Rohingya refugees trying to make it to Bangladesh.
By Tony Iltis
There are wildly divergent estimates of the death toll from ethnic and religious violence in the Burmese state of Arakan.
Mainstream media reports and the Burmese government are claiming that fewer than 100 people have been killed in violence they describe as clashes between the Buddhist Rakhine majority and Muslim Rohingya minority communities.
There are wildly divergent estimates of the death toll from ethnic and religious violence in the Burmese state of Arakan.
Mainstream media reports and the Burmese government are claiming that fewer than 100 people have been killed in violence they describe as clashes between the Buddhist Rakhine majority and Muslim Rohingya minority communities.
However, Rohingya sources estimate thousands of deaths from a planned campaign of violent ethnic cleansing by Burmese government forces. Rohingya sources say the regime has been instigating Rakhine mob violence as part of their campaign.
France 24 said on June 22: “More than 80 people have been killed and thousands displaced in a wave of violence between Muslims and Buddhists in west Burma.”
On June 21, the Burmese government put the death toll at 62, Associated Press reported.
But the National Democratic Party for Human Rights (NDPHR), a Rohingya political party that won four seats in the democratic 1990 Burmese elections, said on June 19: “The information from Arakan confirmed that the death toll of Rohingya has exceeded 10,000 from Sittwe city alone, and a few thousand from Maungdaw, Rathedaung and Kyauktaw townships.
“Most of them were shot dead, brutally beaten to death, burnt alive and the rest were those taken away by security forces into hidden areas.”
Reports on social media from Rohingya sources inside Arakan, such as the NDPHR, have been published in English on Malaysian-based website The Sail and the site of the Ethnic Rohingya Committee of Arakan in Malaysia.
These reports make a grim catalogue: along with mass killings, alleged atrocities include burning of villages, mass rape, mass arrests, torture, looting and extortion.
Rakhine mobs and armed Rakhine elements have been responsible for much of the violence, but the main perpetrators have been the military and paramilitary forces of the Burmese government: the police, the army, the navy and in particular the Nasaka border security forces.
There are also reports of clashes between Rohingya and Rakhine rioters and clashes between government forces and armed Rakhine groups.
The violence started on June 3 in Taungup township when 10 Rohingya bus passengers were beaten to death by a 300-strong lynch mob. For the preceding week, Buddhist extremist hate groups ― assisted by the local media in Arakan ― had been blaming Muslims for the May 28 rape and murder of a Rakhine woman in the village of Thabyaychaung.
This was used as a pretext to whip up violent anti-Rohingya sentiment.
The NDPHR said activists from the Wanthanu Rakheta Association were distributing anti-Muslim leaflets in Taungup on the morning of June 3 immediately before the lynching.
On June 18, three Rohingya men were sentenced to death for the May 28 rape and murder, Democratic Voice of Burma reported. One of the three, “accused of masterminding” the crime, had already died in custody (officially suicide), but death sentences can be given retrospectively under Burmese law.
Phil Robertson, head of the Asia division of Human Rights Watch (FRW), told DVB: “We condemn the imposition of the death penalty in all cases as cruel and inhumane treatment. But we’ve also had no access to information about this case, so there is no way to say whether the three men on trial are in fact guilty.”
Chris Lewa, Director of the Arakan Project, told DVB: “My concern would be whether there was any kind of proper judicial system. This was quite quick.”
More than a third of Burma’s population belongs to oppressed nationalities and dozens of national liberation struggles have been ongoing since Burma won independence in 1948. In the past, both Rakhine and Rohinhya armed groups have fought the Burmese government in Arakan, and sometimes each other.
No Rohingya groups have been involved in armed struggle for 10 years. The main Rakhine rebel group, the Arakan Liberation Party, entered peace talks with the government this year.
Successive US governments have had a strained relationship with Burma’s military rulers. The US even provides not-so-covert support to some of the insurgent groups.
However, a confidential October 10, 2002, cable from the US embassy in Rangoon ― published by WikiLeaks on August 30 last year ― repeats in good faith spurious allegations by Burmese military intelligence linking the Rohingya national movement with Osama bin Laden.
The same cable expresses scepticism at Burmese government charges of terrorism against other armed national movements.
The Burmese government has used the anti-Islam bias in the “war on terror” narrative, which the West now uses to justify its wars, to delegitimise Rohingya self-determination to Western policy makers.
Reporting the current violence in Arakan, the Western media have generally repeated claims by the Burmese regime and Rakhine chauvinists that the Rohingya are not indigenous to Arakan, but are immigrants from Bangladesh or their descendants.
In reality, the Rohingya can trace their existence in Arakan as far back as the Rakhine can. There are records of Islamic political entities in Arakan more than a millennium ago.
Antipathy between different ethnic and religious groups was fostered by the British during the colonial period. In World War II, just before Burma won independence, Arakan was the site of some of the biggest clashes between the British and Japanese empires.
Intersecting with this conflict was Burma’s struggle for independence and many local conflicts. This resulted in large-scale violence between Japanese-armed Rakhine and British-armed Rohingya militias.
Both sides committed massacres of civilians, but the Rohingya bore the brunt of them. There was a large flow of Rohingya refugees to the nearest British territory: what is today Bangladesh.
Since independence in 1948, there have been anti-Rohingya pogroms in 1949, 1967-8, 1978 and 1991, sending more refugees to Bangladesh.
Encouraging Buddhist chauvinism and anti-Rohingya prejudice is the Burmese state’s political response to Rakhine nationalism. For its part, Bangladesh sees the Rohingya as illegal immigrants from Burma.
Sources Here:
France 24 said on June 22: “More than 80 people have been killed and thousands displaced in a wave of violence between Muslims and Buddhists in west Burma.”
On June 21, the Burmese government put the death toll at 62, Associated Press reported.
But the National Democratic Party for Human Rights (NDPHR), a Rohingya political party that won four seats in the democratic 1990 Burmese elections, said on June 19: “The information from Arakan confirmed that the death toll of Rohingya has exceeded 10,000 from Sittwe city alone, and a few thousand from Maungdaw, Rathedaung and Kyauktaw townships.
“Most of them were shot dead, brutally beaten to death, burnt alive and the rest were those taken away by security forces into hidden areas.”
Reports on social media from Rohingya sources inside Arakan, such as the NDPHR, have been published in English on Malaysian-based website The Sail and the site of the Ethnic Rohingya Committee of Arakan in Malaysia.
These reports make a grim catalogue: along with mass killings, alleged atrocities include burning of villages, mass rape, mass arrests, torture, looting and extortion.
Rakhine mobs and armed Rakhine elements have been responsible for much of the violence, but the main perpetrators have been the military and paramilitary forces of the Burmese government: the police, the army, the navy and in particular the Nasaka border security forces.
There are also reports of clashes between Rohingya and Rakhine rioters and clashes between government forces and armed Rakhine groups.
The violence started on June 3 in Taungup township when 10 Rohingya bus passengers were beaten to death by a 300-strong lynch mob. For the preceding week, Buddhist extremist hate groups ― assisted by the local media in Arakan ― had been blaming Muslims for the May 28 rape and murder of a Rakhine woman in the village of Thabyaychaung.
This was used as a pretext to whip up violent anti-Rohingya sentiment.
The NDPHR said activists from the Wanthanu Rakheta Association were distributing anti-Muslim leaflets in Taungup on the morning of June 3 immediately before the lynching.
On June 18, three Rohingya men were sentenced to death for the May 28 rape and murder, Democratic Voice of Burma reported. One of the three, “accused of masterminding” the crime, had already died in custody (officially suicide), but death sentences can be given retrospectively under Burmese law.
Phil Robertson, head of the Asia division of Human Rights Watch (FRW), told DVB: “We condemn the imposition of the death penalty in all cases as cruel and inhumane treatment. But we’ve also had no access to information about this case, so there is no way to say whether the three men on trial are in fact guilty.”
Chris Lewa, Director of the Arakan Project, told DVB: “My concern would be whether there was any kind of proper judicial system. This was quite quick.”
More than a third of Burma’s population belongs to oppressed nationalities and dozens of national liberation struggles have been ongoing since Burma won independence in 1948. In the past, both Rakhine and Rohinhya armed groups have fought the Burmese government in Arakan, and sometimes each other.
No Rohingya groups have been involved in armed struggle for 10 years. The main Rakhine rebel group, the Arakan Liberation Party, entered peace talks with the government this year.
Successive US governments have had a strained relationship with Burma’s military rulers. The US even provides not-so-covert support to some of the insurgent groups.
However, a confidential October 10, 2002, cable from the US embassy in Rangoon ― published by WikiLeaks on August 30 last year ― repeats in good faith spurious allegations by Burmese military intelligence linking the Rohingya national movement with Osama bin Laden.
The same cable expresses scepticism at Burmese government charges of terrorism against other armed national movements.
The Burmese government has used the anti-Islam bias in the “war on terror” narrative, which the West now uses to justify its wars, to delegitimise Rohingya self-determination to Western policy makers.
Reporting the current violence in Arakan, the Western media have generally repeated claims by the Burmese regime and Rakhine chauvinists that the Rohingya are not indigenous to Arakan, but are immigrants from Bangladesh or their descendants.
In reality, the Rohingya can trace their existence in Arakan as far back as the Rakhine can. There are records of Islamic political entities in Arakan more than a millennium ago.
Antipathy between different ethnic and religious groups was fostered by the British during the colonial period. In World War II, just before Burma won independence, Arakan was the site of some of the biggest clashes between the British and Japanese empires.
Intersecting with this conflict was Burma’s struggle for independence and many local conflicts. This resulted in large-scale violence between Japanese-armed Rakhine and British-armed Rohingya militias.
Both sides committed massacres of civilians, but the Rohingya bore the brunt of them. There was a large flow of Rohingya refugees to the nearest British territory: what is today Bangladesh.
Since independence in 1948, there have been anti-Rohingya pogroms in 1949, 1967-8, 1978 and 1991, sending more refugees to Bangladesh.
Encouraging Buddhist chauvinism and anti-Rohingya prejudice is the Burmese state’s political response to Rakhine nationalism. For its part, Bangladesh sees the Rohingya as illegal immigrants from Burma.
Sources Here:
By Sai Latt
Asia Sentinel
June 26, 2012
Asia Sentinel
June 26, 2012
 |
| Aung San Suu Kyi doesn't know what to do about them either |
What if the Rohingya problem is 'legally produced'?
(Sai Latt is a Burmese PhD candidate at Simon Fraser University in Canada.)
Aung San Suu Kyi’s 17-day European trip, which started on 13 June, could be called the “Rule of Law Tour.” She has been promoting the concept of the rule of law as a problem-solving tool in every single talk and press conference in Europe.
Yet her account runs the risk of being an empty promise if she continues to leave the content of the laws unchallenged.
Rule of law particularly is Aung San Suu Kyi’s default answer to the questions regarding the oppressed Rohingya minority group from western Burma who have been denied citizenship by the state, and are unwanted and openly demonized by the public at large.
The tremendous public opposition against the Rohingyas, most significantly reflected during the conflict in Arakan state early this month, demonstrates that any political leader supporting them can be accused of being a traitor.
This puts Aung San Suu Kyi in a risky position. On the one hand, any implicit or explicit support for the Rohingya is likely to entail a backlash from her Burmese supporters who are in a state of political hangover regarding the Arakan conflict. The conflict has resulted in numerous deaths and displaced many hundreds from both ethnic Rakhine and Rohingya sides. Her supporters are also in a state of denial for equal rights and citizenship to ethnic Rohingyas.
Conversely, saying anything to comfort her supporters’ anxiety regarding the loss of sovereignty to the Rohingyas endangers her international reputation as an icon of freedom and democracy. In short, expressing a sentiment beyond the reassurance of rule of law’s significance is her political suicide.
Aung San Suu Kyi, of course, is smart enough to avoid this dilemma by sticking to the ideals of rule of law. However, her strategy appears to be problematic because she only takes the laws for granted and implies that rule of law means implementing the laws properly.
For instance, when a participant at the Oslo Forum asked whether or not Rohingyas are citizens of Burma, she responded that, “We are not certain exactly what the requirements of citizenship law are…, If we were very clear as to who are the citizens of the country under the citizenship law and who qualify, then there wouldn’t be this problem… We have to have rule of law, and we have to know what the law is. We have to make sure that it is properly implemented”.
However, implementing the laws alone is not adequate. Unjust laws and their contents need to be challenged so that the laws and their ‘proper implementation ensures justice, which Aung San Suu Kyi has not seriously addressed so far.
The Rohingya case provides a very clear example why the law itself can be a source of problems. Statelessness, ill treatment, and discrimination against the Rohingyas are not simply the results of a lack of the rule of law. Quite contrary, they are legally produced. In particular, they are the results of the 1982 Citizenship Act that effectively deprived the Rohingyas of citizenship status.
Whether one agrees with the controversial ethnic label ‘Rohingya’ or not, this Muslim population has lived in the Burma-Bangladesh borderland, known today as Arakan state on the Burma side, for centuries. As in every other borderland, the inhabitants move about in the territory. They are connected by people on both sides of the border through cross-border networks of family ties, labor processes, trade relations, etc., just like ethnic Rakhines in Arakan state.
Throughout the dictator Ne Win era, deadly military operations and arbitrary categorizations of ‘national races’ undermined the Rohingyas’ historical existence in that borderland. By the late 1970s and early 1980s, they lost their indigenous status to that very specific borderland.
When the 1982 Citizenship Act was introduced, they were effectively disqualified for citizenship since the new act recognizes only the decedents of the so-called national races who had lived in the state territory prior to 1824. Rendered a non-indigenous or non-national race unlike other groups such as the Karan, Kachin, Shan etc., the Muslim population from that borderland, who called themselves Rohingyas, ‘became’ non-nationals and non-citizens, and worse, illegal immigrants.
Today’s ill treatment and discrimination against Rohingyas, as well as the popular mis-perception about their status as ‘illegal’ are all predicated on the 1982 Citizenship Act. As such, their statelessness and illegal status are not natural and automatic, but a man-made phenomenon, facilitated and fortified by the 1982 act.
To borrow a phrase from Professor Nicholas de Genova from Columbia University, the Rohingyas’ situation should be understood as the legal production of Rohingya illegality. It is the law that places this Muslim population outside the national citizenship regime; it is the law that institutionalizes their exclusion and renders them ‘illegal.’ As such, talking about the rule of law without being serious about the need to challenge unjust laws and their contents will only perpetuate the problems. Aung San Suu Kyi’s choice not to go further into challenging the laws might be her strategic choice for now, but she will have to address it sooner or later.
(Sai Latt is a Burmese PhD candidate at Simon Fraser University in Canada.)
At least 90,000 people have now been displaced by the conflict in Western Burma.
Photographer captures plight of Burmese Rohingya (Credit: ABC)
And with the monsoon season getting underway, a refugee crisis is looming, with the World Food Program saying it's provided food to more than 65,000 people and estimating a further 25,000 are in need of help.
Those refugees are mostly Muslim Rohingyas who flee to neighbouring Bangladesh - which already has a population of stateless Rohingya refugees.
Bangkok-based photographer Greg Constantine has been photographing those refugees for a number of years and he's releasing a book of those photographs in a collection called "Exiled to Nowhere: Burma's Rohingya".
Presenter: Wayne Shields
Speaker: Greg Constantine, photographer
CONSTANTINE: I've been photographing the Rohingya in Bangladesh since 2006, so the photographs in the book, "Exiled to Nowhere", were taken over the course of eight different trips to southern Bangladesh from 2006 until the very beginning of this year. The last trip that I made was in February 2012.
SHIELDS: Ok Greg so maybe a little bit of background prior to this current conflict in western Burma, which has led to a lot of Rohingya moving to Bangladesh. But the people that you were taking these photos of, how did they mainly end up there?
CONSTANTINE: Over the past 40 years there's been really a history and a legacy of persecution of the Rohingya minority group, particularly in north Rakhine state, which is a series of townships in Rakhine where the recent violence has been taking place. And over the past 40 years there's been several different waves of persecution of the Rohingya in Burma, and that has openly ended up forcing a lot of people outside of their home country and fleeing to Bangladesh. And over the course of the years the last big wave was 1991-92, and since then several hundred if not thousands of Rohingya trickle over the Burmese-Bangladesh border every single year, pretty much seeking sanctuary from the various forms of abuse that they face at the hands of the Burmese government.
SHIELDS: So how many Rohingya do you think are now in Bangladesh?
CONSTANTINE: I don't think anybody particularly knows all the strict figure of how many people live there. But the estimates range anywhere from 200 to 300-thousand people from this particular group Rohingya live in southern Bangladesh, pretty much clandestinely, there is probably 29 to 30-thousand officially recognised Rohingya refugees who live in two UNHCR monitored and administered refugee camps. But the other 200, 250-thousand are people who are not recognised by the Bangladesh government as being refugees, and they basically eke away a hand-to-mouth existence in southern Bangladesh.
SHIELDS: Late last year the new government of Burma agreed to take back registered Rohingya refugees, and since then as we've mentioned the mood has changed and more Rohingya want to leave Burma. You've been there on the ground, what do these people go through when they decide to set off for Bangladesh?
CONSTANTINE: Well one thing to make clear is that the area where most of the Rohingya live in Burma, in north Rakhine, is completely closed off to pretty much everyone, for the exception of some larger international organisations. North Rakhine is completely isolated and closed off to the press, to the media, to tourists, I mean it really is a locked down area of Burma. And so getting into north Rakhine and being able to photograph and tell the story of the Rohingya there is pretty much impossible. So my method has been to try to spend as much time in southern Bangladesh over the years to get the stories of people who have been coming out of Burma. And the problems that Rohingya face in Burma are numerous from forced labour to arbitrary land seizure to extortion and heavy taxes to even heavy restrictions on the right to get married, is probably one of the most extreme cases in the sense that Rohingya who want to get married in north Rakhine actually have to obtain formal permission from the local authorities, which is called an Nasaka. And a lot of these administrative kind of procedures that the Burmese government has put in place over the past 20 years or so really make life for the Rohingya miserable. And miserable enough to make the hard decision, do I stay here in Burma or for me to move forward with my life whether it be to be able to provide food for my family, because Rohingya cannot travel freely even from one village to the next in north Rakhine? Do I go to Bangladesh and live as an unrecognised person there and try to provide for my family there?
SHIELDS: Ok so you've mentioned it's a fairly miserable existence in Burma. How would you describe the condition of the people you found in Bangladesh?
CONSTANTINE: Well in my first trip in 2006 when I saw the conditions in which the Rohingya were living in the first question that came to my head, and I'm sure it's the first question that comes at least when I talk with other journalists who've spent time in southern Bangladesh, the first question that came to their mind was when you look at the conditions that they're living in in Bangladesh you wonder this is really, really horrible, how much worse could it actually be in Burma for them to make the conscious decision to actually leave and place themselves in this desperate situation in Bangladesh? So if that's any indication, the situation on both sides of the border really is quite desperate.
SHIELDS: Of the people that manage to find work, what type of work are they generally doing?
CONSTANTINE: Well they do manual labour jobs, and I think kind of the precarious part of all this is that the Rohingya, there are so many Rohingya in southern Bangladesh that they really have become an essential source of labour for a number of different businesses in economic sectors in southern Bangladesh, anywhere from 70 to 80 per cent of rickshaw drivers in a lot of towns in southern Bangladesh, in the Teknaf Cox's Bazar area are all Rohingya. The salt fields, the back-breaking work in many of the salt fields in southern Bangladesh are done by Rohingya. The fishing industry is basically incredibly reliant on the manual labour of Rohingya. You can look at pretty much any sector of the Bangladesh economy in southern Bangladesh, particularly in the Teknaf and Cox's Bazar area, and local Bangladeshi business owners are saving a lot of money by hiring Rohingya for rock bottom prices.
SHIELDS: Given that your focus was very much documenting how difficult life is for these people. How were you greeted or accepted by the Rohingya that you've taken photos of for your book?
CONSTANTINE: Well I think most of my trips are quite long and I've built relationships over the past six years with a number of different Rohingya in the community. I think that for myself there's always an element they have absolutely no reason to trust who I am as a foreigner or trust anyone for that matter, because I think that a lot of people from western governments to bodies in the UN have really failed this particular community. So they have every reason not to trust me. But I think that I spend a lot of time talking with people before I start taking pictures, and I think in general that a lot of the Rohingya that I talk to, they want their stories to be heard because they have so little voice in the international community. There's not a very substantial Rohingya exiles kind of organised exiled community out there right now, it's growing. But I think that the Rohingya want people to know their story and I just happen to be one of the people helping to share that story with other people out there.
SHIELDS: Greg there doesn't appear to be any joy in the photographs that I've looked at, no pictures of children smiling or laughing, that's obviously a conscious decision that you've made. But there must have been some joy?
CONSTANTINE: Well yeah, I mean I think the fact is that kids are kids, and I think that children in a lot of ways, specifically little children, they don't particularly understand the gravity of the situation in which they're existing in. So there's always moments that you're going to find a kid flying a kite, or find kids just being kids. But the reality of it is that there is an equal amount of situations in which I've met children who are Rohingya who didn't have smiles on their faces. And I think that when you see kids who don't have smiles on their faces and aren't being kids, then you really realise how serious the situation is, because the weight of a community's situation and desperation has now been kind of transferred over on to the shoulders of the child, and that to me is a pretty dramatic thing. I think it's a really good indicator of how desperate a situation is, and hence the reason why the particular photographs that I've chosen appear in my book.
SHIELDS: They say that every picture tells a story, is there a particular personal story that touched you that you could share with us?
CONSTANTINE: Well I think there's a number of stories that have left an impact on me over the years. I wouldn't particularly want to share one in particular, but I think that one of the big things for me has been talking to youth, people anywhere from the age of 25 to 18 who are Rohingya, and I think that as of right now or over the recent years, one of the probably the primary reason why Rohingya youth end up fleeing from Burma into Bangladesh is not so much because of violence, and not so much because of forced labour, but it's really because I would hear these stories over and over and over and over again, is the restrictions on marriage, and basically how young Rohingya who want to lead a normal life, get married, start families, are prevented from doing so because of this web of administrative restrictions that are put specifically on the Rohingya community, which makes them end up really realising if I want to move forward with my life, there's no way that I can do it here in my homeland, because the Burmese government is now allowing me to do things that normal human beings are able to do, which is get married and start a family. And because of that, they end up, that's the primary reason why people, why youth I think end up leaving north Rakhine and going to Bangladesh to seek sanctuary. Those are the kinds of stories I think that have really left a profound imprint on my mind, many of them are quite personal, but these are the kind of stories that people would share with me. And that I'm trying to share with people in this book through the voices of the Rohingya that are in this book as well.
SHIELDS: Alright Greg you're launching it this week, if people want to know more give us some website and social media details so they can have a closer look?
CONSTANTINE: Yeah a website was just launched of the project, it's www.exiledtonowhere.com. People can get a lot of information about the Rohingya, about the book on the website. There's links on there as well about how to purchase the book. My Rohingya work is only a chapter of a larger project that I've been working on for six years called Nowhere People, which basically documents the consequences that the denial of citizenship and statelessness have on ethnic minority groups all around the world. And the Rohingya is probably one of the more extreme examples of the consequences that statelessness has on a community. So people can also visit, www.nowherepeople.org to also find out not only more about the Rohingya, but about the global phenomenon of statelessness, which it really is becoming a global crisis in the sense that over 12-million people, according to the UN worldwide are without a nationality or denied citizenship and really belong to no country in the world.
Source here
Monday 25 June 2012
John Sparks
Asia Correspondent
As Burma's rulers claim the country is embracing democracy, Asia correspondent John Sparks reports on the perilous attempts of native Rohingya people to seek refuge in Bangladesh.
At the end of a jetty in the town of Teknaf in Bangladesh, the sound of misery rose up above the wind and the waves. 140 men and boys were caught by the coastguard at first light, and a camera team filmed as they pleaded and prayed for their lives.
After weeks of violence in north west Burma, members of that country's Muslim minority, also known as the "Rohingya", are trying to flee. But no one wants them. We filmed as members of the Bangladesh coastguard handed out water and packs or rice and bread rolls before ordering them back onto their boats.
They were a sorry-looking group, many of whom were crying uncontrollably. Their boats were leaky and badly overloaded, but it wasn't the voyage they men fear most - they are petrified of returning to Burma.
"They'll kill me," said one man who had to be dragged on a boat. Our camera team heard the reply from a member of the coast guard: "Allah will save you. Now go back."
In Burma's Rakhine state, the fires have been burning for several weeks now. Homes have been raised and lives taken by hate filled mobs. Ethnic Buddhists and the Muslim Rohingya blame each other for the violence, but hard facts are difficult to come by.
International NGOs have pulled their staff out - too dangerous they say - while Burma's government refuses to let independent observers in. The result is an information vacuum - no-one knows what the death toll or how many have escaped the violence.
The United Nations says 90,000 people have been displaced by the violence but they have little more than guesswork to rely on. The head of the UNHCR in Bangladesh, Craig Saunders told us: "It is very, very difficult to get an accurate picture of what is actually going on."
Information is scarce, but our camera team found people willing to talk. They spoke to Rohingya refugees who'd made the crossing to Bangladesh. Some have hidden in farmers' shacks. Others have been taken in by sympathetic locals - and most were seemed deeply traumatised.
One illegal entrant, called Shahara, said: "My sisters, brothers and other relatives were burnt alive. They burnt my own children. We couldn't bear it any more so we came to Bangladesh. The coastguard turned us back three times - and we floated at sea for four days and four nights. Then we managed to sneak in. Three of our children were burnt to death in Burma. Another two died in the boat getting here."
Her husband Mohammad told us that local policemen and members of the military in Burma had sided with the ethnic Buddhists - participating in attacks on Muslims. He said he saw a Burmese helicopter attack boats packed with refugees: "There were three boats together when we set off - and another three followed us. The three boats that lagged behind where attacked by a helicopter and caught fire."
He thinks almost 50 people were killed, adding: "We saw something reddish fall on the boats and instantly they exploded into flames."
A regional official in Burma today denied this allegation, pointing out that there was "only one" helicopter in Rakhine state which is "unarmed".
We don't know what happened to the men and the boys we filmed on the jetty in Teknaf.
A local contact said five of the boats, pushed back into the sea, had disappeared by the next morning - but like much of the tesitmony we've heard, we have been unable to verify this.
Still, events in Burma are a catastrophe for the Rohingya, a little-known group of people who nobody seems to want. Only dialogue and generosity and human decency will prevent further loss of life.
Source here
By Jacob Zenn
The recent inter-ethnic riots between Rakhine and Rohingya communities in Myanmar highlight some of the major human security issues the country must face as it embarks on democratization and peace-building processes.
While there are no questions asked about the citizenship of 135 officially recognized ethnic groups across Myanmar, the majority of which straddle the country's borderlands with India, Bangladesh, China and Thailand, the Rohingya are viewed by the state as outsiders.
The Rohingya have lived in the border region between Bangladesh and Myanmar for generations, but as the aftermath of the riots shows, Myanmar citizens - elites and commoners alike - hold little sympathy for their stateless plight.
A typical post-colonial "indigene-settler" dispute exists in Rakhine state. The Buddhist Rakhines consider themselves as the original inhabitants of the land and perceive the Muslim Rohingya as "Bengali settlers". The Rohingya make conflicting historical claims to their rights as Myanmar citizens.
The recent tensions between the two communities escalated after the horrific rape and killing of a Rakhine girl in Kyat Ni Maw on May 28. Photos of her brutalized corpse were disseminated on the Internet, shortly after which news stations reported that three Rohingya were detained as suspects in her murder.
This prompted hundreds of Rakhines to rally against the crime in front of a police station and the local administrative agency of Rakhine state. Days later, on June 3, a group of Rakhines turned to vigilante justice when they reportedly killed nine Rohingya in a revenge attack on bus passengers in Taung Kote, Rakhine state.
Angered by the local media's slanted reporting of the murder and its provocative references to the Rohingya as kala, Rohingya in Yangon staged their own protests.
Although the word kala derives from the Pali word meaning "noble", it also means "black" in the Hindi language.The term is associated with racist connotations in the Burmese language, and is often used to refer to outsiders from the subcontinent, including Bangladeshis, Indians, Nepalis, Sri Lankans and Pakistanis.
To Rohingya, being called kala is to deny their historical connection to Rakhine state. The word "Rohingya" derives from the word "Rakhine", evidence of their connection to the land, Rohingya claim.
The Rohingya's protest over kala references also reflects their frustration over their official exclusion from Myanmar society. As the country's democratic reforms move ahead, many disfranchised Rohingya hope to gain citizenship rights, but so far there are no indications this is in the cards.
Myanmar's 1982 Citizenship Law established that the Rohingya, along with several other communities such as the Gurkhas (an ethnic community with historical links to Nepal), were not among the 135 officially recognized ethnic groups in Myanmar entitled to citizenship.
Myanmar's next census is scheduled for 2013, but no changes in the Rohingya's status are likely given that even the country's most respected leaders are approaching the issue with caution in the wake of the recent riots. Pro-democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi said recently that "the problem should be tackled by fair application of the law", presumably the already standing Citizenship Law.
Ko Ko Gyi, an icon from the 1988 pro-democracy protests brutally suppressed by the military and until recently a prominent political prisoner, has openly opposed the Rohingya gaining citizenship. He also implied that sympathetic foreigners should stay out of the issue, in line with the military's long-held view on the matter.
"Now it is time that we announce our view on the Rohingya clearly. The Rohingya are not one of the ethnic groups of Myanmar at all. We see that the riots happening currently in Buthedaung and Maungdaw of [Rakhine] state are because of the illegal immigrants from Bangladesh called Rohingya and the mischievous provocations of some international communities," Ko Ko Gyi said.
"Therefore, such interfering efforts by some powerful nations on this issue without fully understanding the ethnic groups and other situations of Burma will be viewed as offending the sovereignty of our nation."
Empowered by Myanmar's recent lifting of restrictions on the Internet, citizens now freely communicate on social-media networks such as Facebook. Many have used racially charged language about the Rohingya that previously would have been banned or censored.
Their online postings have highlighted grassroots perceptions among Burmans that the Rohingya should not be considered citizens of Myanmar. Not only are the Rohingya referred to askala on these posts, but they are also being viewed as "terrorists".
One representative post, for example, read: "We have a right of self-defense. I hope DASSK [Daw Aung San Suu Kyi] would understand that this is not bullying the minority. They are not a minority anyway. This is a sovereignty issue and this is just terrorism and they are evil enemies of freedom."
By mid-June, the government had declared martial law and imposed a curfew in several districts of Rakhine state. More than 80 have been killed and thousands of homes torched since the clashes first erupted. Sporadic violence has continued since the imposition of emergency rule over the area.
More than 800,000 Rohingya reside in Myanmar, but the violence is pushing a new wave of refugees into Bangladesh. The United Nations estimated there were already 300,000 Rohingya living in refugee camps in Bangladesh, many of whom fled earlier rounds of state suppression against their communities in Myanmar.
Myanmar and Bangladesh will hold talks about the Rohingya situation in early July - Myanmar's President Thein Sein is due to start a three-day visit to Bangladesh on July 15. Some hope the persecuted minority will be granted some sort of quasi-citizenship after the talks. If this should fail, then the Rohingya will remain in a legal and physical limbo hoping for refugee status somewhere abroad.
Jacob Zenn is an international-affairs analyst based in Washington, DC, who formerly worked at the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees in Malaysia.
The recent inter-ethnic riots between Rakhine and Rohingya communities in Myanmar highlight some of the major human security issues the country must face as it embarks on democratization and peace-building processes.
While there are no questions asked about the citizenship of 135 officially recognized ethnic groups across Myanmar, the majority of which straddle the country's borderlands with India, Bangladesh, China and Thailand, the Rohingya are viewed by the state as outsiders.
The Rohingya have lived in the border region between Bangladesh and Myanmar for generations, but as the aftermath of the riots shows, Myanmar citizens - elites and commoners alike - hold little sympathy for their stateless plight.
A typical post-colonial "indigene-settler" dispute exists in Rakhine state. The Buddhist Rakhines consider themselves as the original inhabitants of the land and perceive the Muslim Rohingya as "Bengali settlers". The Rohingya make conflicting historical claims to their rights as Myanmar citizens.
The recent tensions between the two communities escalated after the horrific rape and killing of a Rakhine girl in Kyat Ni Maw on May 28. Photos of her brutalized corpse were disseminated on the Internet, shortly after which news stations reported that three Rohingya were detained as suspects in her murder.
This prompted hundreds of Rakhines to rally against the crime in front of a police station and the local administrative agency of Rakhine state. Days later, on June 3, a group of Rakhines turned to vigilante justice when they reportedly killed nine Rohingya in a revenge attack on bus passengers in Taung Kote, Rakhine state.
Angered by the local media's slanted reporting of the murder and its provocative references to the Rohingya as kala, Rohingya in Yangon staged their own protests.
Although the word kala derives from the Pali word meaning "noble", it also means "black" in the Hindi language.The term is associated with racist connotations in the Burmese language, and is often used to refer to outsiders from the subcontinent, including Bangladeshis, Indians, Nepalis, Sri Lankans and Pakistanis.
To Rohingya, being called kala is to deny their historical connection to Rakhine state. The word "Rohingya" derives from the word "Rakhine", evidence of their connection to the land, Rohingya claim.
The Rohingya's protest over kala references also reflects their frustration over their official exclusion from Myanmar society. As the country's democratic reforms move ahead, many disfranchised Rohingya hope to gain citizenship rights, but so far there are no indications this is in the cards.
Myanmar's 1982 Citizenship Law established that the Rohingya, along with several other communities such as the Gurkhas (an ethnic community with historical links to Nepal), were not among the 135 officially recognized ethnic groups in Myanmar entitled to citizenship.
Myanmar's next census is scheduled for 2013, but no changes in the Rohingya's status are likely given that even the country's most respected leaders are approaching the issue with caution in the wake of the recent riots. Pro-democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi said recently that "the problem should be tackled by fair application of the law", presumably the already standing Citizenship Law.
Ko Ko Gyi, an icon from the 1988 pro-democracy protests brutally suppressed by the military and until recently a prominent political prisoner, has openly opposed the Rohingya gaining citizenship. He also implied that sympathetic foreigners should stay out of the issue, in line with the military's long-held view on the matter.
"Now it is time that we announce our view on the Rohingya clearly. The Rohingya are not one of the ethnic groups of Myanmar at all. We see that the riots happening currently in Buthedaung and Maungdaw of [Rakhine] state are because of the illegal immigrants from Bangladesh called Rohingya and the mischievous provocations of some international communities," Ko Ko Gyi said.
"Therefore, such interfering efforts by some powerful nations on this issue without fully understanding the ethnic groups and other situations of Burma will be viewed as offending the sovereignty of our nation."
Empowered by Myanmar's recent lifting of restrictions on the Internet, citizens now freely communicate on social-media networks such as Facebook. Many have used racially charged language about the Rohingya that previously would have been banned or censored.
Their online postings have highlighted grassroots perceptions among Burmans that the Rohingya should not be considered citizens of Myanmar. Not only are the Rohingya referred to askala on these posts, but they are also being viewed as "terrorists".
One representative post, for example, read: "We have a right of self-defense. I hope DASSK [Daw Aung San Suu Kyi] would understand that this is not bullying the minority. They are not a minority anyway. This is a sovereignty issue and this is just terrorism and they are evil enemies of freedom."
By mid-June, the government had declared martial law and imposed a curfew in several districts of Rakhine state. More than 80 have been killed and thousands of homes torched since the clashes first erupted. Sporadic violence has continued since the imposition of emergency rule over the area.
More than 800,000 Rohingya reside in Myanmar, but the violence is pushing a new wave of refugees into Bangladesh. The United Nations estimated there were already 300,000 Rohingya living in refugee camps in Bangladesh, many of whom fled earlier rounds of state suppression against their communities in Myanmar.
Myanmar and Bangladesh will hold talks about the Rohingya situation in early July - Myanmar's President Thein Sein is due to start a three-day visit to Bangladesh on July 15. Some hope the persecuted minority will be granted some sort of quasi-citizenship after the talks. If this should fail, then the Rohingya will remain in a legal and physical limbo hoping for refugee status somewhere abroad.
Jacob Zenn is an international-affairs analyst based in Washington, DC, who formerly worked at the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees in Malaysia.
Source here
ေဒါက္တာ ဟာဘိ စီဒီကီ
မူရင္းေဆာင္းပါး –Asiantribune.com
ခ်စ္ခင္ေလးစားရပါေသာ ေဒၚစုၾကည္ခင္ဗ်ား
ဆယ္စုႏွစ္တစ္ခုမက လူ႕အခြင့္အေရးအရာ လံႈ႕ေဆာ္ၾကိဳးပမ္းသူတစ္ဦးအေနျဖင့္ ကြၽန္ေတာ္ဟာ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံရွိ ႏိုင္ငံေရး အက်ဥ္းသားမ်ား လြတ္ေျမာက္ရန္ႏွင့္ ဒီမိုကေရစီေဖာ္ေဆာင္ေရးအတြက္ ပူးတြဲလုပ္ေဆာင္ခဲ့ပါတယ္။
အစိုးရသစ္ဟာ တိုင္းျပည္ေကာင္းစားဖို႕နဲ႕ မွန္ကန္တဲ့ သီလအတြက္ ခိုင္မာစြာ ရပ္တည္ခဲ့ၾကတဲ့ ေဒၚစုၾကည္ႏွင့္အတူ အျခားမ်ားစြာေသာ အျပစ္မဲ့တဲ့ ႏိုင္ငံေရး အက်ဥ္းသားမ်ားကို အနာဂတ္ ေရရွည္အက်ိဳးအျမင္ျဖင့္ လြတ္လပ္မႈေပး၊ လြတ္ေျမာက္ ခြင့္ေပးခဲ့တာျဖင့္ အလြန္ကိုေကာင္းမြန္ေစခဲ့ပါတယ္။
ျပီးခဲ့တဲ့ ဧျပီလ ၾကားျဖတ္ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲမွာ ေဒၚစုၾကည္ႏွင့္ NLD ပါတီ ဝင္ေရာက္ျပိဳင္ဆိုင္ခြင့္ရခဲ့ျပီး အမတ္ ၄၂-ေနရာ ေအာင္ႏိုင္ခဲ့တာ အလြန္ဝမ္းသာစရာပါ။ ျပည္သူေတြအတြက္ အလြန္ၾကီးမားတဲ့ ေအာင္ျမင္မႈပါ။
ျမန္မာျပည္တြင္းမွာ ထိုကဲ့သို႕ေသာ ေျပာင္းလဲတိုးတက္ မႈမ်ားနဲ႕အညီ ျပည္သူေတြရဲ့ ေမွ်ာ္လင့္ခ်က္ေတြ ဟာလည္း ျမင့္တက္လာပါတယ္။ ေအာက္လႊတ္ေတာ္မွာ ေဒၚစုၾကည္ရဲ့ အသံ၊ ဩဇာတကၠိမနဲ႕ ဆယ္စုႏွစ္မ်ားစြာ သူတို႕ ခံစားေတြ႕ၾကံဳေနရတဲ့ အတိဒုကၡေတြက လြတ္ေျမာက္ဖို႕ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံေတာ္သစ္မွာ မည္သူမဆို အေရာင္အေသြး၊ ဘာသာလူမ်ိဳး၊ ကိုးကြယ္ယုံၾကည္မႈ ကြဲျပားေနပါေစ ေဒၚစုၾကည္္ဟာ တရားမွ်တမႈ၊ ေက်ာသားရင္သားမခြဲျခားမႈ၊ တရားဥပေဒ စိုးမိုးမႈ ေတြကို ေဆာင္ၾကဥ္းေပးလာႏိုင္မယ္လို႕ ယုံၾကည္ထားၾကပါတယ္။ ...
ႏွစ္ေပါင္းမ်ားစြာ စစ္အာဏာရွင္ အစိုးရဟာ လူနည္းစုအေပၚ ျပင္းထန္စြာ ခြဲျခားဖိႏွိပ္ အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ခဲ့ပါတယ္။ ေဒၚစုၾကည္သိမယ္ ထင္တဲ့အတိုင္း လူမ်ိဳး၊ ဘာသာေရး ခြဲျခား ႏွိမ့္ခ်ဆက္ဆံမႈ၊ မုန္းတီး အစြန္းေရာက္မႈ အမ်ားျပား အျပင္းထန္ဆုံး ႏိုင္ငံတစ္ခုျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ဒါဟာ လုံးဝ မရွိသင့္ေတာ့တဲ့ အျပင္ လုံးဝ ေျပာင္းလဲဖို႕လိုပါတယ္။
ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံ အေနာက္ဘက္ေဒသရွိ အစၥလာမ္ဘာသာဝင္ လူနည္းစု အေပၚ မၾကာေသးမီက ျဖစ္ေပၚခဲ့တဲ့ တိုက္ခိုက္မႈဟာ လူမ်ိဳးေရးနဲ႕ ဘာသာေရးကို အေျခခံတဲ့ ျပသနာ တစ္ေၾကာ့ျပန္ပါ။ ရခိုင္ အမ်ိဳးသမီးငယ္တစ္ဦးကို မတရားက်င့္၊ သတ္ျဖတ္မႈက်ဴးလြန္ခဲ့တဲ့ ရာဇဝတ္ေကာင္ ၃-ေယာက္ကို အေၾကာင္းျပျပီး ျမန္မာျပည္ အျခားေဒသမွ တရားစခန္းဝင္ ျပန္လာတဲ့ မြတ္စလင္ ၁၀-ဦးကို ရခိုင္ျပည္နယ္ ေတာင္ကုတ္ျမိဳ႕မွာ ၃၀၀-ခန္႕ေသာ အၾကမ္းဖက္လူအုပ္ၾကီးက ရက္ရက္စက္စက္ ႐ိုက္ႏွက္သတ္ျဖတ္ခဲ့ၾကတာ ၾကားရတဲ့အခါ လြန္စြာတုန္လႈပ္ေျခာက္ျခားမိခဲ့ရပါတယ္။
ရာဇဝတ္သားတစ္ခ်ိဳ႕ရဲ့ အျပစ္က်ဴးလြန္မႈကို ဤကဲ့သို႕လူနည္းစု အေပၚ မေယာင္ရာ ဆီလူး ဥပေဒေဘာင္မဲ့ လက္စားေခ်တံု႕ျပန္ျခင္းသာ သမ႐ိုးက်ျဖစ္ေနခဲ့ပါက ဒီေလာကဝယ္ လူသားဆိုတာ အဘယ္မွာ က်န္ရွိပါေတာ့မလဲ။ သို႕ပါေသာ္လည္း ရခိုင္အၾကီးအကဲေခါင္းေဆာင္တို႕ဟာ ဤပုံဤနည္း မွန္ကန္စြာ စဥ္းစားၾကပုံမေပၚပဲ အစၥလာမ္ဘာသာဝင္ လူနည္:စုအေပၚ အျပစ္ပုံအမုန္းပြါး အဓိကရုန္းျဖစ္ေစခဲ့ၾကပါတယ္။
ေဒၚစုၾကည္ဟာ ပါလီမန္အတြင္း အတိုက္အခံေခါင္းေဆာင္တစ္ဦးအေနနဲ႕ အေျပာင္းအလဲမ်ားစြာအတြက္ ကတိကဝတ္ျပဳထားတဲ့ ဦးသိန္းစိန္ အစိုးရသစ္နဲ႕လက္တြဲျပီး အတိတ္ရဲ့အမိုက္ေမွာင္ေတြထဲက ရုန္းထြက္ခြဲခြါကာ အရွိန္အဟုန္ျဖင့္ တိုင္းျပည္သစ္တည္ေဆာက္မယ္လို႕ ထင္ထားခဲ့မိတာ သိပ္မ်ားေစာသြား ေလသလား။ မွားမ်ား သြားခဲ့ျပီလား။
ရခိုင္အၾကီးအကဲေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ား၊ လုံထိန္း၊ နစက အစရွိသူတို႕ဟာ ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာလူနည္းစုကို အျမစ္ျပတ္ရွင္းလင္းျပစ္ဖို႕ အကြက္က်က် စီမံခဲ့က်ပါတယ္။ ဇြန္လ ၃-ရက္ကျဖစ္ခဲ့တဲ့ ေၾကာက္မက္ဖြယ္ လူသတ္ပြဲၾကီးကို တားဆီးႏိုင္ပါလ်က္ မသိက်ိဳးကြၽံျပဳခဲ့က်တဲ့အျပင္ ဇြန္လ ၈-ရက္ ေသာၾကာေန႕ ဝတ္ျပဳျပီးျပန္လာၾကတဲ့ လက္နက္မဲ့ ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာမ်ားအား တိုက္ခိုက္ ပစ္ခတ္ခဲ့ၾကတာဟာျဖင့္ အလြန္ေကာက္က်စ္တဲ့ စီမံကိန္းရဲ့အစိတ္အပိုင္းတစ္ခုဆိုတာ အေသအခ်ာပါပဲ။
ဘုန္းၾကီးေက်ာင္းမ်ားအတြင္းမွ ရခိုင္အစြန္းေရာက္ အၾကမ္းဖက္သမားမ်ား လွ်ိဳ႕ဝွက္သိမ္းဆီးထားတဲ့ ဒုတ္၊ဓား၊လွံ၊လက္နက္မ်ား ဖမ္းမိခဲ့တယ္ဆိုတာလည္း အေထာက္အထားမ်ားအရ သိရွိရပါတယ္။ ဤစာေရးသားေနစဥ္ ကာလအတြင္းမွာဘဲ မြတ္စလင္အိုးအိမ္ေပါင္းမ်ားစြာ မီး႐ိႈ႕ခံေနရပါတယ္။ လူမ်ိဳးတုန္းသတ္ျဖတ္မႈေၾကာင့္ လူရာေပါင္းမ်ားစြာရဲ့ အသက္ေပါင္းမ်ားစြာ ေသေက်ပ်က္စီးေနပါတယ္။ ဒီလို ရက္စက္ၾကမ္းၾကဳပ္မႈမ်ားကို ၾကားသိရတာ အလြန္ပဲတုန္လႈပ္ေျခာက္ျခားရပါတယ္။
ရခိုင္ျပည္နယ္ရွိ မြတ္စလင္ေတြအားလုံးကို ႏိုင္ငံသားအခြင့္အေရး အျပည့္အဝေပးမယ္လို႕ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေအာင္းဆန္း ကိုယ္တိုင္ေျပာခဲ့ပါတယ္။ လြတ္လပ္ေရးရျပီး ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံ ပထမဆုံးသမၼတ စဝ္ေရႊသိုက္ကလည္း ရခိုင္ျပည္နယ္ရွိ မြတ္စလင္မ်ားအားလုံးဟာ ျမန္မာတိုင္းရင္းသားေတြပဲျဖစ္တယ္။ သူတို႕တိုင္ရင္းသား မဟုတ္ရင္ ငါတို႕ရွမ္းလဲ တိုင္းရင္းသားမဟုတ္ဘူးလို႕ေတာင္ ေျပာခဲ့ပါတယ္။
အာဏာရွင္ဦးေနဝင္းအစိုးရ မတက္ခင္က တိုင္းရင္းသားလူမ်ိဳးစု ၁၄၄-ခု သတ္မွတ္ခဲ့၊ ရွိခဲ့တာပါ။ ၁၉၇၄-ခုႏွစ္ ဦးေနဝင္းရဲ့ ဗမာ့ဆိုရွယ္လစ္လမ္းစဥ္ပါတီ တက္လာျပီးမွ ၁၃၅-ခုဆိုျပီး ျပင္ဆင္ခဲ့ပါတယ္။ ပ႐ႉးမြတ္စလင္၊ ရခိုင္မြတ္စလင္(ေနာင္ ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာ) အပါအဝင္ တိုင္းရင္းသား ၉-မ်ိဳး ပယ္ဖ်က္ပစ္ခဲ့ပါတယ္။ ပသီ၊ ေျမဒူး၊ ပန္းေသး၊ ျမန္မာ-အိႏၵိယ အစသျဖင့္ပါ။
၁၉၈၂-ခုႏွစ္ ႏိုင္ငံသားဥပေဒဟာ ႏိုင္ငံတကာဥပေဒ စည္းမ်ဥ္းစည္းကမ္းမ်ားရဲ့ အေျခခံမ်ားကိုပင္ ခ်ိဳးေဖာက္ထားပါတယ္။ ကုလသမဂၢ လူ႕အခြင့္အေရးဆိုင္ရာ ပဋိဥာဥ္နဲ႕လည္း ဆန္႕က်င္ေနပါတယ္။
ဒီဥပေဒေၾကာင့္ ေျမာက္မ်ားစြာေသာသူတို႕ဟာ ႏိုင္ငံသားျဖစ္ခြင့္ဆုံးရွုံးခဲ့ရျပီး အျခားအေျမာက္အမ်ားဟာလည္း အေျခခံ ႏိုင္ငံသားအခြင့္အေရးမ်ား ဆုံးရွုံးခဲ့ပါတယ္။ ဤသို႕ ႏွိမ့္ခ် ခြဲျခားမႈမ်ား၊ ဥပေဒေဘာင္မဲ့ က်ဴးလြန္မႈမ်ားဟာ ကုလသမဂၢရဲ့ ထုံးနဲ႕ လုံးဝမညီညြတ္ပါ။ ျမန္မာအစိုးရဟာ ကုလသမဂၢ လူ႕အခြင့္အေရးဆိုင္ရာ ပဠိညာဥ္ရဲ့ သေဘာတူညီခ်က္ေပါင္း ၃၀ ကို ခ်ိဳးေဖာက္ေနပါတယ္။ အဖြဲ႕ဝင္တိုင္း လိုက္နာရမဲ့ စည္းမ်ဥ္းဥပေဒသမ်ားပါ။
ေဒၚစုၾကည္ ခင္ဗ်ား၊ ေခါင္းေဆာင္မ႔ႈဆိုတာ လူအမ်ားမၾကိဳက္သည့္တိုင္ ခက္ခဲတဲ့ ဆုံးျဖတ္ခ်က္မ်ား ခ်ရေလ့ရွိပါတယ္။ တိုင္းျပည္အနာဂတ္ေကာင္း ေဖာ္ေဆာင္ေရးမွာ မိမိပါတီအတြင္းသာမက တစ္တိုင္းျပည္လုံးအတြင္းမွာပါ ဤအစြန္းေရာက္မႈ၊ အၾကမ္းဖက္မႈ၊ ခြဲျခားႏွိပ့္ခ်မႈမ်ားကို ႐ံႈ႕ခ်ရပါမယ္၊ တားဆီးရပါမယ္။
ျမန္မာ့လူ႕ေဘာင္အဖြဲ႕အစည္းအတြင္း ယခင္အစမွ တည္ရွိခဲ့ေသာ လူမ်ိဳးေရး၊ ဘာသာေရး ခြဲျခားႏွိပ့္ခ်မႈေလာက္ ဝမ္းနည္းဖြယ္ရာမွာ အျခားမရွိေတာ့ပါ။ လူမ်ားစုဗမာ၏ မဟာဗမာလူမ်ိဳးၾကီး ဝါဒသာလွ်င္မက ကရင္က ဗမာကိုမုန္း၊ ဗမာက ရွမ္းကိုမခ်စ္၊ ရွမ္းက ဝကိုမလိုလား၊ မြန္က ဗမာကိုအလိုမရွိ၊ ရခိုင္က ႐ိုဟင္ဂ်ာကို ျပင္းျပင္းထန္ထန္မုန္းတီး၊ ဗမာက တရုတ္ဆို ၾကည့္မရ၊ ခရစ္ယာန္က ဗုဒၶဘာသာကိုမၾကိဳက္၊ ျပီးေတာ့ အားလုံးေပါင္းျပီး မြတ္စလင္ကို ဝိုင္းမုန္း စသည္ျဖင့္ ဒီသံသရာက ဘယ္လိုမွမလြတ္ေျမာက္ေတာ့ပါ။ ျမန္မာျပည္သစ္မွာ ဒီလူမ်ိဳးေရး၊ ဘာသာေရး ခြဲျခားမႈ၊ မုန္းတီးမႈေရာပြမ္းေနတဲ့ ညစ္ညမ္းႏိုင္ငံေရး လုံးဝအဆုံး နိဂုံးခ်ဳပ္သင့္ပါျပီ။
ဆယ္စုႏွစ္ေပါင္းမ်ားစြာ စစ္အာဏာရွင္အစိုးရဟာ ‘မ်ိဳးေပ်ာက္မွာ စိုးေၾကာက္စရာ’၊ ‘ေျမျမိဳ၍ လူမ်ိဳးမေပ်ာက္၊ လူမ်ိဳးျမိဳမွ လူမ်ိဳးေပ်ာက္မည္’ အစရွိသည္မ်ားအပါအဝင္ ‘မ်က္ကန္းမ်ိဳးခ်စ္’ အယူအဆမ်ား ျပင္းထန္စြာဝါဒျဖန္႕ခဲ့ပါတယ္။ ‘တပ္မေတာ္အင္အားရွိမွ တိုင္းျပည္အင္အားရွိမည္’၊ ‘တပ္မေတာ္သည္သာအမိ၊ တပ္မေတာ္သည္သာအဖ’ စသည္ျဖင့္လည္း ျပည္ေထာင္စုၾကီးအဓြန္႕ရွည္ရန္ စစ္တပ္ရွိမွျဖစ္မည့္ဟန္ ဖန္တီး၍ တိုင္းရင္းသားမ်ား၊ လူနည္းစုမ်ားကို ညွင္းပန္းဖိႏွိပ္အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ခဲ့ပါတယ္။
အစိုးရသစ္လက္ထက္ဝယ္ အခ်ိဳ႕ေသာအရာမ်ား လြပ္လပ္ပြင့္လင္းလာေသာ္လည္း လူနည္းစုအေပၚ ခြဲျခားမႈမ်ား၊ အၾကမ္းဖက္မႈမ်ား အမ်ားအျပားရွိေနဆဲပါ။ ရခိုင္၊ ရွမ္း၊ ကခ်င္၊ ကရင္ စေသာ ျပည္နယ္မ်ား၌ အေျပာင္းအလဲရဲ့ သက္ေရာက္မႈဟာ မရွိသေလာက္ပါ။ တိုင္းရင္းသားလက္နက္ကိုင္တပ္ဖြဲ႕မ်ားနဲ႕ ဗမာ့တပ္မေတာ္တို႕ဟာလည္း တိုက္ပြဲေတြ ျပင္းထန္ေနဆဲပါ။ ဒီတစ္ႏွစ္အတြင္း ဗမာ့တပ္မေတာ္က တိုင္းရင္းသားလူနည္းစုမ်ားအေပၚ လူ႕အခြင့္အေရးခ်ိဳးေဖာက္မႈ အၾကိမ္ေပါင္း ၇၅၀ ခန္႕ရွိတယ္လို႕လဲ သိရပါတယ္။ ႏိုင္ငံေရးအက်ဥ္းသား ေျမာက္မ်ားစြာ လႊတ္ေပးဖို႕ရာ က်န္ရွိေနပါေသးတယ္။
ဒီမိုကေရစီလမ္းစဥ္ ေဖာ္ေဆာင္ေနျခင္းႏွင့္အညီ အသိရွိထားဖို႕ရာ ဖယ္ဒရယ္မူမဟုတ္တဲ့ ဗဟိုထိန္းခ်ဳပ္မႈအေျချပဳ ဒီမိုကေရစီစနစ္ဟာ ဒီျပသနာေတြကို ကာကြယ္ေျဖရွင္းႏိုင္မွာမဟုတ္ဘူး ဆိုတာပါပဲ။ လူမ်ိဳးဘာသာေရးခြဲျခားမႈ ရွိေနျခင္းကို ပထမဆုံးအေနနဲ႕ ဝန္ခံျပီး ဘယ္ေလာက္အတိုင္းအတာထိ နက္႐ိႈင္းတည္ရွိေနတယ္ဆိုတာကိုလည္း အသိအမွတ္ျပဳရပါမယ္။ ေနာက္ဆုံးျဖစ္ေပၚခဲ့တဲ့ ‘ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာမ်ိဳးျဖဳတ္ရွင္းလင္းေရး’ အဓိကရုန္းဟာ ရခိုင္လူမ်ိဳးမ်ားရဲ့ ေသးသိမ္က်ဥ္းေျမာင္းတဲ့ လူမ်ိဳးေရးအတၱစြဲကို လွစ္ဟျပေနပါတယ္။
ေခါင္းေဆာင္ၾကီးခင္ဗ်ား၊ ‘အၾကမ္းဖက္မႈမ်ား၊ ႏိုင့္ထက္စီးနင္းမႈမ်ား၊ အစြန္းေရာက္မႈမ်ား’ကို ေဒၚစုၾကည္အေနနဲ႕ အႂကြင္းမဲ့ ျပင္းျပင္းထန္ထန္ ႐ံႈ႕ခ်သင့္ပါတယ္။ အကယ္၍သာ ေဒၚစုၾကည္ႏွင့္တကြ အျခားေသာ ႏိုင္ငံေရးေခါင္းေဆာင္ မ်ားအေနျဖင့္ ဤသို႕ရပ္တည္ျခင္းမရွိပါက ေနာင္ ၂၀၁၅-ခု မည္သည့္အစိုးရသစ္ တက္ေရာက္လာသည္ျဖစ္ေစ ျမန္မာျပည္ဟာ ဒီႏြံထဲက ရုန္းထြက္ႏိုင္မွာ မဟုတ္ေတာ့ပါ။
၁၉၈၂-ႏိုင္ငံသားဥပေဒဟာ (လုံးဝ) တရားမဝင္ပါ။ အားလုံးရဲ့ ရပ္တည္မႈ ခဲေလသမွ် သဲေရက်အျဖစ္မ်ိဳးပါ။ ေက်းဇူးျပဳျပီး ဒီအမုန္းမီးပြါး၊ လူမ်ိဳးဘာသာခြဲျခားမႈ တံတိုင္းၾကီးကို ျဖိဳခ်ေပးပါ။ တိုင္းရင္းသား အစၥလာမ္ဘာသာဝင္ မြတ္စလင္လူနည္းစုတို႕ရဲ့ သာတူညီမွ် ႏိုင္ငံသား အခြင့္အေရးေတာင္းဆိုမႈဟာ တရားမွ်တမႈအျပည့္ရွိ၊ ေလ်ာ္ကန္သင့္ျမတ္ပါတယ္။ ဒါမွသာလွ်င္ ဖယ္ဒရယ္မူႏွင့္အညီ တိုင္းရင္းသား၊ လူမ်ိဳးေပါင္းစုံ၊ ဘာသာမေရြး လက္တြဲညီညြတ္စြာ အတူယွဥ္တြဲေနထိုင္ၾကတဲ့ ျငိမ္းခ်မ္းသာယာတဲ့ ျမန္မာျပည္သစ္ၾကီး အျမန္ဆုံး ေပၚထြန္းလာႏိုင္မွာပါ။
ရိုေသေလးစားစြာျဖင့္၊အေမရိကႏိုင္ငံမွ ဆုမြန္ေကာင္းေတာင္းလ်က္
ေဒါက္တာ ဟာဘိ စီဒီကီ
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ျမန္မာမႈျပဳတင္ျပသူ – လင္းယုန္နက္ (ျခေသၤ့ျမိဳ႕ေတာ္)
credit: www.myanmarmuslim.net
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| Photo:AP |
Yangon – The Arakan conflict in western Burma might have taken many more lives than the official report of 50 plus deaths. According to sources from Arakan state, more Rohingyas have been killed, but an exact number of deaths and displaced people is difficult to obtain as the government has barred journalists and relief organizations from visiting various places.
According to a letter submitted to a Member of Parliament U Shwe Maung by a Muslim community representative from the town of Sittwe, 159 Rohingyas were killed and 1,240 people are missing. The list that accounts for the Sittwe area from June 9 to 18 shows that 800 people have been injured (bullet and knife wounds). The list also shows that 94,613 Rohingya minority people have been displaced.
An email exchange between Rohingya activists in Thailand and Europe indicates, however, that the actual numbers are much higher.
A freelance reporter, who remains to be anonymous, predicts that Rohingya people in places where journalists are denied access to might be facing severe treatments including extra judicial killings and forced relocation.
Information shows that Border Administration Force (or Na Sa Ka) and security police have been raiding the homes of the Rohingyas, randomly shooting people, and secretly disposing bodies.
A Rohingya youth in Germany told MMSY News that he lost three relatives in Sittwe and that one is still missing. He added that Muslims’ homes are being bulldozed in the town of Sittwe.
Mg Win, a Rohingya migrant worker in Bangkok whose family lives in Sittwe, said, “People have been taken away, but they were not told where they have been taken to”.
The Burmese media, especially the domestic Burmese language journals, including Weekly Eleven, the Voice, and 7Days News have been reporting that Rohingyas are burning down their own homes.
Mg Win complaints, however, that the media reports are not accurate as houses are being burnt down by ethnic Rakhines and authorities.
Win Than, a migrant woman in Bangkok, agrees with Mg Win. She said her house in Sittwe was burnt down, and her family has been living in her grandparents’ village. She added that Na Sa Ka and security police are forcing Rohingyas to sign that they burnt down their own homes.
Although the scene in Sittwe seems calm presently, widespread but silent killing and house burning are still happening in various places. Rohingyas are specifically targeted by the authorities. “Even in Sittwe, Muslims (not just ethnic Rohingyas) are being forced out of their homes,” said Win Than.
Families who lost their family registration papers due to fire are being arrested. Burmese authorities are charging them with illegal entry without carefully examining whether they are residents or illegal immigrants.
Rohingya women have been targeted for rape as well. On June 15th, Na Sa Ka and security police located in the Maungdaw township raped five women between the ages of 14 and 35.
During the climax of the conflict, entire Rohingya villages were burnt down by Na Sa Ka. People were killed in their own homes; they could not leave due to Curfew. The bodies were transported by military trucks.
When sources were asked why the Rohingya side is still not able to provide photos or evidence of killing and burning experienced by the Rohingya, the sources said that it is difficult for Rohingyas to get photos. Many are still hiding in their houses as they have been shot as soon as they step outside their homes. Taking photos of the incidents and/or communicating information to outside world is virtually impossible.
Meanwhile, journalists and relief organizations are not allowed to freely collect information in Arakan state. The actual extent of killing, displacement, and injuries (estimated to be at a higher rate than previously disclosed) will continue to be unknown to the public.
On June 22nd, the United Nation High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) warned the public that the Arakan state could face “severe humanitarian crisis” due to the conflict.
Credit: MMSY
Gulf Times News
By Mizan Rahman
Dhaka
source: Here
ဘဂၤလားေဒ့ရွ္နိုင္ငံက ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာဒုကၡသည္မ်ားကို သူတို႔၏ႏိုင္ငံအတြင္း၌သာ ၿငိမ္းျငိမ္းခ်မ္းခ်မ္းေနထိုင္သြားနိုင္ဖို႔ ဆႏၵရွိေၾကာင္း ေဖာ္ျပခဲ့သည္။ သို႔အတြက္ ဘဂၤလားေဒ့ရွ္က ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာ ဒုကၡသည္မ်ား၏ ကိုယ္ပိုင္အခြင့္အေရးတစ္ခု လက္လႊတ္ ဆံုးရွဳံးသြားေစႏိုင္သည့္ နည္းလမ္းမ်ားကို အသံုးမျပဳၾကရန္ ႏိုင္ငံတကာအဖြဲ႔အစည္းမ်ားအား တိုက္တြန္းေျပာၾကားလိုက္သည္။
“ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာေတြက ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံသားေတြပါ။ ဒါ့ေၾကာင့္ ႏိုင္ငံတကာ အဖြဲ႔အစည္းမ်ားအေနနဲ့ သူတို႔ရဲ႕တရား၀င္ ရပိုင္ခြင့္ကို ထိခိုက္ေစမယ့္ ကိစၥေတြ၊ အေျပာအဆိုေတြ မျပဳလုပ္သင့္ပါဘူး” ဟု ဘဂၤလားေဒ့ရွ္နိုင္ငံ တရားေရး၀န္ၾကီး ရွာဖိက္အဟ္မဒ္က ကာတာႏိုင္ငံ ဒိုဟာျမိဳ႔တြင္ သတင္းသမားမ်ားအား ေျပာခဲ့သည္။
“ဘဂၤလားေဒ့ရွ္အေနနဲ့ သူတို႔(ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာ) ေတြကို သူတို့ႏိုင္ငံမွာပဲ ေအးေအးခ်မ္းခ်မ္း ေနထိုင္ေစလိုပါတယ္။” ဟု သူက ျဖည့္စြက္ေျပာၾကားသည္။
ဘဂၤလားေဒ့ရွ္ တရားေရး၀န္ၾကီးက ျမန္မာအစိုးရ၏ ရခုိင္ျပည္နယ္တြင္ ျဖစ္ပ်က္လ်က္ရွိသည့္ အရွဳပ္အေထြးမ်ားအား ကိုင္တြယ္ေျဖရွင္းေနမွဳမ်ားကိုလည္း အသိအမွတ္ျပဳေၾကာင္း ေျပာဆိုသြားခဲ့သည္။
ဒါကာျမိဳ႕အေျခစိုက္ ဘဂၤလားေဒ့ရွ္နိုင္ငံဆိုင္ရာ ဥပေဒေကာ္မရွင္ကို ႏိုင္ငံတကာက ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာဒုကၡသည္မ်ားလက္ခံေရးအတြက္ ဖိအားမ်ားေပးလာခဲ့သည္။ သို႔အတြက္ ၿပီးခဲ့သည့္ ရက္သတၱပတ္၌ ဘဂၤလားေဒ့ရွ္က ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံ၊ ရခိုင္ျပည္နယ္တြင္ျဖစ္ပ်က္ေနေသာ လူမ်ိဳးေရး အဓိကရုဏ္း အဆံုးသတ္ေရးကို နိုင္ငံတကာမွ အာရံုစိုက္ၾကရန္ ေတာင္းဆိုခဲ့သည္။
ဘဂၤလားေဒ့ရွ္ပါလီမန္တြင္ ႏိုင္ငံျခားေရး၀န္ၾကီး ဒီပုမိုနီက “ကြ်န္မအေနနဲ႔ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံတြင္း ဆူပူေသာင္းက်န္းမွဳ ခ်ဳပ္ၿငိမ္းဖို႔ ေဆာင္ရြက္ရန္ နိုင္ငံတကာက ျမန္မာအစိုးရကို ၀ိုင္း၀န္းေျပာဆိုၾကဖို႔ (သူတို႕ကလည္း ဒီျပႆနာကို ၾကည္ၾကည္ျဖဴျဖဴနဲ႔ ေျဖရွင္းေပးဖို႔ လိုလားတယ္ဆိုရင္) ေတာင္းဆိုသြားပါမယ္။ ” ဟု ေျပာဆိုခဲ့သည္။
အေမရိကန္ႏွင့္ ကုလသမဂၢ၏ ဒုကၡသည္မ်ားဆိုင္ရာမဟာမင္းၾကီးရံုး(UNHCR) တို႔သာမက အျခားကမၻာ့အဖြဲ႔အစည္းမ်ားပူးေပါင္း၍ ျမန္မာျပည္မွ လူနညး္စု ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာ ဒုကၡသည္မ်ားကို လက္ခံသြားရန္၊ သို႔အားျဖင့္ ရခုိင္ျပည္နယ္တြင္းမွ ေၾကာက္မက္ဖြယ္ ဆူပူေသာင္းက်န္းမွဳမ်ားကို ဆန္႔က်င္သြားရန္ ဒါကာအေျခစိုက္ ဘဂၤလားေဒ့ရွ္တရားေရးဌာနကို လြန္ခဲ့သည့္နွစ္ရက္က ေတာင္းဆိုခဲ့ၾကသည္။
ဘဂၤလားေဒ့ရွ္ဘက္ကလည္း ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာဒုကၡသည္မ်ား အသစ္တဖန္ စီး၀င္လာျခင္းကို ျငင္းဆန္လ်က္ရွိသည္။ ဘဂၤလားေဒ့ရွ္က ၄င္းတို႔အေနျဖင့္ ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာေပါင္း ၄ သိန္းခန့္ကို နွစ္ေပါင္းမ်ားစြာ ဒုကၡသည္မ်ားအျဖစ္ လက္ခံထားၿပီးျဖစ္၍ ၀န္ထုပ္၀န္ပိုး ၾကီးမားလာမည္ကို စုိးရိမ္ေၾကာင္းျဖင့္ ေျပာဆိုသည္။
ထိုဘဂၤလားေဒ့ရွ္ဘက္မွ ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာ ၄သိန္းမွာ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံတြင္ စစ္အစိုးရအုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ေနစဥ္၊ ဘဂၤလားေဒ့ရွ္ဘက္သို႔ ကူးေျပာင္းခဲ့ၾကသူမ်ားျဖစ္၍ ဘဂၤလားေဒ့ရွ္တို႔အေနျဖင့္ လံုျခံဳေရးအခက္အခဲေၾကာင့္ ဒုကၡသည္အသစ္မ်ားကို ေနရာထိုင္ခင္း မေပးႏိုင္ေတာ့ေၾကာင္း နိုင္ငံျခားေရး၀န္ၾကီးက ဆိုသည္။
“ႏိုင္ငံတကာအုပ္စုေတြက ပိုမိုနားလည္သေဘာေပါက္ဖို႔ လိုအပ္ေနပါတယ္။ ႏိုင္ငံတကာလူ႔အခြင့္အေရးအဖြဲ႔ေတြကလည္း ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံကို ၄င္းတို႔ျပည္တြင္းေရးျပႆနာနဲ႔ပတ္သတ္ၿပီး ထိန္းခ်ဳပ္သြားဖို႔ ေတာင္းဆိုသင့္ပါတယ္။” ဟု ႏိုင္ငံျခားေရး၀န္ၾကီးက ပါလီမန္တြင္ ေျပာၾကားခဲ့သည္။
မိုနီက ဘဂၤလားေဒ့ရွ္အေနျဖင့္ ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာ ဒုကၡသည္မ်ားအတြက္ အဆင္ေျပေခ်ာေမြ႔ေစဖို႔ လူသားခ်င္းစာနာမွဳကို အေျခခံ၍ အတတ္ႏိုင္ဆံုး စီစဥ္ေဆာင္ရြက္ေပးေန ခဲ့ေၾကာင္း၊ ႏိုင္ငံနယ္နိမိတ္ ေစာင့္မ်ားကလည္း စားစရာမ်ား၊ ေဆး၀ါးမ်ားနွင့္ စက္ေလွအတြက္ ေလာင္စာဆီမ်ားကို ေထာက္ပံ့ေပးေနေၾကာင္း၊ သို႔အားျဖင့္ ၄င္းတို႔သည္ မိမိတို႔ေနအိမ္ကို ျပန္လည္သြားေရာက္နိုင္ဖို႔ ရည္ရြယ္ေၾကာင္း ေျပာၾကားခဲ့သည္။
By Mizan Rahman
Dhaka
source: Here
ဘဂၤလားေဒ့ရွ္နိုင္ငံက ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာဒုကၡသည္မ်ားကို သူတို႔၏ႏိုင္ငံအတြင္း၌သာ ၿငိမ္းျငိမ္းခ်မ္းခ်မ္းေနထိုင္သြားနိုင္ဖို႔ ဆႏၵရွိေၾကာင္း ေဖာ္ျပခဲ့သည္။ သို႔အတြက္ ဘဂၤလားေဒ့ရွ္က ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာ ဒုကၡသည္မ်ား၏ ကိုယ္ပိုင္အခြင့္အေရးတစ္ခု လက္လႊတ္ ဆံုးရွဳံးသြားေစႏိုင္သည့္ နည္းလမ္းမ်ားကို အသံုးမျပဳၾကရန္ ႏိုင္ငံတကာအဖြဲ႔အစည္းမ်ားအား တိုက္တြန္းေျပာၾကားလိုက္သည္။
Photo-http://www.un.org
“ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာေတြက ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံသားေတြပါ။ ဒါ့ေၾကာင့္ ႏိုင္ငံတကာ အဖြဲ႔အစည္းမ်ားအေနနဲ့ သူတို႔ရဲ႕တရား၀င္ ရပိုင္ခြင့္ကို ထိခိုက္ေစမယ့္ ကိစၥေတြ၊ အေျပာအဆိုေတြ မျပဳလုပ္သင့္ပါဘူး” ဟု ဘဂၤလားေဒ့ရွ္နိုင္ငံ တရားေရး၀န္ၾကီး ရွာဖိက္အဟ္မဒ္က ကာတာႏိုင္ငံ ဒိုဟာျမိဳ႔တြင္ သတင္းသမားမ်ားအား ေျပာခဲ့သည္။
“ဘဂၤလားေဒ့ရွ္အေနနဲ့ သူတို႔(ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာ) ေတြကို သူတို့ႏိုင္ငံမွာပဲ ေအးေအးခ်မ္းခ်မ္း ေနထိုင္ေစလိုပါတယ္။” ဟု သူက ျဖည့္စြက္ေျပာၾကားသည္။
ဘဂၤလားေဒ့ရွ္ တရားေရး၀န္ၾကီးက ျမန္မာအစိုးရ၏ ရခုိင္ျပည္နယ္တြင္ ျဖစ္ပ်က္လ်က္ရွိသည့္ အရွဳပ္အေထြးမ်ားအား ကိုင္တြယ္ေျဖရွင္းေနမွဳမ်ားကိုလည္း အသိအမွတ္ျပဳေၾကာင္း ေျပာဆိုသြားခဲ့သည္။
ဒါကာျမိဳ႕အေျခစိုက္ ဘဂၤလားေဒ့ရွ္နိုင္ငံဆိုင္ရာ ဥပေဒေကာ္မရွင္ကို ႏိုင္ငံတကာက ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာဒုကၡသည္မ်ားလက္ခံေရးအတြက္ ဖိအားမ်ားေပးလာခဲ့သည္။ သို႔အတြက္ ၿပီးခဲ့သည့္ ရက္သတၱပတ္၌ ဘဂၤလားေဒ့ရွ္က ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံ၊ ရခိုင္ျပည္နယ္တြင္ျဖစ္ပ်က္ေနေသာ လူမ်ိဳးေရး အဓိကရုဏ္း အဆံုးသတ္ေရးကို နိုင္ငံတကာမွ အာရံုစိုက္ၾကရန္ ေတာင္းဆိုခဲ့သည္။
ဘဂၤလားေဒ့ရွ္ပါလီမန္တြင္ ႏိုင္ငံျခားေရး၀န္ၾကီး ဒီပုမိုနီက “ကြ်န္မအေနနဲ႔ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံတြင္း ဆူပူေသာင္းက်န္းမွဳ ခ်ဳပ္ၿငိမ္းဖို႔ ေဆာင္ရြက္ရန္ နိုင္ငံတကာက ျမန္မာအစိုးရကို ၀ိုင္း၀န္းေျပာဆိုၾကဖို႔ (သူတို႕ကလည္း ဒီျပႆနာကို ၾကည္ၾကည္ျဖဴျဖဴနဲ႔ ေျဖရွင္းေပးဖို႔ လိုလားတယ္ဆိုရင္) ေတာင္းဆိုသြားပါမယ္။ ” ဟု ေျပာဆိုခဲ့သည္။
အေမရိကန္ႏွင့္ ကုလသမဂၢ၏ ဒုကၡသည္မ်ားဆိုင္ရာမဟာမင္းၾကီးရံုး(UNHCR) တို႔သာမက အျခားကမၻာ့အဖြဲ႔အစည္းမ်ားပူးေပါင္း၍ ျမန္မာျပည္မွ လူနညး္စု ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာ ဒုကၡသည္မ်ားကို လက္ခံသြားရန္၊ သို႔အားျဖင့္ ရခုိင္ျပည္နယ္တြင္းမွ ေၾကာက္မက္ဖြယ္ ဆူပူေသာင္းက်န္းမွဳမ်ားကို ဆန္႔က်င္သြားရန္ ဒါကာအေျခစိုက္ ဘဂၤလားေဒ့ရွ္တရားေရးဌာနကို လြန္ခဲ့သည့္နွစ္ရက္က ေတာင္းဆိုခဲ့ၾကသည္။
ဘဂၤလားေဒ့ရွ္ဘက္ကလည္း ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာဒုကၡသည္မ်ား အသစ္တဖန္ စီး၀င္လာျခင္းကို ျငင္းဆန္လ်က္ရွိသည္။ ဘဂၤလားေဒ့ရွ္က ၄င္းတို႔အေနျဖင့္ ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာေပါင္း ၄ သိန္းခန့္ကို နွစ္ေပါင္းမ်ားစြာ ဒုကၡသည္မ်ားအျဖစ္ လက္ခံထားၿပီးျဖစ္၍ ၀န္ထုပ္၀န္ပိုး ၾကီးမားလာမည္ကို စုိးရိမ္ေၾကာင္းျဖင့္ ေျပာဆိုသည္။
ထိုဘဂၤလားေဒ့ရွ္ဘက္မွ ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာ ၄သိန္းမွာ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံတြင္ စစ္အစိုးရအုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ေနစဥ္၊ ဘဂၤလားေဒ့ရွ္ဘက္သို႔ ကူးေျပာင္းခဲ့ၾကသူမ်ားျဖစ္၍ ဘဂၤလားေဒ့ရွ္တို႔အေနျဖင့္ လံုျခံဳေရးအခက္အခဲေၾကာင့္ ဒုကၡသည္အသစ္မ်ားကို ေနရာထိုင္ခင္း မေပးႏိုင္ေတာ့ေၾကာင္း နိုင္ငံျခားေရး၀န္ၾကီးက ဆိုသည္။
“ႏိုင္ငံတကာအုပ္စုေတြက ပိုမိုနားလည္သေဘာေပါက္ဖို႔ လိုအပ္ေနပါတယ္။ ႏိုင္ငံတကာလူ႔အခြင့္အေရးအဖြဲ႔ေတြကလည္း ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံကို ၄င္းတို႔ျပည္တြင္းေရးျပႆနာနဲ႔ပတ္သတ္ၿပီး ထိန္းခ်ဳပ္သြားဖို႔ ေတာင္းဆိုသင့္ပါတယ္။” ဟု ႏိုင္ငံျခားေရး၀န္ၾကီးက ပါလီမန္တြင္ ေျပာၾကားခဲ့သည္။
မိုနီက ဘဂၤလားေဒ့ရွ္အေနျဖင့္ ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာ ဒုကၡသည္မ်ားအတြက္ အဆင္ေျပေခ်ာေမြ႔ေစဖို႔ လူသားခ်င္းစာနာမွဳကို အေျခခံ၍ အတတ္ႏိုင္ဆံုး စီစဥ္ေဆာင္ရြက္ေပးေန ခဲ့ေၾကာင္း၊ ႏိုင္ငံနယ္နိမိတ္ ေစာင့္မ်ားကလည္း စားစရာမ်ား၊ ေဆး၀ါးမ်ားနွင့္ စက္ေလွအတြက္ ေလာင္စာဆီမ်ားကို ေထာက္ပံ့ေပးေနေၾကာင္း၊ သို႔အားျဖင့္ ၄င္းတို႔သည္ မိမိတို႔ေနအိမ္ကို ျပန္လည္သြားေရာက္နိုင္ဖို႔ ရည္ရြယ္ေၾကာင္း ေျပာၾကားခဲ့သည္။
credit : MMSY
နယူးေဒလီ (မဇၥ်ိမ) ။ ။ ျမန္မာႏွင့္ ဘဂၤလားေဒ့ရွ္ ႏွစ္ႏိုင္ငံအၾကား လတ္တေလာ ေရွ႕တန္းေရာက္ လာေနေသာ ႐ိုဟင္ဂ်ာမ်ား အေရးအား ဇူလိုင္လအတြင္း ႏွစ္ႏိုင္ငံေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ား ပိုမိုအေလးထား ေဆြးေႏြးၾကမည္ ျဖစ္သည္။
သမၼတ ဦးသိန္းစိန္ ဘဂၤလားေဒ့ရွ္ႏိုင္ငံသို႔ သြားေရာက္ကာ ထိုႏိုင္ငံ ဝန္ႀကီးခ်ဳပ္ Sheikh Hasina ႏွင့္ ေတြ႔ဆံုစဥ္ အဆိုပါ ႐ိုဟင္ဂ်ာမ်ားအေရးလည္း ထည့္သြင္းေဆြးေႏြးမည္ ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း သိရသည္။
“ဒီတႀကိမ္မွာေတာ့ ျမန္မာဒုကၡသည္အေရးကိစၥကို ပိုၿပီး အေလးအနက္ထား ေဆြးေႏြးသြားဖို႔ ရွိပါတယ္” ဟူ၍ ရန္ကုန္ရွိ ဘဂၤလားေဒ့ရွ္ သံအမတ္ႀကီး Major General Anup Kumar Chakma အား ကိုးကား၍ ေအအက္ဖ္ပီ သတင္းတရပ္ တြင္ ေရးသားထားသည္။
ဇူလိုင္လ ၁၅ ရက္မွ ၁၇ ရက္အထိ သမၼတ ဦးသိန္းစိန္၏ သံုးရက္ၾကာ ခရီးစဥ္အတြင္း နယ္ေျမခ်င္း ၁၆၉ မိုင္ ထိစပ္လ်က္ရွိသည့္ ဘဂၤလားေဒ့ရွ္ႏွင့္ ႏွစ္ႏိုင္ငံဆက္ဆံေရးကိစၥမ်ား ေဆြးေႏြးရာတြင္ အဆိုပါ ႐ိုဟင္ဂ်ာအေရးမွာေခါင္းစဥ္တခုျဖစ္သည္ဟု ဆိုသည္။
ရခိုင္ျပည္နယ္အတြင္ ဇြန္လအတြင္း ဆိုးရြားျပင္းထန္ခဲ့ေသာ ေဒသခံ ရခိုင္ တိုင္းရင္းသားမ်ားႏွင့္ ဘဂၤါလီ ႐ိုဟင္ဂ်ာ မ်ားအၾကား အၾကမ္းဖက္ သတ္ျဖတ္မႈမ်ားေၾကာင့္ လူေပါင္း ၆ဝ ေက်ာ္ ေသဆံုးခဲ့ရၿပီး အေဆာက္အအံုေပါင္းႏွစ္ေထာင္ေက်ာ္ မီးရိႈ႔ဖ်က္ဆီးခံခဲ့ရသည္။
ထြက္ေျပးလာၾကေသာ ရာႏွင့္ခ်ီသည့္ ႐ိုဟင္ဂ်ာ မူဆလင္မ်ားကို ဘဂၤလားေဒ့ရွ္ နယ္ျခားေစာင့္တပ္ႏွင့္ ေရတပ္က လက္မခံဘဲ ျပန္လည္ႏွင္ထုတ္ခဲ့သည္ကို ကုလသမဂၢႏွင့္ လူ႔အခြင့္အေရးအဖြဲ႔မ်ားက ကန္႔ကြက္ေနၾကသည္။
ဘဂၤလားေဒ့ရွ္ႏိုင္ငံရွိ အစၥလာမ္ အစြန္းေရာက္ Jamaat-e-Islami ပါတီမွာ ျမန္မာျပည္ရွိ ႐ိုဟင္ဂ်ာမ်ားအား ခ်ဳပ္ကိုင္ လႊမ္းမိုးထားေၾကာင္း ဘဂၤလားေဒ့ရွ္ ႏုိင္ငံျခားေရးဝန္ၾကီး Dipu Moni က ဇြန္လ ၁၄ ရက္ေန႔ ပါလီမန္တြင္ စြပ္စြဲေျပာဆိုထားသည္။ ထို႔ျပင္ လူမ်ဳိးေရး ပဋိပကၡမ်ား ျဖစ္ေပၚလာေစရန္ ထိုပါတီက ႐ိုဟင္ဂ်ာမ်ားအား လံႈ႔ေဆာ္ေန သည္ဟုလည္း ျမန္မာအစိုးရက စြပ္စြဲထားသည္။
“ဒီကိစၥကို က်မတို႔ ေသေသခ်ာခ်ာ စံုစမ္းစစ္ေဆးေနပါတယ္။ ႐ိုဟင္ဂ်ာေတြအတြက္ နယ္စပ္ကို ဘယ္ေတာ့မွ ဖြင့္ေပးမွာ မဟုတ္ပါဘူး” ဟု Dipu Moni က ယတိျပတ္ ေျပာဆိုလိုက္သည္။
ထို ႐ိုဟင္ဂ်ာဒုကၡသည္မ်ားႏွင့္ ဘဂၤလားေဒ့ရွ္ႏိုင္ငံအတြင္းရွိ အေထာက္အထားမဲ့ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံသားမ်ား အေရးကို အလ်င္အျမန္ ေျဖရွင္းရန္ လိုအပ္ဟု ဝန္ၾကီးခ်ဳပ္ ရွိတ္ဟာဆီနာ ၂ဝ၁၁ ခုႏွစ္ ဒီဇဘၤာ လဆန္းက ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံသို႔ လာေရာက္စဥ္ ႏွစ္ႏိုင္ငံ ပူးတြဲေၾကညာခ်က္ ထုတ္ျပန္ထားသည္။
ဘဂၤလားေဒ့ရွ္ႏုိင္ငံတြင္ တရားဝင္ အသိအမွတ္ျပဳ ျမန္မာဒုကၡသည္ေပါင္း ၂၉,၃ဝဝ ဦးရွိၿပီး ဒုကၡသည္ကဲ့သုိ႔
ေနထိုင္သူေပါင္း ႏွစ္သိန္းရွိသည္ဟု ကုလသမဂၢ ဒုကၡသည္မ်ားဆုိင္ရာ မဟာမင္းႀကီး႐ံုး UNHCR ၏ ထုတ္ျပန္ခ်က္ အရ သိရသည္။
ထိုသို႔ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံႏိုင္ငံမွ ဒုကၡသည္မ်ား ရွိေနျခင္းမွာ ၎တို႔ ႏုိင္ငံအတြင္း လူမႈေရး၊ ဘ႑ာေရးႏွင့္ သဘာဝ ပတ္ဝန္းက်င္ဆိုင္ရာ စိန္ေခၚမႈမ်ား ရွိေနသည္ဟုလည္း မစၥစ္ရွိတ္ဟာဆီနာက ေျပာဆိုထားသည္။
ျမန္မာအစိုးရဘက္မွ သတ္မွတ္စံႏႈန္းမ်ားႏွင့္ ကိုက္ညွိထားၿပီးျဖစ္သည့္ ဒုကၡသည္မ်ားကို ျပန္လည္ လက္ခံမည္ဟု ဆိုထားသည္။
သမၼတ ဦးသိန္းစိန္၏ ခရီးစဥ္အတြင္း ႏွစ္ႏိုင္ငံ ကုန္သြယ္ေရးႏွင့္ လံုျခံဳေရး ကိစၥရပ္မ်ားလည္း ေဆြးေႏြးမည္
ျဖစ္သည္။ စြမ္းအင္က႑ ပူးေပါင္းေဆာင္ရြက္ေရး၊ ကုန္းလမ္းႏွင့္ ဒကၠာ/စစ္တေကာင္း - ရန္ကုန္ တိုက္႐ိုက္
ေလေၾကာင္းပ်ံသန္းေရး၊ ကုန္သြယ္ေရးတိုးျမႇင့္ေရး၊ ပညာေရးႏွင့္ ခရီးသြားလုပ္ငန္း ပူးေပါင္း ေဆာင္ရြက္ေရး တို႔လည္း ႏွစ္ႏိုင္ငံေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ား ေဆြးေႏြးၾကမည္ ျဖစ္သည္။
“ႏွစ္ႏုိင္ငံ ပူးတြဲေဆာင္ရြက္ေရးအတြက္ ပူးတြဲေကာ္မရွင္ ဖြဲ႔စည္း တည္ေထာင္မႈဆိုင္ရာ သေဘာတူညီခ်က္” ႏွင့္ႏွစ္ႏုိင္ငံ စက္မႈလက္မႈအသင္းခ်ဳပ္ခ်င္းအၾကား “ပူးတြဲ စီးပြားေရး ေကာင္စီ ဖြဲ႔စည္းတည္ေထာင္မႈဆုိင္ရာ နားလည္မႈ စာခၽြန္လႊာ” တို႔ကို ၂ဝ၁၂ ႏွစ္ကုန္ပိုင္းက လက္မွတ္ေရးထိုးထားၿပီး ျဖစ္သည္။
ဘဂၤလားေဒ့ရွ္က ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံမွ စြမ္းအင္ ဝယ္ယူလိုေသာ္လည္း ျမန္မာ့ သဘာဝ ဓာတ္ေငြ႔မ်ားမွာ တ႐ုတ္ႏုိင္ငံသို႔ေရာင္းခ်ၿပီး ျဖစ္သည့္အတြက္ အသစ္ထပ္မံ ေတြ႔ရွိပါက ဘဂၤလားေဒ့ရွ္အား ဦးစားေပး ေရာင္းခ်မည္ဟု သမၼတ ဦးသိန္းစိန္ က ကတိထားခဲ့ဖူးသည္။
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အာက္ေဖာ္ျပပါ ရခိုင္ျပည္နယ္ ဒုကၡသည္မ်ား ပံ့ပိုးကူညီေရးေကာ္မတီ၏ ေမတၱာရပ္ခံခ်က္သည္ Facebook ေပၚတြင္ မွ်ေ၀ ထားေသာ ေမတၱာရပ္ခံခ်က္ ျဖစ္ၿပီး အမ်ားျပည္သူမ်ား သိရွိေစရန္အလို႔ငွာ ျပန္လည္ေ၀ငွလိုက္ရျခင္းျဖစ္ပါသည္။
ျပည္ေထာင္စု သမၼတျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံရွိ အစၥလာမ္ဘာသာေရးအဖြဲ႕ႀကီးမွ ဦးေဆာင္မႈျပဳလုပ္၍ ရခိုင္ျပည္နယ္ရွိ ဒုကၡသည္မ်ားအား ပံ့ပိုးကူ ညီမႈမ်ား ျပဳလုပ္ႏိုင္ရန္အတြက္ ရခိုင္ျပည္နယ္ ဒုကၡသည္မ်ား ပံ့ပိုးကူညီေရးေကာ္မတီကို (၁၉-၆-၂၀၁၂)ရက္ေန႔တြင္ တာဝန္ေပးဖြဲ႕ စည္းထားၿပီး ျဖစ္ပါသည္။
အထက္ပါေကာ္မတီ၏ ရည္မွန္းခ်က္မွာ အစၥလာမ္ဘာသာဝင္ တစ္ဦးတစ္ေယာက္ (သို႔မဟုတ္) အစၥလာမ္အဖြဲ႕အစည္း အတြက္သာဖြဲ႕ စည္းျခင္းမဟုတ္ဘဲ ရခိုင္ျပည္နယ္အတြင္းရွိ ဒုကၡေရာက္လ်က္ရွိေသာ လူသားမ်ိဳးႏြယ္ တစ္ရပ္လုံးအတြက္ လူသားခ်င္း စာနာေထာက္ ထားေသာ စိတ္ဓာတ္အျပည့္အဝျဖင့္ တတ္စြမ္းသမွ် ကူညီေစာင့္ေရွာက္ ျပန္လည္ထူေထာင္ေပးမည္ ျဖစ္ပါေသာေၾကာင့္ ၎ေကာ္မ တီသို႔ ဆက္သြယ္၍ (ဇကာသ္၊ လိလႅာဟ္၊ ခိုင္ရာသ္) မ်ားကို မိမိတတ္ႏိုင္သည့္ဘက္မွ ပါဝင္ကူညီၾကပါရန္ ေမတၱာရပ္ခံအပ္ပါသည္။
၎ေကာ္မတီ၏ Bank Account No. 0451220009504, A/C Name- U Aung Naing + 3, KBZ Bank Bo Aung Kyaw သို႔ လည္းေကာင္း၊ မိမိလွဴဒါန္းလိုသည့္ အလွဴေငြႏွင့္ အဝတ္အထည္အစရွိေသာ အလွဴပစၥည္းမ်ားကို ေအာက္ေဖာ္ျပပါ ဖုန္းနံ ပါတ္မ်ားသို႔ ဆက္သြယ္၍ အျမန္ဆုံး ေပးပို႔လွဴဒါန္းၾကပါရန္ ထပ္မံ ေမတၱာရပ္ခံအပ္ပါသည္။
ဆက္သြယ္ရန္ ဖုန္းနံပါတ္ -
အိုလမာ-အစၥလာမ္ သာသနာ့ပညာရွင္မ်ားအဖြဲ႕ခ်ဳပ္ - ဖုန္း - ၂၅၃၆၈၃၊ ၃၇၀၅၃၅၊ ၃၈၅၀၇၆
အစၥလာမ္သာသနာေရးရာ ေကာင္စီဌာနခ်ဳပ္ - ဖုန္း - ၂၅၂၆၀၈၊ ၃၈၉၇၈၆
ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံလုံးဆိုင္ရာ ေမာ္လဝီအဖြဲ႕ဌာနခ်ဳပ္ - ဖုန္း - ၂၄၁၇၁၇၊ ၀၉ ၅၀၈၄၅၈၇၊ ၀၉ ၇၃၁၅၆၈၄၆
ျမန္မာမြတ္စလင္လူငယ္မ်ား (ဘာသာေရး) အဖြဲ႕ဌာနခ်ဳပ္ - ဖုန္း - ၂၄၁၂၁၂၊ ၂၅၂၇၉၉
ျမန္မာမြတ္ဆလင္ အမ်ိဳးသားေရးရာအဖြဲ႕ခ်ဳပ္ (မ-အ-ဖ) ဌာနခ်ဳပ္ - ဖုန္း - ၂၉၆၁၃၄၊ ၉၀၁၀၀၃၃၊ ၀၉ ၅၁၆၂၆၀၃၊ ဟာဂ်ီ ဦးေအာင္ႏိုင္ (၀၉ ၄၅၀၀၃၁၉၄၈)၊ ဟာဂ်ီ ဦးခ်စ္စိန္ (၀၉ ၅၁၃၀၂၁၁)၊ ဦးစိန္ဝင္း (၀၉ ၄၃၁၇၆၁၃၆)၊ ဟာဂ်ီဦးလွေအာင္ (၀၉ ၅၁၆၄၈၂၉
ျပည္ေထာင္စု သမၼတျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံရွိ အစၥလာမ္ဘာသာေရးအဖြဲ႕ႀကီးမွ ဦးေဆာင္မႈျပဳလုပ္၍ ရခိုင္ျပည္နယ္ရွိ ဒုကၡသည္မ်ားအား ပံ့ပိုးကူ ညီမႈမ်ား ျပဳလုပ္ႏိုင္ရန္အတြက္ ရခိုင္ျပည္နယ္ ဒုကၡသည္မ်ား ပံ့ပိုးကူညီေရးေကာ္မတီကို (၁၉-၆-၂၀၁၂)ရက္ေန႔တြင္ တာဝန္ေပးဖြဲ႕ စည္းထားၿပီး ျဖစ္ပါသည္။
အထက္ပါေကာ္မတီ၏ ရည္မွန္းခ်က္မွာ အစၥလာမ္ဘာသာဝင္ တစ္ဦးတစ္ေယာက္ (သို႔မဟုတ္) အစၥလာမ္အဖြဲ႕အစည္း အတြက္သာဖြဲ႕ စည္းျခင္းမဟုတ္ဘဲ ရခိုင္ျပည္နယ္အတြင္းရွိ ဒုကၡေရာက္လ်က္ရွိေသာ လူသားမ်ိဳးႏြယ္ တစ္ရပ္လုံးအတြက္ လူသားခ်င္း စာနာေထာက္ ထားေသာ စိတ္ဓာတ္အျပည့္အဝျဖင့္ တတ္စြမ္းသမွ် ကူညီေစာင့္ေရွာက္ ျပန္လည္ထူေထာင္ေပးမည္ ျဖစ္ပါေသာေၾကာင့္ ၎ေကာ္မ တီသို႔ ဆက္သြယ္၍ (ဇကာသ္၊ လိလႅာဟ္၊ ခိုင္ရာသ္) မ်ားကို မိမိတတ္ႏိုင္သည့္ဘက္မွ ပါဝင္ကူညီၾကပါရန္ ေမတၱာရပ္ခံအပ္ပါသည္။
၎ေကာ္မတီ၏ Bank Account No. 0451220009504, A/C Name- U Aung Naing + 3, KBZ Bank Bo Aung Kyaw သို႔ လည္းေကာင္း၊ မိမိလွဴဒါန္းလိုသည့္ အလွဴေငြႏွင့္ အဝတ္အထည္အစရွိေသာ အလွဴပစၥည္းမ်ားကို ေအာက္ေဖာ္ျပပါ ဖုန္းနံ ပါတ္မ်ားသို႔ ဆက္သြယ္၍ အျမန္ဆုံး ေပးပို႔လွဴဒါန္းၾကပါရန္ ထပ္မံ ေမတၱာရပ္ခံအပ္ပါသည္။
ဆက္သြယ္ရန္ ဖုန္းနံပါတ္ -
အိုလမာ-အစၥလာမ္ သာသနာ့ပညာရွင္မ်ားအဖြဲ႕ခ်ဳပ္ - ဖုန္း - ၂၅၃၆၈၃၊ ၃၇၀၅၃၅၊ ၃၈၅၀၇၆
အစၥလာမ္သာသနာေရးရာ ေကာင္စီဌာနခ်ဳပ္ - ဖုန္း - ၂၅၂၆၀၈၊ ၃၈၉၇၈၆
ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံလုံးဆိုင္ရာ ေမာ္လဝီအဖြဲ႕ဌာနခ်ဳပ္ - ဖုန္း - ၂၄၁၇၁၇၊ ၀၉ ၅၀၈၄၅၈၇၊ ၀၉ ၇၃၁၅၆၈၄၆
ျမန္မာမြတ္စလင္လူငယ္မ်ား (ဘာသာေရး) အဖြဲ႕ဌာနခ်ဳပ္ - ဖုန္း - ၂၄၁၂၁၂၊ ၂၅၂၇၉၉
ျမန္မာမြတ္ဆလင္ အမ်ိဳးသားေရးရာအဖြဲ႕ခ်ဳပ္ (မ-အ-ဖ) ဌာနခ်ဳပ္ - ဖုန္း - ၂၉၆၁၃၄၊ ၉၀၁၀၀၃၃၊ ၀၉ ၅၁၆၂၆၀၃၊ ဟာဂ်ီ ဦးေအာင္ႏိုင္ (၀၉ ၄၅၀၀၃၁၉၄၈)၊ ဟာဂ်ီ ဦးခ်စ္စိန္ (၀၉ ၅၁၃၀၂၁၁)၊ ဦးစိန္ဝင္း (၀၉ ၄၃၁၇၆၁၃၆)၊ ဟာဂ်ီဦးလွေအာင္ (၀၉ ၅၁၆၄၈၂၉
Thousands of Muslims have been escaping from Myanmar after dozens were killed in religious violence.
They are fleeing attacks in Rakhine state by the Buddhist majority. Many have tried to reach Bangladesh, where their ancestors are from.
However, some Rohingya who reached Bangladesh by boat were turned away by the border guards, who gave them a bottle of water and some food, and forced them back to sea, despite appeals from the UN.
Al Jazeera's Will Jordan reports.
source here
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| မေလးရွား အတိုက္အခံ ေခါင္းေဆာင္ အန္န၀ါ အီဗရာဟ င္ |
မေလးရွား အတိုက္အခံ ေခါင္းေဆာင္ အန္န၀ါ အီဗရာဟင္က မြတ္စလင္ ႐ုိဟင္ဂ်ာမ်ားအေပၚ မည္သို႔ ျပဳမူ ဆက္ဆံသည္ ဆိုသည္မွာ ျမန္မာ တို႔၏ ယဥ္ေက်းမႈ အဆင့္အတန္း ျပယုဂ္ ျဖစ္လိမ့္မည္ဟု ေျပာဆုိေၾကာင္း သိရွိရသည္။
ရခိုင္ျပည္နယ္တြင္ ျဖစ္ပြားေနေသာ လူမ်ိဳးေရးႏွင့္ ဘာသာေရး မၿငိမ္သက္မႈမ်ားေၾကာင့္ ပိုမိုဒုကၡေရာက္ေနၾကၿပီ ဟု ကုလသမဂၢ ဒုကၡသည္မ်ားဆိုင္ရာ မဟာမင္းႀကီး႐ုံး(UNHCR) က ေျပာၾကားသည္။
“ကေလးေတြ၊ မိန္းမေတြ၊ လူအိုေတြနဲ႔ လူအေတာ္မ်ားမ်ား လမ္းမေတြေပၚ အိပ္ေနၾကရတယ္။ တာေပၚလင္စေတြ၊ ျခင္ေထာင္ေတြ၊ ေစာင္ေတြ အႀကီးအက်ယ္ လိုေနတာ စစ္ေတြမွာ ရွိတဲ့ ႏွစ္ဘက္စလုံးရဲ႕ ဒုကၡသည္စခန္းေတြကို သြားခဲ့တဲ့ က်ေနာ္တို႔႐ုံး ဝန္ထမ္း ေတြ က ေတြ႕ခဲ့ပါတယ္”ဟု UNHCR ေျပာေရးဆိုခြင့္ရွိသူ အန္ဒရီယန္ အက္ဝဒ္က ၿပီးခဲ့သည့္အပတ္ ဂ်နီဗာၿမိဳ႕တြင္ ျပဳလုပ္ေသာ သတင္းစာ ရွင္းလင္းပြဲ၌ ေျပာဆိုခဲ့သည္။
အၾကမ္းဖက္တိုက္ခိုက္ ဖ်က္ဆီးမႈမ်ားေၾကာင့္ အိုးအိမ္မဲ့သြားရသူမ်ား၊ ေၾကာက္လန္႔ၿပီး အိုးအိမ္စြန္႔ေျပးရသူမ်ား အပါအဝင္ ဒုကၡေရာက္ရသူေပါင္း ၉ ေသာင္းရွိသည္ဟု UNHCR က ခန္႔မွန္းတြက္ခ်က္ထားၿပီး ယာယီစခန္းမ်ားႏွင့္ ဘုန္းႀကီးေက်ာင္းမ်ား အပါအ၀င္ ေနရာေပါင္း ၇၀ တြင္ ခိုလႈံေနၾကရသည္ဟုလည္း ဆိုသည္။
အၾကမ္းဖက္မႈႏွင့္ တင္းမာမႈမ်ားကို ေလွ်ာ့ခ်ထိန္းခ်ဳပ္ေရးအတြက္ ျမန္မာ လံုၿခံဳေရးတပ္ဖြဲ႕မ်ားက အျမန္ဆုံး ႀကိဳးစား ေဆာင္ရြက္ေပး ရန္လည္း ကုလသမဂၢ ၏ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံဆိုင္ရာ လူ႔ အခြင့္အေရး ကိုယ္စားလွယ္ မစၥတာ ေသာမတ္စ္ အိုေဟး ကင္တာနာ က ဇြန္လ ၁၃ ရက္ေန႔တြင္ ေျပာဆိုခဲ့ေသးသည္။
“လုံၿခံဳေရးကိစၥေတြ ေဆာင္ရြက္တဲ့အခါမွာလည္း ဘက္မလိုက္ဖို႔၊ လူ႔ အခြင့္အေရးဆိုင္ရာ အဆင့္အတန္းမီဖို႔၊ တရားဥပေဒေဘာင္ ထဲက ကိုင္တြယ္ဖို႔၊ ႏွစ္ဘက္ အညီအမွ် ျဖစ္ေစဖို႔ ၊ မ်က္ႏွာမေရြးဖို႔ လိုပါတယ္”ဟု ကင္တာနာ က ဆိုသည္။
ႏွစ္ဘက္ အျပန္အလွန္ အၾကမ္းဖက္မႈမ်ား ပ်ံ႕ပြားလာၿပီးေနာက္ ဇြန္လ ၁၀ ရက္ေန႔တြင္ သမၼတ ဦးသိန္းစိန္က ရခိုင္ျပည္နယ္ကို အေရးေပၚအေျခအေန ေၾကညာခဲ့သည္။ ၎ေနာက္တြင္ ကမၻာ့ ကုလသမဂၢအဖြဲ႕(UN) က ရခိုင္ျပည္နယ္အတြင္းရွိ ၎၏ ၀န္ထမ္းမ်ားကို လုံၿခံဳေရး စိတ္ခ်ရာသို႔ ထြက္ခြာခိုင္းခဲ့သည္။
ၿပီးခဲ့သည့္အပတ္ ဗုဒၶဟူးေန႔က ကလႅကတၱား ၿမိဳ႕ရွိ ျမန္မာ ေကာင္စစ္ဝန္ ႐ုံးေရွ႕တြင္ အိႏိၵယ အစၥလမ္ ေက်ာင္းသားမ်ား အဖြဲ႕ႏွင့္ မြတ္ စလင္ အေျချပဳ ႏိုင္ငံေရးအဖြဲ႕မ်ားက ႐ိုဟင္ဂ်ာမ်ား အေရး ဆႏၵျပ ကန္႔ကြက္ခဲ့ရာ မြတ္စလင္ ႐ိုဟင္ဂ်ာမ်ားသည္ ျမန္မာ ႏိုင္ငံ သားမ်ားျဖစ္ၿပီး ယခု ဒုကၡအႀကီးအက်ယ္ ေရာက္ေနေၾကာင္း ေျပာဆိုၾကသည္။
အၾကမ္းဖက္မႈမ်ားမွ ေဝးရာ ဘဂၤလားေဒ့ရွ္ ႏိုင္ငံသို႔ ခိုလႈံရန္ ႀကိဳးစားသူမ်ားကိုလည္း ဘဂၤလားေဒ့ရွ္ အစိုးရက ဝင္ခြင့္ မေပးဘဲ နယ္စပ္ကို ပိတ္ထားသျဖင့္ ဒုကၡေရာက္ရေၾကာင္း ၎တို႔က ဆိုသည္။
ဘဂၤလားေဒ့ရွ္ အစိုးရကမူ ခိုလႈံလာသူမ်ားသည္ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံသားမ်ားသာျဖစ္၍ ေနရင္းရပ္ရြာမ်ားတြင္ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းစြာ ျပန္လည္ ေန ထိုင္ရန္ကို အလိုရွိေၾကာင္း ေျပာဆိုသည္။
“သူတို႔ဟာ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံသားေတြပါ။ သူတို႔ရဲ႕ေမြးရာပါ အခြင့္အေရးေတြကို အသိအမွတ္မျပဳတာမ်ိဳး ႏိုင္ငံတကာ မိသားစု အေနနဲ႔ မေျပာဆိုသင့္ဘူး”ဟု ဘဂၤလားေဒ့ရွ္ ဥပေဒေရးရာ ဝန္ႀကီး ရွာဖစ္ အာမဒ္ က ေျပာေၾကာင္း Gulf Time သတင္းစာက ဆိုသည္။
ဒုကၡသည္မ်ား ဝင္ေရာက္လာႏိုင္ေရးအတြက္ နယ္စပ္ ဖြင့္ေပးရန္ ဘဂၤလားေဒ့ရွ္ အား ေတာင္းဆိုေနျခင္းထက္ ျမန္မာ ႏိုင္ငံတြင္း အၾကမ္းဖက္တိုက္ခိုက္ေနမႈမ်ား ရပ္ဆိုင္းသြားေရးကို ႏိုင္ငံတကာက ပိုအာ႐ံုျပဳသင့္ေၾကာင္း ယခင္အပတ္ကလည္း ဘဂၤလားေဒ့ရွ္ အစိုးရ က ေျပာဆိုခဲ့သည္။
UNHCR ႏွင့္ အေမရိကန္ ျပည္ေထာင္စုက ဒုကၡသည္မ်ား ဝင္ေရာက္ခြင့္ျပဳေရး နယ္စပ္ကိုဖြင့္ေပးရန္ ဘဂ္လားေဒ့ရွ္အစိုးရအား မၾကာ ေသးခင္က ေတာင္းဆိုခဲ့သည္။
ဘဂၤလားေဒ့ရွ္ အစိုးရက လက္ရွိ ဘဂၤလားေဒ့ရွ္တြင္ ႐ိုဟင္ဂ်ာဒုကၡသည္ ၄ သိန္း လက္ခံ ထားရသည့္ အတြက္ ထပ္မံ လက္မခံ လိုေတာ့ေၾကာင္း ေျပာဆိုသည္။
မေလးရွားအေျခစိုက္ အင္တာနက္ သတင္းဌာန ျဖစ္သည့္ မေလးရွားကီနီ သတင္းတပုဒ္၏ ေဖာ္ျပခ်က္အရလည္း မေလးရွား အတိုက္အခံ ေခါင္းေဆာင္ အန္န၀ါ အီဗရာဟင္က မြတ္စလင္ ႐ုိဟင္ဂ်ာမ်ားအေပၚ မည္သို႔ ျပဳမူ ဆက္ဆံသည္ ဆိုသည္မွာ ျမန္မာ တို႔၏ ယဥ္ေက်းမႈ အဆင့္အတန္း ျပယုဂ္ ျဖစ္လိမ့္မည္ဟု ေျပာဆုိေၾကာင္း သိရွိရသည္။
“ပါလက္စတိုင္းေတြ ဒုကၡခံေနရသလို ႐ိုဟင္ဂ်ာေတြ ေထာင္နဲ႔ခ်ီၿပီး ျမန္မာျပည္က ထြက္ေျပးေနရတယ္”ဟု အန္န၀ါ အီဗရာဟင္က ေျပာဆိုသည္။
Source here
Akyab (Sittwe):
There are five Rohingya villages that were not burned down yet. Rohingya people from other villages those homes were burned down into ashes or destroyed have been taking shelter in the said villages. So far, a group of Rakhine racist mobs have been surrounding the villages with lethal weapons such as— knives, sticks, swords— though the armies were deployed in Akyab. Few Rohingyas were sneaking out in fear of death and the rest are staying to face whatever happens to them at night, according to an elder from Akyab.
So far, there is no international representative to monitor the situation. The UN representative sent to Burma last week was taken to the military’s selected places, not to original places of Rohingya villages where people have been locked in the homes, where food is quickly running out in that areas and no international journalists are able to cover the situation, he more add.
The government sent a few Burmese military personnel to protect in those villages, is only watching them. This is a shame.
What is happening in the Arakan is not a communal riot and it is a controlled genocide? We urge the international community to force Burma to allow International observers and media personal, which appear to be the only way to stop the ongoing genocide, said a Rohingya leader from Akyab.
“In Akyab only, over 30,000 Rohingya Muslims become homeless due to burning homes by police and Hluntin accompanied by a group of Rakhines mob. The security forces totally give security to the Rakhine people while they were torching the homes of Rohingyas or Rohingya villages. The security forces shot on fire to the villagers while they protected their homes from torching by Rakhine mobs. The security forces killed and wounded many villagers along with Rakhines racists and many women including girl were raped.”
No Rohingya can go out due to curfew order, if any one is found out side of the home or village, he/she can be shot dead. Most affected villages are East and west Barsara village, Rohingya Para (old market of Mawlake), Nazir Para including seven small villages. Half of the villagers were killed accompanied by wounded. This is very difficult to communicate each other in Akyab and to counts the dead bodies, missing people and wounded persons are very difficult as the security personnel were taking the dead bodies with them where the arrested persons are unknown where the arrestees are, said a ward administration member.
“About 2,000 villagers had been killed from Nazir Para only by police, Hluntin and Rakhine mobs,” according to the villagers.
Maungdaw Township:
Fake Army – Rakhine (Settler) – rob Rohingya village in Maungdaw
Today, at about 4:00pm, a group of Natala villagers — Rakhine (settlers) who were brought from Barisal town of Bangladesh by Military intelligence in 1980 and settled in Bagonena village east side – with the uniforms of army, numbering in 15 with two guns and lethal weapons entered the Nyaung Chaung Village of Maungdaw Township and try to loot the villager – Abul Kalam’s house- where he realized that the army was fake and shouted for help. Hearing the hue and cry, the villagers rushed to the spot and Bangladeshi Rakhines run away from the spot seeing the villagers approaching. However, they fired to the villagers wounding three villagers, said villagers from Nyaung Chaung.
The village administration officer informed to the three miles camp about the incident, but the Nasaka came lately and sent two wounded villagers to the Maungdaw hospital and the another one was given fast aid.
The villagers now believe that all the robberies and looting in the villages of Nurullah para and Bagonena were committed by Natala villagers after pretending as army.
Another thing is very serious matter that is concerned authority equipped the Natala villagers to harass the Rohingya villagers.
Forced signature
Today, Nasaka from three miles camp of Maungdaw town forcibly took signature from a current village Administration officer of Myothugyi village of Maungdaw, in which 50 villagers were involved in the recent communal riots. The authority intends to extort money from the listed villagers and to arrest some of them who are not able to pay the money they demand.
Kill, loot and wounded
Today at about 11:00 am, a group of army and another group of Nasaka (Burma’s border security force) went to Sanda Para (village) and arrested 35 villagers, mostly young. The villagers were running away while the army was firing bullets to the villagers. However, two youths were killed on the spot and seven villagers were wounded. One of the wounded is a 12-year-old boy and a son of Mohamed Ali, age 80, was severely tortured by army after entering his house. The arrested villagers were brought to unknown place by truck, so the relatives and villagers are very sad regarding their fate.
Besides, today in the evening, 40 villagers from Khorza Bill south (Kanhpoo), mostly young villagers including Sayed Hussain and his brother were arrested by army/ Nasaka and were brought to the Nasaka camp. The Natala villagers who accompanied by the Nasaka and army looted four shops owned by Rohingyas and destroyed them.
KNP
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Sittwe, Arakan State
4 Rohingya houses were burned down by Rakhine and authorities in Sittwe Mawleik Quarter.
60 Rohingya girls were selected and taken by government authorities from Aaung Min galar quarter, Sittwe since 22nd June Friday evening still don’t know where they are.
Many Rohingya houses lists were taken by immigration authorities. Burned down Rohingya villages will be provided to Rakhine according to authorities.
Remaining Rohingya villages and houses were forcefully removed from their houses by the authority from Sittwe town area and relocating them in the remote area of Sittwe according to BBC Burmese news.
Maungdaw Township, Arakan State
NSAKA warned villagers of Myo Thu Gyi, Maung Daw to provide them 20 million kyats before Wednesday. If the villagers cant provide the money by Wednesday , will arrest young people from the village and will rape young Rohingya girls ( Confirmed by villager).
Estimated 400 Muslim Rohingyas people from Maungdaw were arrested and shifted to Buthidaung Township to investigate due to the violence happened June 8, 2012.During the police custody, some unnamed six Rohingyas Muslims were died, our source said The dead bodies were not handed over to the next of kin. The authorities have been arresting randomly Muslims only and harshly investigating unrelated questions. Whereabouts of the dead bodies are still unknown.
A Twenty Six year old young man, Called Bashir son of Jamal, was killed by “NASAKA” in Nurulla Para village without any reason.
Rathadaung Town
10 people from Anunkprin village (Rathadaung Town) were being tortured to dead including some pregnant women, and from Nyaunpingyi village (Rathaedaung Town) there are 17 people( male and female )have already been tortured to dead. In the police custody in Anaukprin village, Some (21) arrested and taken away to unknown destination people’ names from Anaukprin village are as below mentioned.
1. U Yusoop (f) KasimAli, former village chairman
2. U AbduRahman@Maung Maung Win (f) Yusoop, current village chairman
3. U Ba Tin (f) Mohamed Alam, former Secretary, 70 years old
4. U Ali Akbar (f) Kalu, 60 years
5. Huson chay(f) Sayed, currently village council member
6. U Zayid Hussan (f) Dil Mohamed, 30 years
7. U Mamet Ali@ Maung Maung Khin(f) Dil Mohamed, 18 years
8. U Laydaryar (f)Mohammed
9. Mrs. Banu (f) Zawbaur
For the rest 12 more people, we don’t still have available information.
More than 15 selected Rohingya arrested in Buthidaung Township.
Additional Information
Aung Thaung USDP Minister brought some people from central Burma on 6th June to create riot in Arakan according to rioters relatives from Mittihla, Burma.(Unconfirmed).
Source : BROUK
Aung Thaung USDP Minister brought some people from central Burma on 6th June to create riot in Arakan according to rioters relatives from Mittihla, Burma.(Unconfirmed).
Source : BROUK
The topic will be on the agenda when Myanmar President Thein Sein travels to Bangladesh from July 15-17 to meet Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina, Major General Anup Kumar Chakma told AFP.
"It is expected the Myanmar refugee issue will be discussed with more seriousness this time," he said.
"Bangladesh supports all actions (and) measures that are being taken by Myanmar to restore normalcy in Rakhine State as early as possible."
Myanmar government officials said they were unable to confirm the planned trip.
Myanmar's Rakhine state, bordering Bangladesh, has been rocked by rioting, arson and a cycle of revenge attacks involving Buddhist Rakhine and Muslim Rohingya this month, prompting growing international concern.
More than 80 people have been killed in the violence, with sporadic outbreaks of violence still occurring, according to the Myanmar government, which has placed the whole of Rakhine state under emergency rule.
"The overall situation in Sittwe district is under control although the curfew is still in force," he said by telephone.
About 800,000 Rohingya live in Myanmar, according to the UN, which views them as one of the world's most persecuted minorities.
In recent weeks Bangladesh has turned away hundreds of Rohingya Muslims fleeing the violence in Myanmar despite pressure from the United States and rights groups to grant them refuge.
The impoverished South Asian country is already home to a Rohingya refugee population estimated at 300,000.
Speaking a Bengali dialect similar to one in southeast Bangladesh, the Rohingya are seen as illegal immigrants by the Myanmar government and many Burmese, prompting many to attempt to flee to third countries in rickety boats. – AFP
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Burma, Bangladesh leaders 'to discuss Rohingya'
Updated 26 June 2012, 10:13 AEST
A Rohingya woman from Burma, who tried to cross the Naf river into Bangladesh to escape sectarian violence, cries while holding her six-day-old baby in a Bangladeshi coast guard station, before being sent back to Burma.
Major General Anup Kumar Chakma says the topic will be on the agenda when Burma's President Thein Sein travels to Bangladesh in mid-July to meet Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina.
He has told AFP news agency that Bangladesh supports all measures taken by Burma to restore normalcy in Rakhine State.
Burmese government officials say they are unable to confirm the planned trip.
Burma's Rakhine state, bordering Bangladesh, has been rocked by rioting, arson and a cycle of revenge attacks involving Buddhist Rakhine and Muslim Rohingya.
The Burmese government says more than 80 people have been killed in the violence, with sporadic outbreaks of violence still occurring.
The whole of Rakhine state has been placed under emergency rule.
The United Nations says about 800,000 Rohingya live in Burma and views them as one of the world's most persecuted minorities.
In recent weeks Bangladesh has turned away hundreds of Rohingya Muslims fleeing the violence in Burma, despite international pressure to grant them refuge.
Bangladesh is already home to a Rohingya refugee population estimated at 300,000.
The Burmese government and many Burmese see the Rohingya as illegal immigrants, prompting many Rohingya to attempt to flee to third countries in boats.
Sources Here:
The United Nations is ready to assist thousands of people displaced by recent ethnic and sectarian violence in Myanmar’s northern Rakhine State, and a UN Special Rapporteur on Human Rights has visited the region to assess the situation.
“The government has indicated that food, shelter and medical assistance are urgently required,” UN Resident and Humanitarian Coordinator Ashok Nigam told IRIN from Yangon, the former capital, on 15 June. “The UN and its humanitarian partners stand ready to support, as long as security to staff can be guaranteed during operations.”
The Rakhine State Minister said dozens of people had been killed, and close to 32,000 were now displaced and staying in 37 camps for internally displaced persons (IDPs), the local Burmese media reported. However, aid workers say the situation remains volatile and it is difficult to verify those figures.
On 13 June, Myanmar’s Border Affairs Minister, Maj-Gen Thein Htay, accompanied by Tomás Ojea Quintana, the UN Special Rapporteur on Human Rights in Myanmar, visited Maungtaw, the capital of Rakhine State, where they met with residents whose homes had been destroyed.
More than 1,500 homes were reportedly burned in the violence after the alleged rape and murder of a young Buddhist woman by a group of Rohingya Muslim men on 28 May, followed by an attack on a bus on 3 June, in which 10 Muslims died.
In an effort to quell the violence, Burmese President Thein Sein declared a state of emergency in Rakhine on 10 June.
“The underlying tensions that stem from discrimination against ethnic and religious minorities pose a threat to Myanmar’s democratic transition and stability. I urge all sides to exercise restraint, respect the law and refrain from violence,” Quintana said.
“It is critical that the government intensify its efforts to defuse tension and restore security to prevent the violence from spreading further,” he said, calling on the authorities to lift the state of emergency as soon as order was re-established.
Discrimination against the Muslim community, particularly the Rohingyas in Rakhine State, was the root cause of the violence, the Special Rapporteur noted, stressing the need for the authorities to take steps to address long-standing issues of deprivation of citizenship, freedom of movement, and other fundamental rights for the Rohingya.
Human Rights Watch has consistently described the treatment of the Rohingya in Myanmar as “deplorable”.
Under Burmese law, Rakhine’s 800,000 Rohingya are stateless and are not included in the country’s official list of 135 ethnic groups.
Hundreds of thousands have fled persecution to neighbouring Bangladesh over the past three decades, mostly in the 1990s.
“Policing action should be carried out impartially, in line with human rights standards, and with respect for the principles of legality, proportionality and non-discrimination,” Quintana said.
President Thein Sein called on various segments of Burmese society to jointly maintain peace and stability, and Quintana noted that this obligation also extended to all state security forces because they were responsible for restoring order.
Underscoring the sensitivity of the issue, some Burmese have taken to the internet to express their dissatisfaction with how the situation has been portrayed in the international media.
The Special Rapporteur emphasized that “Responsible media reporting is also imperative to prevent violence from escalating.”
ds/he
Source here
Constantine’s book combines words and stark images to provide a portrait of the Rohingya, a stateless people who straddle the Burma-Bangladesh border.
The recent conflict in Arakan State has returned the predicament of the stateless Rohingya to the international spotlight just as a new photo-book explores their fraught history.
Multi-award winning American photographer Greg Constantine has produced a compelling and revealing collection of photographs combined with personal stories and interviews of individuals describing their blighted lives.
“Exiled to Nowhere” describes the lives of Rohingya Muslims who occupy a geographic region which straddles both southern Bangladesh and Burma’s northwestern Arakan State.
Denied citizenship by both countries, the Rohingya are described by the UN as “one of the world’s most persecuted minorities” and regularly face a catalogue of human rights abuses as well as restrictions on movement, marriage and reproduction.
Violent clashes erupted in Arakan State after a lynch mob killed 10 Muslims on June 3 in apparent in retaliation for the rape and murder of a Buddhist woman on May 28. A total of 50 people have been killed, 54 other people injured, with 78 riots breaking out and 2,230 buildings destroyed by fire in the 18 days through to June 21.
Working over a period from 2006 to 2012, Constantine made eight trips to visit the Rohingya people in southern Bangladesh. While Constantine gained access to the Rohingya through Bangladesh, the words of the people he encountered focus upon life within Burma.
“Since we don’t have nationality in Burma, we can’t live in peace. In Burma they say we are from Bangladesh. When we come to Bangladesh, they say we are from Burma. People view us as if we don’t exist,” a Rohingha Muslim is quoted as saying.
Constantine remains faithful to the classic time-tested photo-documentary form of black and white images to provide a sensitive and comprehensive portrait of the plight of this largely overlooked minority group.
Despite recent moves towards democracy in Burma, this work illustrates quite clearly how mainstream Burmese society continues to marginalize these perceived outsiders.
“Now, after decades of oppression and endemic discrimination against the Rohingya, I believe there is an opportunity to work for a real change,” Tomas Quintana, UN special rapporteur on human rights in Burma, is quoted by Constantine. “The new government faces many and complex issues, but the cause of the Rohingyas must be a priority. We have to work for this.”
The words of Rohingya themselves are used to describe a life almost beyond comprehension as they struggle with being denied citizenship as defined by the current Burmese Constitution.
Add to this severe restrictions on their right to own property, marry and even have children—all designed to make life for the Rohingya exceedingly difficult, if not impossible—and you begin to grasp the depth of the hardships they face.
“Rohingya people who are born in Myanmar don’t have rights,” another refugee is quoted as saying. “Even a bird has rights. A bird can build a nest, give birth, bring food to their children and raise them until they are ready to fly. We don’t have basic rights like this.”
Source here
This video is showing how Rohingya Muslim people asking for help while Rakhine brutal racists burning houses of Rohingya Muslims in Aung Mingalar village of Sittwe, Rakhine state.
The President of Myanmar U Thein Sein is scheduled to arrive in Dhaka on July 15 on a three-day visit to forge cooperation in a wide range of areas of trade, border management and security aspects, a senior official in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MoFA) said.
The two countries will hold 'foreign office consultation' at the beginning of next month in Dhaka to finetune the bilateral issues to be included in the agenda for talks prior to the visit of Myanmar president.
Myanmar Deputy Foreign Minister Maung Myint and Bangladesh Foreign Secretary Mijarul Quayes will lead their respective teams at the consultation meeting at the MoFA, sources said.
Repatriation of undocumented Myanmar nationals and Rohingya refugees will feature prominently in discussion between the two sides during the visit.
The sudden influx of Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh territory would also dominate the talks, a senior official of MoFA said, adding the agenda for talks is yet to be finalised.
The President of Myanmar will have exclusive official talks with Bangladesh government officials. President U Thein Sein will hold talks with Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina and President Zillur Rahman
Issues like connectivity, cooperation in the energy sector, border management, establishing direct road and air links, enhancing trade and cooperation in education and tourism, might come up for discussion, a diplomat said.
In 2010-2011, Bangladesh exported products worth $9.65 million to Myanmar against its import of $179 million.
Myanmar Deputy Foreign Minister Maung Myint and Bangladesh Foreign Secretary Mijarul Quayes will lead their respective teams at the consultation meeting at the MoFA, sources said.
Repatriation of undocumented Myanmar nationals and Rohingya refugees will feature prominently in discussion between the two sides during the visit.
The sudden influx of Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh territory would also dominate the talks, a senior official of MoFA said, adding the agenda for talks is yet to be finalised.
The President of Myanmar will have exclusive official talks with Bangladesh government officials. President U Thein Sein will hold talks with Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina and President Zillur Rahman
Issues like connectivity, cooperation in the energy sector, border management, establishing direct road and air links, enhancing trade and cooperation in education and tourism, might come up for discussion, a diplomat said.
In 2010-2011, Bangladesh exported products worth $9.65 million to Myanmar against its import of $179 million.
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