္သက္ၾကပါ။ ညွိႏႈိင္းျခင္းျဖင့္ အလြယ္တစ္ကူ ေျဖရွင္းႏုိင္တဲ့ တုိင္းရင္းသားစာရင္းကုိပင္ မလိုအပ္ဘဲ တစ္ဖက္သတ္ အာဏာသုံး လုပ္ေဆာင္ေနဆဲျဖစ္သည့္ ဦးသိန္းစိန္အစုိးရ၏ တုိင္းရင္းသားမ်ားအေပၚ ထားရွိေသာ ေစတနာမွန္ကုိ ေမးခြန္းထုတ္စရာ ျဖစ္သည္။)
၇။ လူမ်ိဳး (၁၄၄)ျဖစ္ေစ၊ (၁၃၅)ျဖစ္ေစ၊ (၁၀၁)မိ်ဳးျဖစ္ေစ တစ္ခါဘူးကမွ ကာယကံရွင္ တုိင္းရင္းသားေတြရဲ့ ဆႏၵသေဘာထားကုိ ေတာင္းဆုိ ညွိႏႈိင္းျခင္း မရွိဘဲ အစုိးရဆုိသူေတြကသာ တစ္ဖက္သတ္ မိမိထင္သလုိ သတ္မွတ္ခဲ့တာခ်ည္း ျဖစ္တယ္ဆုိတာကုိေကာ သိပါသလား။ တုိင္းျပည္ရဲ့ လုံျခံဳေရးအတြက္ ဒီေလာက္အေရးႀကီးတဲ့ တုိင္းရင္းသားကိစၥကုိ အစုိးရဆုိသူေတြက မိမိစိတ္ၿကုိက္ ေမွာက္ခ်ည္ လွန္ခ်ည္ လုပ္ေနတာကုိ မွန္တယ္လုိ႔ ထင္ပါသလား။ လုပ္ခြင့္ရွိတယ္လုိ႔ ထင္ပါသလား။ လက္ခံေပးႏုိင္ပါသလား။
၈။ ဦးႏုက မဲရခ်င္လုိ႔ ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာကုိ တုိင္းရင္းသားအျဖစ္ သတ္မွတ္ေပးခဲ့တယ္လုိ႔ ေထာက္ျပျပီး ကန္႔ကြက္ၾကတယ္။ ေကာင္းပါျပီ။ (က်ေနာ့အျမင္ကေတာ့ ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာတုိင္းရင္းသား ျဖစ္ မျဖစ္၊ ႏိုင္ငံသား ျဖစ္ မျဖစ္ အပါအဝင္ တုိင္းရင္းသားေရးရာကိစၥအားလုံးကုိ အစုိးရႏွင့္ သမုိင္းပညာရွင္ေတြ၊ တုိင္းရင္းသားေပါင္းစုံ ႏုိင္ငံေရး ေခါင္းေဆာင္ေတြပါတဲ့ ေကာ္မရွင္ (သုိ႔) ကြန္ဖရင့္တစ္ရပ္ကသာ ေျဖရွင္းသင့္တယ္လုိ႔ ယုံၾကည္တယ္။) သုိ႔ေသာ္ ျမန္မာ့သမုိ္င္းမွာ တစ္ခါဘူးကမွ တုိင္းရင္းသား မျဖစ္ခဲ့တဲ့၊ ဒီမုိကေရစီအစုိးရ အဆက္ဆက္ႏွင့္ ဦးေနဝင္းေခတ္တစ္ေလွ်ာက္လုံး ႏုိင္ငံျခားသားေတြသာ ျဖစ္တယ္လုိ႔ တသမတ္တည္း သတ္မွတ္ခဲ့တဲ့ ကုိးကန္႔ကုိ တရုပ္နဂါးေၾကာက္ျပီး ၁၉၉၀ ေနာက္ပုိင္းမွ တုိင္းရင္းသားအျဖစ္ အာဏာစက္ႏွင့္ သတ္မွတ္လုိက္တာကုိေကာ အမ်ိဳးေပ်ာက္မွာ စုိးေၾကာက္ပါတယ္ဆုိသူမ်ားက ဘယ္ေခ်ာင္မွာ အိပ္ေပ်ာ္ေနဆဲျဖစ္လုိ႔ မကန္႔ကြက္ရပါသလဲ။
ဒီမုိကေရစီႏွင့္ လူ႕အခြင့္အေရးေတြအတြက္ တုိက္ပဲြဝင္ေနပါတယ္ဆုိတဲ့ ႏုိင္ငံေရး၊ လူမႈေရး ေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ား၊ စာေပ ယဥ္ေက်းမႈ ပညာရွင္မ်ားကေကာ စံႏွစ္ခု(Double Standard) ကုိင္စဲြထားတာ လိပ္ျပာသန္႔ပါရဲ့လား။
ဒီမုိကေရစီႏွင့္ လူ႕အခြင့္အေရးေတြအတြက္ တုိက္ပဲြဝင္ေနပါတယ္ဆုိတဲ့ ႏုိင္ငံေရး၊ လူမႈေရး ေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ား၊ စာေပ ယဥ္ေက်းမႈ ပညာရွင္မ်ားကေကာ စံႏွစ္ခု(Double Standard) ကုိင္စဲြထားတာ လိပ္ျပာသန္႔ပါရဲ့လား။
တရုပ္နဂါးေၾကာက္လုိ႔ ႏွာမ်ား ေစးသြားတဲ့ ယုန္ကေလးမ်ား ျဖစ္သြားရွာျပီလား။
ေျဖႏုိင္သူမ်ား၊ ေျဖရဲသူမ်ား ေျဖၾကပါ။
ေအာင္တင္
ဇူလုိင္ (၄) ၂၀၁၂
မြတ္စလင္အမ်ဳိးသမီးငယ္တစ္ဦးကို မုဒိန္းက်င့္သည့္ တပ္မ ၂၃၂ မွ စစ္သားမ်ား လက္ပူးလက္ၾကပ္မိ
ရခိုင္ျပည္နယ္၊ စစ္ေတြၿမိဳ႕အနီး သံတိုလီရြာသူ မဟမီဒါ(အသက္၁၈)ႏွစ္၀န္းက်င္အား တပ္မ ၂၃၂ မွ တပ္သား ၄ ဦးက စစ္ေဆးစရာရွိသည္ဟုဆိုကာ လမားရွည္ရြာတြင္ ဖမ္းဆီး မုဒိန္းက်င့္မႈတစ္ခု ယမန္ေန႔ ေန႔လယ္ ၁နာရီခြဲ၀န္းက်င္တြင္ ျဖစ္ပြားခဲ့ေၾကာင္း သတင္းရရွိသည္။
အထက္ပါ မုဒိန္းမႈျဖစ္စဥ္မွာ ၃-၇-၂၀၁၂ ေန႔တြင္ စားနပ္ရိကၡာမ်ားျပတ္လပ္ေနသည့္ သံတိုလီရြာမွ မဟမီဒါႏွင့္ မိန္းကေလး အေဖာ္ ၂ ဦး၊ ကေလး ၂ ဦးတို႔သည္ သက္ကယ္ျပင္ရြာတြင္ ရိကၡာ၀ယ္ယူရန္ ထြက္လာခဲ့ၾကသည္။
ထိုသို႔ ထြက္ခြာလာစဥ္ ေန႔လယ္ ၁၂ နာရီခန္႔တြင္ ၾကားရြာျဖစ္သည့္ လမားရွည္ရြာသို႔အေရာက္တြင္ တပ္မ ၂၃၂ မွ တပ္သား ၄ ဦးက မဟမီဒါ အပါအ၀င္ ခရီးသြား ၅ ဦးအား စစ္ေဆးစရာရွိသည္ဟု ဆိုကာ တားဆီး စစ္ေဆးခဲ့ ၾကသည္။ ထို႔ေနာက္ မဟမီဒါအား စစ္ေဆးစရာရွိေသးသည္ဟု ဆိုကာ ေခၚယူထားၿပီး က်န္အမ်ဳိးသမီး ၂ ဦးႏွင့္ ကေလးငယ္ ၂ ဦးတို႔ကို ျပန္ရန္ ေစခိုင္းခဲ့သည္။ ထို႔ေနာက္ ေန႔လည္ ၁ နာရီ၀န္းက်င္တြင္ အခင္းျဖစ္ပြားရာေနရာအနီးတြင္ ရွိသည့္ အသက္ ၁၇ႏွစ္ႏွင့္ ၂၀ႏွစ္ အရြယ္ ႏြားေက်ာင္းသား မ်ား က မဟမီဒါအား .....
စစ္သားမ်ားက ၀ိုင္း၀န္း မုဒိန္းက်င့္ေနသည္ကို ေတြ႕ရသျဖင့္ သက္ကယ္ျပင္ရြာသို႔ အေျပးအလႊား လာေရာက္ သတင္းပို႔ခဲ့သျဖင့္ ရြာလူႀကီးဦးေက်ာ္ျမင့္အပါအ၀င္ ရြာသားအခ်ဳိ႕ အခင္းျဖစ္ေနရာသို႔ လိုက္ပါသြားခဲ့ၾကသည္။
အခင္းျဖစ္ပြားရာေန႔လည္ ၁ နာရီခြဲ၀န္းက်င္တြင္ လမားရွည္ရြာပိုင္နက္အတြင္း မဟမီဒါအား တပ္မ ၂၃၂ မွ စစ္သား ၃ ဦးက မုဒိန္းျပစ္မႈ က်ဴးလြန္အၿပီး ေနာက္ဆံုးက်န္ရွိသည့္ စစ္သားတစ္ဦးက မုဒိန္းက်င့္ရန္ ႀကိဳးပမ္းေန စဥ္တြင္ သက္ကယ္ျပင္ရြာလူႀကီးမ်ားက မုဒိန္းမႈျဖစ္ပြားရာ ေနရာသို႔ ေရာက္ရွိၿပီး ျပစ္မႈက်ဴးလြန္သူ မ်ားကို လက္ပူးလက္ၾကပ္ ဖမ္းဆီးႏိုင္ခဲ့ေၾကာင္း မ်က္ျမင္သက္ေသ တစ္ဦး၏ ေျပာၾကားခ်က္အရ သိရသည္။
“ကၽြန္ေတာ္တို႔ေရာက္သြားေတာ့ ေကာင္မေလးက အရမ္းေမာၿပီး ေမ်ာ့ေနၿပီ။ ေတာ္ေတာ္ အားကုန္ေနပံုရတယ္” ဟု သက္ကယ္ျပင္ရြာတြင္ ေနထိုင္သည့္ မ်က္ျမင္သက္ေသတစ္ဦးက myanmarmuslim.net သို႔ ေျပာၾကား သည္။
တပ္မ ၂၃၂ မွ တပ္သားမ်ား၏ မုဒိန္းက်င့္ျခင္းကို ခံရသူ မဟမီဒါအား စစ္ေတြၿမိဳ႕ေဆး႐ံုသို႔ ပို႔ေဆာင္ထား ေၾကာင္း သိရသည္။ မဟမီဒါသည္ အသက္ ၁၈ ႏွစ္၀န္းက်င္ အရြယ္ အိမ္ေထာင္သည္ အမ်ဳိးသမီးတစ္ဦး ျဖစ္ၿပီး လြန္ခဲ့သည့္ ၂ လခန္႔က အိမ္ေထာင္က် ခဲ့သူျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း ေဆး႐ံုသို႔ပို႔ေနစဥ္ ကာယကံရွင္၏ ေျပာၾကားခ်က္ကို မွတ္သားခဲ့သူ အထက္ပါ ပုဂိၢဳလ္ကပင္ ဆက္လက္ေျပာၾကားသည္။
တပ္မ ၂၃၂ မွ မုဒိန္းမႈက်ဴးလြန္သူမ်ားမွာ တပ္ၾကပ္ႀကီးတစ္ဦး၊ ဒုတပ္ၾကပ္တစ္ဦး၊ ႐ိုး႐ိုးတပ္သား ၂ ဦးတို႔ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း သိရသည္။ ယခုအခါမုဒိန္းက်င့္ခံရသူ အမ်ဳိးသမီးငယ္ကို ေဆး႐ုံက ဆက္လက္ လက္ခံထားျခင္းမရွိဘဲ စစ္ေတြအနီးရြာတစ္ရြာသို႔ ပို႔ေဆာင္ခံရေၾကာင္း သိရသည္။
မုဒိန္းေကာင္မ်ားကို တပ္မ ၂၃၂ က ခ်ဳပ္ေႏွာင္ထားေသာ္လည္း ယခုအခ်ိန္အထိ အမႈဖြင့္ အေရးယူျခင္း မရွိေသးေၾကာင္း သိရသည္။ အထက္ပါမုဒိန္းမႈႏွင့္ ပတ္သက္၍ အစေဖ်ာက္ခံရ မႈကို ေဒသခံ မြတ္စလင္မ်ားက အထူးစိုးရိမ္ေနၾကသည္။
ယခုႏွစ္ ေမလကုန္ပိုင္းတြင္ ရခိုင္ဗုဒၶဘာသာ မသီတာေထြး မုဒိန္းက်င့္ အသတ္ခံရမႈျဖစ္ပြားခဲ့ၿပီး အဆိုပါ ျဖစ္ရပ္ အေပၚ မေက်နပ္၍ ေတာင္ကုတ္တြင္ မြတ္စလင္ ခရီးသည္ ၁၀ ဦးကို ကားေပၚမွ ဆြဲခ်၍ ဘာသာျခားမ်ားက လမ္းမေပၚတြင္ ၃ နာရီၾကာ ၀ိုင္း၀န္း ႐ိုက္ႏွက္ သတ္ျဖတ္မႈ ျဖစ္ပြားခဲ့သည္။ ထုိ႔ေနာက္ အဆိုပါ ျဖစ္ရပ္မ်ား၏ ေနာက္ဆက္တြဲအျဖစ္ ရခိုင္ျပည္နယ္ တြင္လည္း ရခိုင္ဗုဒၶဘာသာ-႐ိုဟင္ဂ်ာ ပဋိပကၡ ျဖစ္ပြားခဲ့သည္။
မြတ္စလင္အိမ္ေျခအမ်ားအျပား မီး႐ိႈ႕ဖ်က္ဆီးခံရသည္။ မသီတာေထြး မုဒိန္းက်င့္ခံ ရမႈကို ျမန္မာ့မီဒီယာမ်ားတြင္ အက်ယ္တ၀င့္ေဖာ္ျပခဲ့ေသာ္လည္း မသီတာေထြး အမႈျဖစ္ပြားၿပီးေနာက္ရက္တြင္ရေသ့ေတာင္ အေေနာက္ေတာင္ေနမွ မြတ္စလင္ အမ်ဳိးသမီးတစ္ဦးကို န-စ-ခ မွ ၀န္ထမ္း ေန၀င္း ပါ ၃ ဦးက မုဒိန္းက်င့္မႈကို မည္သည့္ ျမန္မာ့ မီဒီယာတြင္မွ် ေဖာ္ျပခဲ့ျခင္းမရွိေပ။
အဆိုပါ မုဒိန္းမႈကို National Democratic Party for Development (NDPD)မွ June 6 တြင္ ေၾကညာခ်က္ထုတ္ ေဖာ္ျပခဲ့သည္။
Source : MM Net
ဦးေဌးလြင္ဦးႏွင့္ အာဆီယံအတြင္းေရးမႈးခ်ဳပ္ မစၥတာဆူရင္းပစၥ၀မ္ တို႔ ျမန္မာမြတ္စလင္အေရးႏွင့္ ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာ အေရးအား ေဆြးေႏြးစဥ္
၁၉၄၂ ခုႏွစ္- ရခိုင္ခြဲထြက္ေရး ေခါင္းေဆာင္ ဘုန္းႀကီးဦးစီႏၱာရဲ႔ ပေရာဂျဖင့္ ရခိုင္ျပည္ဘက္မွာ ျဖစ္ခဲ့တဲ့ အထိကရုန္းႀကီးကို- အမွန္တကယ္မွာ ဗမာလူမ်ိဳး ဗိုလ္ရန္ႏိုင္ရဲ႔ ပေရာဂ ျဖစ္ၿပီးတယ္၊ ဂ်ပန္ေခတ္ ကိုယ္ပိုင္ အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ခြင့္ရ ထားတဲ့ ရခိုင္ဘက္သို႔ ဗိုလ္ရန္ႏိုင္ရဲ႔ စစ္ေၾကာင္း ခ်ီတက္လာစဥ္ လမ္းခရီးမွာ လုယက္မႈမ်ား၊ မုဒိန္းမႈမ်ား၊ မတရားသတ္ျဖတ္မႈမ်ား မ်ားစြာ က်ဴးလြန္ခဲ့ၿပီး အဲ့ဒီရာဇ၀တ္မႈမ်ားအား လမ္းေၾကာင္းလႊဲရန္ မြတ္စလင္၊ ဗုဒၶဘာသာ အဓိကရုန္းႀကီးကို ဖန္တီးလိုက္ျခင္း ျဖစ္တယ္လို႔ ေဒါက္တာေအးေက်ာ္ အပါအ၀င္ ရခိုင္သမိုင္းသုေတသီ တစ္ခ်ိဳ႔က ေျပာဆိုၾကတယ္။
ဒီအဆိုကို ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာ ပညာရွင္မ်ားက လက္မခံပါ။ ဒီစကားက “လူလိမၼာ ပိႏၷဲသီးစား လူမိုက္ပါးသုတ္” ျခင္းသာ ျဖစ္တယ္။ ဗမာနဲ႔ ငါတို႔ၾကားမွ ဘာျပသနာမွာ မရွိခဲ့၊ ၁၉၄၂ ခု အထိကရုန္း မျဖစ္မွီကပဲ--၊ ရခုိင္ဗုဒၶဘာသာ မ်ား ၾကားထဲမွာ ဂ်ပန္အားကိုးနဲ႔ မြတ္စလင္မုန္းစိတ္မ်ားကို ဦးစိႏၱာအုပ္စုက လႈံ႔ေဆာ္ၿပီးသား ဓါတ္ခံက ရွိေနၿပီလို႔ ေျပာဆိုၾကတယ္။
ျမန္မာျပည္တစ္ျပည္လံုး လြတ္လပ္ေရး ရယူျခင္းကို ဦးစိႏၱာက လက္မခံပါ။ ရခိုင္ျပည္ (ရခိုင္ႏိုင္ငံေတာ္)ကို ဗမာ လက္ေအာက္က သီးျခားလြတ္လပ္တဲ့ ႏိုင္ငံအျဖစ္သာ ခြဲထြက္ဘို႔ ဦးစိႏၱာက ရြယ္ရြယ္ခဲ့တယ္။
ရခိုင္နဲ႔ ပတ္သက္ၿပီး ျမန္မာတို႔ရဲ႔ ခံစားခ်က္၊
ျမန္မာဘက္ကလည္း ရခိုင္ဆိုတာ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံရယ္ စတင္ထူေထာင္တဲ့ ပုဂံေခတ္ကတည္းကစ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံရဲ႔ လက္ေအာက္ခံ ႏိုင္ငံျဖစ္ခဲ့တယ္။ အင္း၀မင္း မင္းေခါင္ လက္ထက္ေရာက္မွ ေျမာက္ဦးမင္း နရမိတ္လွက ဘန္ေဂါစစ္သား ေထာင္ေပါင္းမ်ားစြာကို ဦးေဆာင္တဲ့ မြတ္စလင္ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ လ၀ီခန္ရဲ႔ အကူအညီနဲ႔ ၁၄၂၉ ခုႏွစ္မွာ ဗမာကို ေတာ္လွန္ပုန္ကန္ခဲ့တာ ျဖစ္တယ္။ အင္း၀ ေခတ္ကစ ဗမာအင္ပါယာကို အေရွ႔ဘက္ (ယိုးဒယား)ဘက္သာ ဦးတည္ ခ်ဲ႔ထြင္ေနတာ ျဖစ္လို႔ ရခိုင္ဘက္ကို မၾကည့္အားေပမယ့္- ရခိုင္၊ မြန္၊ ရွမ္း တို႔ဟာ ဗမာရဲ႔ လက္ေအာက္ခံနယ္ေတြ ျဖစ္တယ္လို႔ စိတ္မွာ စြဲမွတ္ေနခဲ့ တယ္။ ဗမာဘက္မွာ အင္း၀ မင္းဆက္၊ ေတာင္ငူ (ေညာင္ရမ္း)မင္းဆက္၊ ကုန္းေဘာင္မင္းဆက္မ်ား ေျပာင္းသြား ခဲ့ေပမယ့္ ရခိုင္ဘက္မွာ ေျမာက္ဦး မင္းဆက္က အေျပာင္းအလဲမရွိ ေျမာက္ဦးေနျပည္ေတာ္ကို ထိမ္းသိမ္း ထားႏိုင္ခဲ့တယ္။
ေျမာက္ဦး မင္းဆက္ ဘယ္လိုပင္ အားေကာင္းအားေကာင္း ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံရယ္လို႔ စတင္ထူေထာင္ၿပီးကတည္းက ျမန္မာထဲမွာ တည္ရွိလာတဲ့ ဗမာမ်ား သတ္မွတ္တဲ့ ရခိုင္ျပည္ဟာ- ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံနဲ႔ အဆက္အသြယ္ မျပတ္တည္ ရွိခဲ့တယ္။ ေျမာက္ဦးမင္းဆက္ကို ေတာ္လွန္ပုန္ကန္တဲ့ အုပ္စုေတြက မႏိုင္ရင္ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံထဲကို ထြက္ေျပး တိမ္း ေရွာင္တာမ်ိဳးရွိသလို၊ ျမန္မာသူလွ်ိဳမ်ားကလည္း ေျမာက္ဦးေနျပည္ေတာ္မွာ အၿမဲတမ္းရွိေနခဲ့တယ္။ တစ္ နည္းအားျဖင့္ ျမန္မာက ယိုးဒယားဘက္ကုိ ဦးလွည့္ေနရေပမယ့္ ျမန္မာလူေတြက ေျမာက္ဦးေနျပည္ေတာ္ကို အခ်ိန္မလပ္ ေစာင့္ၾကည့္ေနခဲ့တယ္လို႔ ဆုိႏိုင္တယ္။
ေျမာက္ဦးေခတ္ အစပိုင္းမွာ ေျမာက္ဦးဘုရင္မ်ားဟာ ဘဂၤလားစစ္သည္မ်ားရဲ႔ အင္အားနဲ႔ ေျမာက္ဦးႏိုင္ငံေတာ္ အားေကာင္းေနခဲ့ေပမယ့္-၊ ေျမာက္ဦးေခတ္ေႏွာင္းပိုင္းမွာ အာဏာမက္ ရခိုင္ဗုဒၶဘာသာ တစ္စုက မြတ္စလင္နဲ႔ ရခိုင္အၾကား စတင္ေသြးခြဲခဲ့တယ္။ ေျမာက္ဦးေနျပည္ေတာ္ရဲ႔ အဓိက စစ္အင္အား ကမန္ (ရခိုင္တုိင္းရင္းသား မ်ားက အစၥလာမ္ သာသနာသို႔ ကူးေျပာင္းလာသူ)မ်ားကိုလည္း ဘုရင္နဲ႔ေသြးခြဲၿပီး-၊ တပ္ကို ၿဖိဳခြဲေစခဲ့တယ္။ တစ္ၿပိဳင္နက္မွာ ျမန္မာဘက္ကို အားသန္တဲ့ ရခိုင္ေတာင္ပိုင္းနဲ႔ ဘဂၤလားဘက္ကို အားသန္တဲ့ ေျမာက္ပိုင္းအုပ္ စု စတင္ေသြးကြဲလာခဲ့တယ္။ ရခိုင္ေတာင္ပိုင္းက အခ်ိန္မေရြး ဗမာနဲ႔ ပူးေပါင္းဘို႔ အေနအထားမ်ား ျဖစ္တည္ လာခဲ့တယ္။
ဒီအေျခအေနမွာ ဗမာက ေျမာက္ဦးအင္ပါယာကို ျပန္လည္သိမ္းပိုက္ဘို႔ အခြင့္အခါ သာခဲ့ျပန္တယ္။ ဒါေၾကာင့္ ကုန္းေဘာင္မင္း ဘိုးေတာ္ဘုရားလက္ထက္ ၁၇၈၄ မွာ ေျမာက္ဦးႏိုင္ငံေတာ္ကို ဗမာက သိမ္းပိုက္လိုက္ေတာ့ တယ္။
ရခိုင္တို႔ရဲ႔ ထံုးစံအတိုင္း ဘန္ေဂါနဲ႔ ေသြးခြဲလိုၿပီး ရခိုင္သီးျခား ႏိုင္ငံ ျဖစ္ခ်င္ရင္ ဗမာကို ေျပးေပါင္းသလို၊ ဗမာ ေအာက္ကို ရခိုင္တို႔ က်ဆံုးျပန္ရင္လည္း ဘန္ေဂါဘက္ကို ေျပးကပ္ျပန္တယ္။ ဒီေနရာမွာ ၾကားညပ္ေနတာက ဘန္ေဂါနဲ႔ ဘာမွ မဆိုင္တဲ့ စစ္တေကာင္း လူမ်ိဳးစု ျဖစ္ေနတယ္။ စစ္တေကာင္း လူမ်ိဳးစုဟာ ဘိုးစဥ္ေဘာင္ဆက္ သမုိင္းစဥ္တစ္ေလွ်ာက္ ဓည၀တီ၊ ေ၀သာလီ၊ ေလးၿမိဳ႔၊ ေျမာက္ဦးေနျပည္ေတာ္မ်ားရဲ႔ လက္ေအာက္မွာ ေနခဲ့ ရသူမ်ား အမႈထမ္းခဲ့ရသူမ်ား၊ တုိင္းေရးျပည္ေရး ေဆာင္ရြက္ခဲ့ရသူမ်ား၊ လယ္ယာကိုင္းကၽြန္း လုပ္ကိုင္ခဲ့ရသူမ်ား ရခိုင္နဲ႔အတူ ဒိုးတူေဘာင္ဖက္ တစ္ေျမတည္းေန တစ္ေရတည္းေသာက္ ႏိုင္ငံေတာ္ကို ထူေထာင္ခဲ့သူမ်ား ျဖစ္ ၾကတယ္။ သူတို႔ဟာ ဘန္ေဂါနဲ႔ နယ္စပ္ျဖစ္ေနလို႔ ဘန္ေဂါဘက္က က်ဴးေက်ာ္လာသူမ်ားကို ဒိုင္ခံေတာ္လွန္ေပး ခဲ့ရတဲ့ စစ္သားမ်ား၊ ျပည္သူမ်ားလည္း ျဖစ္ေနတယ္။ စစ္တေကာင္းရဲ႔ အေနာက္ဘက္ အျခမ္းဆိုရင္ ဘန္ေဂါက အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္လိုက္၊ ရခိုင္က အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္လိုက္ ၾကားညပ္ေနရတဲ့ အျဖစ္နဲ႔ အၿမဲရင္ဆိုင္ေနရတယ္။
ဆက္လက္တင္ျပပါမည္။
ေဌးလြင္ဦး
ေဌးလြင္ဦး
There are few opposition leaders who are welcomed abroad with the same pomp and ceremony as heads of state. But that's the sort of star treatment lavished on Aung San Suu Kyi, opposition leader of Myanmar, also known as Burma, on her three-week tour of Europe.
But pressure is increasing on her to address simmering political crises at home, and to move her country's democratic changes forward.
In Geneva, Oslo, Dublin, London and Paris, Suu Kyi issued eloquent pleas for ethical foreign investment in Myanmar and foreign support for her country's ongoing reforms.
"This is the most important time for Burma," she told parliamentarians and dignitaries gathered in London's Westminster Hall.
"This is the moment of our greatest need," she continued. "And so I would ask that our friends both here in Britain and beyond participate in and support Burma's efforts toward the establishment of a truly democratic and just society."
'Reform Program' Still Fragile Suu Kyi, the first foreign woman and Asian citizen to speak at Westminster in the palace's 900-year history, said that beyond President Thein Sein, it's hard to determine how much support the current efforts in Myanmar enjoy, especially within the country's military. It's an assessment shared by outside observers.
"The entire reform program in Myanmar now hangs by a very slender thread," says Vikram Nehru, a Southeast Asia expert at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace in Washington. He says Suu Kyi must quickly throw her considerable authority behind Thein Sein's key reform policies.
"Otherwise there's a great danger that the enemies of reform, those that are currently benefiting from the current system, will exert a pushback," he warns, "and that might be to the detriment of the long-term development of the country."
Pressure is increasing for Suu Kyi to make good on her inspiring rhetoric about human rights. There's no starker example than the Rohingya crisis in Myanmar's western Rakhine state, next to Bangladesh.
Mob violence among Burmese Buddhists and Rohingya Muslims there has claimed at least 80 lives and created as many as 90,000 refugees in the past month.
Many Rohingya immigrated to largely Buddhist Myanmar from what is now Bangladesh generations ago. But neither Bangladesh's nor Myanmar's government recognizes them as citizens.
When asked in Oslo whether Rohingyas are citizens of Myanmar, Suu Kyi said she did not know.
"When you talk about the Rohingya, we are not quite sure whom you are talking about," she said. "There's some who say those people who claim to be Rohingyas are not the ones who are actually native to Burma but have just come over recently from Bangladesh."
A Sensitive Issue
Suu Kyi echoes popular complaints in Myanmar that the problem is caused in part by corrupt immigration officials along the border, and ineffective law enforcement in Rakhine state. She says that establishing the rule of law is the key to resolving the issue, but she does not suggest what the law should say.
"She finds herself in a very difficult position, because her constituency is known to be extremely anti-Rohingya," says Maung Zarni, a visiting fellow at the London School of Economics and Political Science. Suu Kyi was elected to represent the remote rural township of Kawhmu, a three-hour drive from the main city of Yangon.
Maung Zarni points out that, when it comes to the subject of the Rohingya, the views of many Burmese pro-democracy activists are just as discriminatory and intolerant as those of the former junta they once fought.
"We must not be ashamed to admit that we have illiberal tendencies and elements within our culture and our practices, and they need to be rectified in accordance with the principles that we espouse or we are fighting for," Maung Zarni says. "You can't have it both ways. Are you for human rights, or are you against human rights?"
Maung Zarni suggests that Suu Kyi emphasize her principles while avoiding the specifics of the citizenship debate. He admits that he, too, opposes recognizing the Rohingya as one of the country's ethnic minorities.
Capitalizing On Recent Momentum
Fresh from her election to Parliament on April 1, and at the end of a triumphant tour of Europe, Suu Kyi now finds herself at an unprecedented level of popularity at home and abroad.
Some supporters point out that Suu Kyi is under considerable pressure not to upset the military into rolling back the changes and revoking her freedoms, and that she is working hard to build an organization that was focused on survival during decades of military suppression. They advise observers to be patient and not judge her too quickly.
But other supporters say Suu Kyi can afford to waste neither time nor opportunities to consolidate and push forward the country's fledgling reforms.
Source here
Fresh from her election to Parliament on April 1, and at the end of a triumphant tour of Europe, Suu Kyi now finds herself at an unprecedented level of popularity at home and abroad.
Some supporters point out that Suu Kyi is under considerable pressure not to upset the military into rolling back the changes and revoking her freedoms, and that she is working hard to build an organization that was focused on survival during decades of military suppression. They advise observers to be patient and not judge her too quickly.
But other supporters say Suu Kyi can afford to waste neither time nor opportunities to consolidate and push forward the country's fledgling reforms.
Source here
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More than 400,000 Rohingya have fled from Myanmar to neighbouring Bangladesh By BBC News September 17, 2017 Myanmar's de ... -
ဇြန္လ ၁၇ ရက္ ၊ ၂၀၁၂ Source: guardian.co.uk ျမန္မာျပည္သစ္အတြက္ အနာဂတ္မွာ ေအာင္ျမင္မွာလား၊ က်ရွဳံးမွာလားဆိုသည္ကို ညႊန္ျပေသာ စမ္းသပ္မွဳ တစ... -
By Dr. Maung Zarni Since the first wave of Rohingya genocide in Feb 1978 which expelled nearly 200,000 refugees from all across Wester... -
RB News May 17, 2013 Maung Daw, Arakan - After the warnings on Mahasen cyclone had been issued, the displaced Rohingyas from the ... -
12/07/2012 Joint press release HUMANITY GONE ... -
"Although mass killings and exterminations of human races were some sort of things that the world experienced during Nazi German p... -
RB News March 31, 2018 Minbya, Arakan State : On March 30 morning, a Prayer Leader or Imam was brutally beaten and injured by a Rakh... -
MP U Shwe Maung Explained on Amendment 1982 Citizenship Law on 25 July 2012. MP U Shwe Maung explained on amendment of 1982 Citizenship Law... -
ရက္စြဲ – ေမ ၂၉ ၊ ၂၀၁၂ သို ့ အယ္ဒီတာ၊ နိရဥၥရာ သတင္းဌာန နိရဥၥရာ သတင္းဌာနမွ ေမလ ၂၉ ရက္ေန ့ ထုတ္ျပန္သည့္ ရမ္းျဗဲတြင္ အသက္ ၁၆ ႏွ...
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Read letter here Read history of Rohingya here Download letter PDF here Download History of Rohingya PDF here credi...
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