Source (Mizzima)
The Rohingya are a Muslim minority from western Burma. The entire population of Rohingya in Burma’s North Rakhine State were stripped of their citizenship in 1982. An estimated 200,000 stateless Rohingya live in the southern part of Bangladesh. (Photo-Greg Constantine)
A photography exhibition depicting the plight of Rohingya refugees, “Exiled To Nowhere: Burma’s Rohingya,” by Greg Constantine will run from January 28 to February 29 in Chiang Mai.
The exhibit marks the opening of Documentary Arts Asia, a group dedicated to photojournalism, which will hold an opening party at 7 p.m. on Sunday, January 28.
The gallery, located near Chiang Mai Gate at 12/7 Waulai Road, Soi 3, will also offer a course in photography and photojournalism on February 10-11.
For more information contact Ryan Libre at ryan@cdaf.asia
Credit here
BRUSSELS, (Reuters) - The European Union agreed on Monday to suspend visa bans on the president of Myanmar and other senior officials, following reforms that have included the release of hundreds of political prisoners.
EU foreign ministers meeting in Brussels hailed a "remarkable programme of political reform" in Myanmar and the government's commitment to economic and social development.
They said that in response, the EU would suspend visa bans on Myanmar's president, Thein Sein, the country's vice-presidents, cabinet members and parliamentary speakers.
In a statement, the ministers also pledged to promote reform by increasing assistance to reduce poverty and for professional training and by strengthening dialogue with the government. They also called for "progressive engagement" by the World Bank and International Monetary Fund.
Further reforms, including the release of remaining political prisoners, the holding of free and fair by-elections in April and progress in resolving ethnic conflicts could lead to more sanctions being eased by the end of April, they said.
"These changes are opening up important new prospects for developing the relationship between the European Union and Burma/Myanmar," the statement said of Myanmar's reforms.
EU sanctions were imposed after bloody military crackdowns on a pro-democracy movement led by Nobel Prize-winning dissident Aung San Suu Kyi.
They target nearly a thousand firms and institutions with asset freezes and visa bans have affected almost 500 people. The sanctions also include an arms embargo, a prohibition on technical assistance related to the military and investment bans in the mining, timber and precious metals sectors.
"QUITE EXTRAORDINARY CHANGES"
EU foreign policy chief Catherine Ashton said "quite extraordinary changes" had taken place in Myanmar in the last weeks and months and British Foreign Secretary William Hague said it was important to recognise the progress made.
Ashton said she aimed to visit the country soon -- probably after the April ballot.
"Colleagues who have already been there have experienced a real sense of transition in that country," she said. "We are working closely with Aung San Suu Kyi and I will visit Burma in coordination with her -- we've done this entirely with her."
She said the aim of the visit would be to offer "full support in what we hope will be a very successful transition".
The reforms in Myanmar have followed a March election that saw a new government take over from a military junta and have included loosening media restrictions and other repressive laws, peace talks with ethnic insurgents and the freeing of hundreds of political prisoners.
Ashton sent her top foreign policy adviser to Myanmar last year, and the EU, in a move to encourage reform, slightly eased sanctions last April by suspending travel bans and asset freezes on 24 civilian government officials.
Earlier this month, the European Union said it would open a representative office in Myanmar to manage aid programmes and promote political dialogue.
Suu Kyi, a former political prisoner who was freed in 2010, has reversed her stance on boycotting Myanmar's army-dominated political system following the reforms and has agreed to stand in the April polls.
The lifting of sanctions could lead to Western investment in oil, gas and other sectors to compete with Myanmar's neighbours, especially India, Thailand and China.
The United States has decided to upgrade diplomatic ties with Myanmar as a result of its reforms and is considering lifting its sanctions if the by elections are fair and open.
As big as France and Britain combined, Myanmar lies between India, China and Southeast Asia with ports on the Indian Ocean and the Andaman Sea, all of which make it an energy security asset for Beijing's landlocked western provinces and a U.S. priority as Obama strengthens engagement with Asia.
Its resources include natural gas, timber and precious gems. Myanmar is building a multibillion-dollar port through which oil can reach a 790-km (490-mile) pipeline under construction with Chinese money and workers.
(Editing by Justyna Pawlak and Philippa Fletcher)
Source here
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ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံအေပၚ ပိတ္ဆို႔အေရးယူထားမႈအခ်ဳိ႕ကို စတင္ေျဖေလွ်ာ႔ေပးေတာ႔မည္ဟု ဥေရာပသမဂၢ ယေန႔ေၾကညာ။ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံ၏ ျပဳျပင္ေျပာင္းလဲမႈေကာင္းမ်ား ပိုမို အားေကာင္းလာေရး အားေပးသည့္အေနျဖင္႔ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံအေပၚ ဥေရာပသမဂၢက ပိတ္ဆို႔အေရးယူထားမႈ အခ်ဳိ႕ကို ေျဖေလွ်ာ႔ေပးသြားမည္ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း ဥေရာပသမဂၢအဖြဲ႕ဝင္ႏိုင္ငံမ်ား၏ ႏိုင္ငံျခားေရး ဝန္ႀကီးမ်ားက ယေန႔ သေဘာတူဆံုးျဖတ္ခ်က္ ခ်လိုက္ေၾကာင္း သိရသည္။
ျပဳျပင္ေျပာင္းလဲေရးေကာင္းမ်ား ေဖာ္ေဆာင္မႈ အတို္င္းအတာကို ၾကည့္၍ ပိတ္ဆို႔အေရးယူထားမႈ အလံုးစံုကို ႐ုပ္သိမ္းေပးသင္႔ မေပးသင္႔ ဆက္လက္ စဥ္းစားသြားမည္ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္းလည္း ဘရပ္ဆဲလ္ၿမိဳ႕တြင္ က်င္းပေသာ အစည္းအေဝး ေၾကညာခ်က္အရ သိရသည္။
Messenger News Journal
ျမန္မာနုိင္ငံအေနျဖင့္ ႏ်ဴကလီးယားလုပ္ငန္းမ်ား ေဆာင္ရြက္ေနျခင္းရွိ မရွိစစ္ေဆးရန္ အျပည္ျပည္ဆုိင္ရာ အဏုျမဴစြမ္းအင္ ေအဂ်င္စီ( IAEA ) စုံစမ္းစစ္ေဆးေရးအဖဲြ႔အား ျမန္မာနုိင္ငံသူိ႔၀င္ခြင့္ျပဳေရးမွာ လႊတ္ေတာ္သုိ႔တင္ျပျပီးမွသာ ျဖစ္နုိင္ေၾကာင္း နုိင္ငံေတာ္သမၼတ ဦးသိန္းစိန္က ဇန္န၀ါရီ ၁၇ ရက္ေန႔ မြန္းလဲြပုိင္းတြင္ ေနျပည္ေတာ္၌ ၀ါရွင္တန္ပုိ႔စ္သတင္းစာႏွင့္ ေတြ႔ဆုံစဥ္ ေျပာၾကားခဲ့သည္။
“ပထမအဆင့္အေနနဲ႔ ကၽႊန္ေတာ္တုိ႔ IAEA ရဲ့ Additional Protocol ကုိလက္မွတ္ေရးထုိးဖုိ႔ေဆာင္ရြက္ေနပါတယ္။ IAEA စုံစမ္းစစ္ေဆးေရး အဖဲြ႔ကုိ ျမန္မာနုိင္ငံအတြင္းသုိ႔ ၀င္ေရာက္ခြင့္ျပဳေရးဆုိတာ ကၽႊန္ေတာ္တုိ႔ လႊတ္ေတာ္တုိ႔ ဘာတုိ႔ကုိ တင္ရမယ္။ လႊတ္ေတာ္ကုိ တင္ျပီးေတာ့ IAEA ရဲ့ Additionall Protocol ကုိ လက္မွတ္ေရးထုိးျပီးမွသာလွ်င္ ေရွ႔ဆက္ျပီးေဆာင္ရြက္ရမယ့္ကိစၥေတြ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္ ။ အဲဒီ Protocol ကုိ ကၽႊန္ေတာ္တုိ႔ လက္မွတ္ေရးထုိးတဲ့ အဆင့္ကုိ မေရာက္ေသးပါဘူး” ဟု နုိင္ငံေတာ္သမၼတကေျပာၾကားသည္။
ျမန္မာနုိင္ငံအေနျဖင့္ ေျမာက္ကုိရီးယားနုိင္ငံႏွင့္သံတမန္ဆက္ဆံေရးသာရွိေၾကာင္း၊ သာမန္သံတမန္ဆက္ဆံေရးမွအပ၊အျခားႏ်ဴးကလီးယားကိစၥမ်ားႏွင့္ စစ္ေရးပူးေပါင္းေဆာင္ရြက္မႈစီမံကိန္းမ်ားလုပ္ေဆာင္ေနျခင္းမရွိေၾကာင္း၊ ထုုိသုိ႔ လုပ္ေဆာင္ေနသည္ဟု ေဖာ္ျပျခင္းသည္ စြပ္စြဲခ်က္မ်ား သာ ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း ျမန္မာနုိင္ငံအေနျဖင့္အျပည္ျပည္ဆုိင္ရာနယ္ပယ္တြင္ ႏ်ဴးကလီးယားလက္နက္မျပန္႔ပြားေရးႏွင့္ ပတ္သက္ျပီး အျမဲတမ္းရပ္တည္ေဆာင္ရြက္ေနသည့္ နုိင္ငံတနုိင္ငံျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း၊ကုလသမဂၢမွ ခ်မွတ္ထားသည့္ Resolution နွင့္ပတ္သက္ျပီး တိက်စြာ လုိက္နာေဆာင္ရြက္ေနသည့္ နုိင္ငံတစ္ခုျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း၊ ႏ်ဴးကလီးယားကိစၥ၊ လက္နက္ခဲယမ္းကိစၥမ်ားႏွင့္ ပတ္သက္ျပီး ေျမာက္ကုိရီးယားနုိင္ငံ အေနျဖင့္ ျမန္မာနုိင္ငံကုိ အကူအညီေပးနုိင္သည့္ အေျခအေနတြင္ မရွိေၾကာင္း၊ မိမိတုိ႔အေနျဖင့္လည္း ႏ်ဴးကလီးယားစီမံကိန္းတစ္ခု ျမန္မာနုိင္ငံအေနျဖင့္ ေျမာက္ကုိရီးယားနုိင္ငံႏွင့္ သံတမန္ဆက္ဆံေရးသာရွိေၾကာင္း၊ သာမန္သံတမန္ဆက္ဆံေရးမွအပ၊ အျခားႏ်ဴးကလီးယား ကိစၥမ်ားႏွင့္ စစ္ေရးပူးေပါင္းေဆာင္ရြက္မႈစီမံကိန္းမ်ား လုပ္ေဆာင္ေနျခင္းမရွိေၾကာင္း၊ ထုုိသုိ႔ လုပ္ေဆာင္ေနသည္ ဟု ေဖာ္ျပျခင္းသည္ စြပ္စြဲခ်က္မ်ားသာ ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း ျမန္မာနုိင္ငံအေနျဖင့္ အျပည္ျပည္ဆုိင္ရာနယ္ပယ္တြင္ ႏ်ဴးကလီးယားလက္နက္မျပန္႔ပြားေရးႏွင့္ ပတ္သက္ျပီး အျမဲတမ္းရပ္တည္ေဆာင္ရြက္ေနသည့္ နုိင္ငံတနုိင္ငံျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း၊ ကုလသမဂၢမွ ခ်မွတ္ထားသည့္ Resolution နွင့္ပတ္သက္ျပီး တိက်စြာ လုိက္နာေဆာင္ရြက္ေနသည့္ နုိင္ငံတစ္ခုျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း၊ ႏ်ဴးကလီးယားကိစၥ၊ လက္နက္ခဲယမ္းကိစၥမ်ားႏွင့္ ပတ္သက္ျပီး ေျမာက္ကုိရီးယားနုိင္ငံ အေနျဖင့္ ျမန္မာနုိင္ငံကုိ အကူအညီေပးနုိင္သည့္ အေျခအေနတြင္ မရွိေၾကာင္း၊ မိမိတုိ႔အေနျဖင့္လည္း ႏ်ဴးကလီးယားစီမံကိန္းတစ္ခု နုိင္ငံေတာ္ သမၼတအေနျဖင့္ ၀ါရွင္တန္ပုိ႔စ္သတင္းစာႏွင့္ ေတြ႔ဆုံရာတြင္ နုိင္ငံျခားေရး၀န္ၾကီးဌာန ျပည္ေထာင္စု၀န္ၾကီး ဦး၀ဏၰေမာင္လြင္၊ ျပန္ၾကားေရး၀န္ၾကီးႏွင့္ ယဥ္ေက်းမႈ၀န္ၾကီးဌာန ျပည္ေထာင္စု၀န္ၾကီဦးေက်ာ္ဆန္းႏွင့္အလုပ္သမား၀န္ၾကီးဌာန ျပည္ေထာင္စု၀န္ၾကီး ဦးေအာင္ၾကည္တုိ႔လည္း တက္ေရာက္ခဲ့ေၾကာင္းသိရသည္။
ခုိင္လင္းေက်ာ္ ( Ref; Washington Post.) နုိင္ငံပုိင္သတင္းစာမ်ား
Source : vThe Myanmar post news journal
Source : RFA Burmese & Human Right Watch
ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံမွာ ၂ဝ၁၁ ခုႏွစ္အတြင္း ႏုိင္ငံေရး ျပဳျပင္ေျပာင္းလဲမႈေတြ ရိွခဲ့ေပမယ့္ တိုင္းရင္းသားနယ္ေျမေတြ မွာ စစ္ပဲြေတြ ျပင္းထန္ခဲ့ၿပီး အစိုးရတပ္ က လူ႔အခြင့္အေရး ခ်ိဳးေဖာက္မႈေတြ ရိွေနတယ္လို႔ လူ႔အခြင့္အေရး ေစာင့္ၾကည့္ေလ့လာေရးအဖဲြ႔ HRW က ထုတ္ျပန္တဲ့ အစီရင္ခံစာမွာ ေဖာ္ျပထားပါတယ္။
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World Report 2012: Burma
Read the Report here
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Dead Men Walking
Convict Porters on the Front Lines in Eastern Burma
JULY 12, 2011
This 70-page report details abuses against convict porters including summary executions, torture, and the use of the convicts as “human shields.” The military should stop forcibly recruiting prisoners as porters and mistreating them, and those responsible for ordering or participating in such treatment should be prosecuted, Human Rights Watch and the Karen Human Rights Group said.
ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံမွာ ၂ဝ၁၁ ခုႏွစ္အတြင္း ႏုိင္ငံေရး ျပဳျပင္ေျပာင္းလဲမႈေတြ ရိွခဲ့ေပမယ့္ တိုင္းရင္းသားနယ္ေျမေတြ မွာ စစ္ပဲြေတြ ျပင္းထန္ခဲ့ၿပီး အစိုးရတပ္ က လူ႔အခြင့္အေရး ခ်ိဳးေဖာက္မႈေတြ ရိွေနတယ္လို႔ လူ႔အခြင့္အေရး ေစာင့္ၾကည့္ေလ့လာေရးအဖဲြ႔ HRW က ထုတ္ျပန္တဲ့ အစီရင္ခံစာမွာ ေဖာ္ျပထားပါတယ္။
- Download the full report here
Human Rights Watch (HRW) လူ႔အခြင့္အေရး ေစာင့္ၾကည့္ေရး အဖြဲ႔နဲ႔ Karen Human Rights Group (KHRG) ကရင္ လူ႕အခြင့္အေရး အဖြဲ႕တို႔က ပူးေပါင္း ျပဳစုထားေသာ Dead Men Walking: Convict Porters on the Front Lines in Eastern Burma "ေသလူေတြ လမ္းေလွ်ာက္ျခင္း- ျမန္မာနိုင္ငံ အေရွ႕ျခမ္းက ေရွ႕တန္း စစ္မ်က္ႏွာေတြက အက်ဥ္းသား ေပၚတာမ်ား" အစီရင္ခံစာ မ်က္ႏွာဖုံးပုံ ျဖစ္ပါသည္။
ကမၻာ့ ႏုိင္ငံအေတာ္မ်ားမ်ားက အစိုးရေတြနဲ႔ အဖဲြ႔အစည္းေတြရဲ႕ လူ႔အခြင့္အေရး ခ်ိဳးေဖာက္မႈေတြအေၾကာင္း ဒီကေန႔ ထုတ္ျပန္လိုက္တဲ့ HRW ရဲ႕ ၂ဝ၁၁ ခုႏွစ္ အစီရင္ခံစာမွာ အခုလို ေဖာ္ျပထားတာပါ။
ၿပီးခဲ့တဲ့ႏွစ္ ဇြန္လကတည္းက ျပန္လည္ ျဖစ္ပြားခဲ့တဲ့ ကခ်င္ျပည္နယ္က စစ္ပဲြေတြအတြင္း ျမန္မာ အစိုးရတပ္ေတြက ေဒသခံ အမ်ိဳးသမီးေတြကို အဓမၼျပဳက်င့္တာ၊ ေဒသခံေတြကို ညႇဥ္းပန္းႏိွပ္စက္တာ၊ သတ္ျဖတ္တာ ေတြ က်ဴးလြန္ခဲ့တယ္လို႔ HRW အစီရင္ခံစာက ဆုိပါတယ္။
ဒါ့ျပင္ ကခ်င္ျပည္နယ္က စစ္ပဲြေတြေၾကာင့္ ေဒသခံလူထု ၅ ေသာင္း ေလာက္ ထြက္ေျပး ပုန္းေရွာင္ေနရတယ္လို႔ အစီရင္ခံစာမွာ ေဖာ္ျပ ထားပါတယ္။
အစိုးရတပ္ေတြ အျပင္ တုိင္းရင္းသား လက္နက္ကိုင္ အဖဲြ႔အစည္းေတြ ဟာ ေဒသခံ ေက်းရြာေတြအနီးမွာ ေျမျမဳပ္မိုင္းေထာင္ တိုက္ခိုက္တာ ေတြ ရိွတဲ့အတြက္ ဒီလို အခ်က္အားလံုးဟာ ႏိုင္ငံတကာ လူ႔အခြင့္အေရး ဆိုင္ရာ ဥပေဒေတြကို ခ်ိဳးေဖာက္တာ ျဖစ္တယ္လို႔ အစီရင္ခံစာက ေထာက္ျပထားပါတယ္။
ကမၻာ့ ႏုိင္ငံအေတာ္မ်ားမ်ားက အစိုးရေတြနဲ႔ အဖဲြ႔အစည္းေတြရဲ႕ လူ႔အခြင့္အေရး ခ်ိဳးေဖာက္မႈေတြအေၾကာင္း ဒီကေန႔ ထုတ္ျပန္လိုက္တဲ့ HRW ရဲ႕ ၂ဝ၁၁ ခုႏွစ္ အစီရင္ခံစာမွာ အခုလို ေဖာ္ျပထားတာပါ။
ၿပီးခဲ့တဲ့ႏွစ္ ဇြန္လကတည္းက ျပန္လည္ ျဖစ္ပြားခဲ့တဲ့ ကခ်င္ျပည္နယ္က စစ္ပဲြေတြအတြင္း ျမန္မာ အစိုးရတပ္ေတြက ေဒသခံ အမ်ိဳးသမီးေတြကို အဓမၼျပဳက်င့္တာ၊ ေဒသခံေတြကို ညႇဥ္းပန္းႏိွပ္စက္တာ၊ သတ္ျဖတ္တာ ေတြ က်ဴးလြန္ခဲ့တယ္လို႔ HRW အစီရင္ခံစာက ဆုိပါတယ္။
ဒါ့ျပင္ ကခ်င္ျပည္နယ္က စစ္ပဲြေတြေၾကာင့္ ေဒသခံလူထု ၅ ေသာင္း ေလာက္ ထြက္ေျပး ပုန္းေရွာင္ေနရတယ္လို႔ အစီရင္ခံစာမွာ ေဖာ္ျပ ထားပါတယ္။
အစိုးရတပ္ေတြ အျပင္ တုိင္းရင္းသား လက္နက္ကိုင္ အဖဲြ႔အစည္းေတြ ဟာ ေဒသခံ ေက်းရြာေတြအနီးမွာ ေျမျမဳပ္မိုင္းေထာင္ တိုက္ခိုက္တာ ေတြ ရိွတဲ့အတြက္ ဒီလို အခ်က္အားလံုးဟာ ႏိုင္ငံတကာ လူ႔အခြင့္အေရး ဆိုင္ရာ ဥပေဒေတြကို ခ်ိဳးေဖာက္တာ ျဖစ္တယ္လို႔ အစီရင္ခံစာက ေထာက္ျပထားပါတယ္။
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Burma’s human rights situation remained dire in 2011 despite some significant moves by the government which formed in late March following November 2010 elections. Freedoms of expression, association, and assembly remain severely curtailed. Although some media restrictions were relaxed, including increased access to the internet and broader scope for journalists to cover formerly prohibited subjects, official censorship constrains reporting on many important national issues. In May and October the government released an estimated 316 political prisoners in amnesties, though many more remain behind bars.
Ethnic conflict escalated in 2011 as longstanding ceasefires with ethnic armed groups broke down in northern Burma. The Burmese military continues to be responsible for abuses against civilians in conflict areas, including forced labor, extrajudicial killings, sexual violence, the use of “human shields,” and indiscriminate attacks on civilians. Despite support from 16 countries for a proposed United Nations commission of inquiry into serious violations of international humanitarian law by all parties to Burma’s internal armed conflicts, no country took leadership at the UN to make it a reality. Foreign government officials expressed their optimism about government reforms despite abundant evidence of continuing systematic repression.
Signs of Change, But Unclear If They Will Result in Lasting Reform
Burma’s national parliament and 14 regional and state assemblies convened in late January 2011. The formal transfer of power from military rule to the new government took place on March 30. Former generals hold most senior ministerial portfolios, and serving generals are constitutionally guaranteed the posts of ministers of defense, home affairs, and border affairs security. Thein Sein, a former general and prime minister, was elected president. The speaker of the lower house is also a former general, and many former military officers hold important positions in the ruling military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party.
President Thein Sein’s inaugural speech in March was notably moderate and constructive in tone and he promised more reforms than had any leader during the preceding 23 years of military rule. The government’s stated priorities include economic reform, improved education, ending corruption, and environment protection. In August senior government officials called on exiled political dissidents to return home without reprisal.
In the national parliament, members of parliament are permitted to raise issues with two weeks prior notice and upon official approval. Some previously sensitive issues have been discussed in the new parliament such as calls for a political prisoner amnesty, citizenship for the long repressed Rohingya Muslim minority, and education reform including the currently banned teaching of ethnic languages. In addition, the government worked on a bill that, if not watered down before being enacted, would liberalize citizens’ ability to form unions and associations.
Reform bills have been tabled in the new parliament on forming trade unions, permitting peaceful assembly, and amending of the political party registration rules in ways that could open the way for participation by the long repressed opposition party, the National League for Democracy. These changes are encouraging on paper, but it remains to be seen how they will be implemented and the level of social participation.
Media freedoms have been relaxed in some cases, with propaganda slogans removed from magazines and newspapers; mention of Aung San Suu Kyi and display of her photo is now permitted after a long ban. Neverthless, the censorship board continues to ban stories deemed politically sensitive, an estimated 20 media workers are in prison, including a 21-year-old videographer who received a 16-year sentence in September 2011 for taking video footage after a bomb blast in central Rangoon.
On September 5 the government formed a new National Human Rights Commission, composed of 15 former ambassadors, academics, and civil servants.
Since March Aung San Suu Kyi has been permitted much greater freedom to travel and meet her supporters in the National League for Democracy, even though the party is technically illegal under the electoral laws. Suu Kyi travelled to Naypyidaw in August to meet President Thein Sein; it was the first time she has visited the capital city, which formally opened in 2005.
In November the NLD announced the party would formally re-register as a political party, and expressed their intention to contest scheduled bi-elections in 2012, with Suu Kyi stating she would consider running as a candidate.
Ethnic Conflict and Displacement
Fighting between government forces and ethnic armed groups spread in Burma during 2011, as many longstanding ceasefire agreements unraveled. In Karen State, eastern Burma, a breakaway faction of the Democratic Karen Buddhist Army (DKBA) took up arms following the November 2010 elections. Intensified fighting along the border forced an estimated 20,000 refugees into Thailand. Most DKBA soldiers refused to complete their transformation into Burmese-army-controlled Border Guard Force units and ended their 16-year ceasefire.
In March the Burmese army attacked the Shan State Army-North, breaking a ceasefire reached in 1989, as the Shan army resisted pressure to demobilize and form a government-controlled people’s militia. Fighting in northern Shan State displaced an estimated 30,000 civilians.
In June fighting broke out between Burma’s second largest opposition armed group, the Kachin Independence Army (KIA), and the Burmese army in northern Burma near the Chinese border, ending a ceasefire signed in 1994. Local women’s rights groups reported high levels of sexual violence with more than 35 women and girls raped in the first two months of the fighting alone. Over 30,000 civilians were internally displaced, fleeing Burmese army abuses such as forced labor, extrajudicial killings, and indiscriminate fire, with several thousand seeking refuge in China.
The Burmese military continues to violate international humanitarian law through the use of anti-personnel landmines, forced labor, torture, beatings, and pillaging of property. Sexual violence against women and girls remains a serious problem and perpetrators are rarely brought to justice. The army continues to actively recruit and use child soldiers, even as the government cooperates with the International Labour Organization on demobilizing child soldiers.
In January Burmese army units in Karen State forced convicts to work as porters in ongoing operations in combat zones. This longstanding practice saw hundreds of prisoners drawn from prisons and labor camps transported to frontline units, and forced to carry military supplies and material to the frontline, often being used as “human shields” to deter attacks or clear anti-personnel landmines. Porters are often tortured, beaten, and subjected to ill-treatment during their forced service.
Ethnic armed groups have also been implicated in serious abuses, such as recruiting child soldiers, extrajudicial executions, and using antipersonnel landmines around civilian areas.
Approximately 500,000 people are internally displaced due to conflict in eastern Burma, with an additional 140,000 refugees in camps in Thailand. Thai authorities in 2011 increased calls for repatriation of the refugees, a proposal that Burmese officials welcomed, and European Union authorities gave greater priority in refugee aid allocations to preparations for repatriation despite serious security concerns about returning populations to active conflict zones. Bangladeshi authorities increased threats to close Rohingya refugee camps and drive the Rohingya minority back into Burma. Some 28,000 Rohingya refugees live in official camps in Bangladesh and another 200,000 live in makeshift settlements or mixed in with the local population in border areas.
Millions of Burmese migrant workers, refugees, and asylum seekers live in Thailand, India, Bangladesh, Malaysia, and Singapore.
Key International Actors
In 2011, 16 countries publicly supported calls for a UN-led commission of inquiry into violations of international human rights and humanitarian law in Burma, but none was prepared to lead efforts to make this a reality. Most countries adopted a “wait and see” approach to Burma, noting government pledges of reform and citing Aung San Suu Kyi’s expression of cautious optimism that there might be an “opportunity for change.”
In May Vijay Nambiar, the UN secretary-general’s special envoy on Burma, visited Burma and expressed optimism over stated reform goals, but also noted that political prisoner releases fell short of international expectations. In his August report on the human rights situation, Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon encouraged the government to turn its reform agenda into reality, but cautioned that failure to release political prisoners, seek peace with ethnic groups, and lift all restrictions on Aung San Suu Kyi would erode international confidence in the process.
Tomas Ojea Quintana, the UN special rapporteur on Burma, visited Burma in August and later stated that despite positive signs of change there remain “serious and ongoing human rights concerns,” including “continuing allegations of torture and ill-treatment during interrogation.” In his September report to the General Assembly, Quintana said “many serious human rights issues encompassing the broad range of civil, political, economic, social and cultural rights remain and they need to be addressed.”
The United States, EU, Australia, Canada, and Switzerland continue to impose restrictive trade and financial sanctions on Burma, arguing that recent government actions are insufficient to consider lifting the sanctions. In September and November Derek Mitchell, the newly appointed US special representative and policy coordinator on Burma, made official visits to the country. Mitchell expressed cautious optimism that reforms could evolve into far-reaching change, but urged the government to “take concrete actions in a timely fashion to demonstrate its sincerity and genuine commitment to reform and national reconciliation.” US Senator John McCain visited refugee communities along the Thailand-Burma border and met government and opposition leaders inside Burma in May and June.
President Barack Obama announced in November that due to encouraging “flickers of change” in Burma, US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton would visit Burma in December, the first visit by such a senior US official in 50 years.
During the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) Summit in November, it was announced that Burma would become chair of the regional grouping in 2014 and host all of ASEAN’s meetings that year.
Burma’s neighbors—China, India, and Thailand—continue to invest in and trade extensively with Burma, especially in the extractive and hydro-electric energy industries. Burma continued to earn billions of US dollars in natural gas revenues, little of which is directed into social services such as health care and education.
China began construction on two energy pipelines from western Burma to Yunnan, including a planned rail link. The building of a series of massive hydro-electric dams on the Irrawaddy River in upper Burma sparked heated domestic debate over its effects on the environment and the ethnic minority population, some of whom have already been forcibly displaced by the project. In late September President Thein Sein suspended work on the Myitsone dam, the largest in a series of several planned dams. The move was received positively inside Burma, but criticized by the Chinese government.
There are negative impacts of certain other Chinese investments, including agri-business ventures in northern Burma, which have involved land seizures by Burmese authorities. India’s construction of a major infrastructure project for the Kaladan River in western Burma continued in 2011, as did Indian investments in mining projects. Sales of natural gas to Thailand still account for the largest share of the Burmese government’s foreign exchange earnings, which will increase markedly when the Chinese gas pipeline project is completed in 2013.
Russia, China, and North Korea continue to sell arms to Burma, despite frequently voiced US concerns that North Korean sales could breach UN Security Council resolutions on non-proliferation.
CORRECTION: The English version of the Burma chapter of the 2012 World Report states that ethnic armed groups have been implicated in serious abuses, such as recruiting child soldiers, extrajudicial executions, and using antipersonnel landmines around civilian areas. "Extrajudicial executions" has been removed. Although there have been some reports of armed groups involved in extrajudicial killings, Human Rights Watch has not been able to confirm these allegations.
Read the Report here
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Dead Men Walking
Convict Porters on the Front Lines in Eastern Burma
JULY 12, 2011
This 70-page report details abuses against convict porters including summary executions, torture, and the use of the convicts as “human shields.” The military should stop forcibly recruiting prisoners as porters and mistreating them, and those responsible for ordering or participating in such treatment should be prosecuted, Human Rights Watch and the Karen Human Rights Group said.
ISBN: 1-56432-785-X
ကုိလုိနီေခတ္ေႏွာင္းပုိင္းဆုိသည္မွာ၁၉၄၈ခုႏွစ္ေႏွာင္းပုိင္းကုိဆုိလုိျခင္းျဖစ္၍ပါလီမန္ေခတ္အတြင္းဆုိသည္မွာ ၁၉၄၈ ခုႏွစ္မွ ၁၉၆၂ ခုႏွစ္အတြင္းကုိ ဆုိလုိျခင္းျဖစ္ပါသည္။
ေမာင္းေတာ၊ ဘူးသီးေတာင္၊ ေက်ာက္ေတာ္၊ ေျမာက္ဦး၊ ရေသ့ေတာင္၊ မင္းျပား ၊ စစ္ေတြရမ္းၿဗဲႏွင့္ေက်ာက္ျဖဴ ၿမဳိ႕မ်ားတြင္ေနထုိင္သူမ်ားမွာ ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာလူမ်ဳိးမ်ားျဖစ္ၾကသည္။ သုိ႔ေသာ္သံတြဲၿမဳိ႕တြင္ေနထုိင္သူမ်ားမွာ ကမန္ လူမ်ဳိးမ်ားျဖစ္ၾကသည္။
ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံတြင္ တုိင္းရင္းသားလူမ်ဳိး ၁၄၄ မ်ဳိးရွိခဲ့ရာတြင္ ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာလူမ်ဳိးပါ၀င္ခဲ့သည္ကုိ ေရးသားထားသည့္ အတြက္လည္း ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံတုိင္းရင္းသားလူမ်ဳိးမ်ားတြင္ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာလူမ်ားပါ၀င္သည္ကုိထပ္မံ၍သက္ေသခံေပး ျခင္းျဖစ္သည္။
ရခုိင္ဘုရင္အဆက္ဆက္တြင္ရွိေနခဲ့ေသာသူမ်ားအျဖစ္ Wikimyanmar မွသက္ေသခံၿပီးျဖစ္သည့္အတြက္ ၿဗိတိသွ်ကုိလုိနီေခတ္တြင္ တံခါးမရွိ၀င္လာသည့္ကိစၥကုိ စာေရးသူမွရွင္းလင္းရန္မလုိအပ္ေတာ့ပါ။
စာေရးသူသည္ ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာအဖြဲ႕အစည္းမ်ား၊ ျမန္မာမြတ္စလင္မ္အဖြဲ႕အစည္းမ်ားႏွင့္တြဲဖက္၍ လႈပ္ရွားေနေသာ Activist တစ္ဦးျဖစ္သည္။ ဆက္သြယ္လုိပါက - rohingya@gmail.com
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Wikimyanmar တြင္ေရးသားခ်က္
ဦးေနဝင္း(မဆလ) အစုိးရက တုိင္းရင္းသားလူမ်ဳိးစု (၁၄၄)မ်ဳိးရွိရာမွ (၈)မ်ဳိးၿဖဳတ္ခ်ခဲ႔ရာ ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာ(ဘဂၤလီ)လူ မ်ဳိးလည္း အပါအ၀င္ျဖစ္သည္။အဘယ္ေၾကာင့္ဆိုေသာ္ ၁၉၈၂ ခုႏွစ္ နဳိင္ငံသားဥပေဒအရ အဆိုပါလူမ်ိဳးစုတို ့သည္ ကိုလိုနီေခတ္ႏွင့္ ပါလီမန္ေခတ္ဦးတြင္ ရခိုင္ေဒသသို ့အလံုးအရင္း ခိုး၀င္အေျခခ်ေနထိုင္ခဲ့သည့္ စစ္တေကာင္းႏွင့္အေရွ ့ဘေဂၤါေဒသ(ဘဂၤလားေဒ့ရွ္)မွ ဘဂၤလီႏိုင္ငံျခားသားမ်ားျဖစ္ေသာေၾကာင့္ျဖစ္သည္။အဆိုပါလူမ်ိဳးစုတို ့သမိုင္းအေထာက္အထားမ်ိဳးစံုဖန္တီးက တိုင္းရင္းသားအျဖစ္ေတာင္းဆိုျခင္း၊သီးျခားျပည္နယ္ေတာင္းဆိုျခင္းတို ့ကို လုပ္ေဆာင္ေနေသာ္လည္း ယခုဒီမုိက ေရစီ ထြန္းကား ေနေသာ ပါတီစုံစနစ္ေအာက္တြင္ တုိင္းရင္းသား ဆုိေသာေဝါဟာရ ၏အဓိပၸါယ္ ႏွင္႔ ဥပေဒ ႏွင္႔သမုိင္းအေထာက္အထား၊လူ႕အခြင္႔အေရး အရ တုိင္းရင္း သားၿဖစ္ မၿဖစ္ ၿပည္လႊတ္ေတာ္ တြင္ အဆုံး အၿဖတ္ေပး ရလိမ့္မည္ၿဖစ္သည္။႔
အဆိုပါလူမ်ိဳးစုသည္ ကိုလိုနီေခတ္ေႏွာင္းပိုင္းႏွင့္ ပါလီမန္ေခတ္အတြင္း ရာသီဥတုဆိုးရြားေသာ စစ္တေကာင္းျမစ္၀ကၽြန္းေပၚေဒသမွ ရခိုင္ျပည္နယ္ေျမာက္ပိုင္း ေမာင္ေတာ၊ဘူးသီးေတာင္၊ေက်ာက္ေတာ္၊ေျမာက္ဦး၊ရေသ့ေတာင္၊မင္းျပား၊စစ္ေတြ၊သံတြဲႏွင့္ ရမ္းျဗဲ၊ေက်ာက္ျဖဴေဒသမ်ားသို ့ တစစစိမ့္၀င္ေျပာင္းေရြ ့လာေသာ မ်ားျပားသည့္ တရားမ၀င္ခိုး၀င္အေျခခ်သူမ်ားျဖစ္ၾကသည္။ဖဆပလ၏ ပါလီမန္ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲကာလအတြင္း ရခိုင္ေဒသမဲဆႏၵနယ္တြင္ အသာစီးမရခဲ့သည့္ ႏိုင္ငံေတာ္ ၀န္ၾကီးခ်ဳပ္ဦးႏု၏ မဲႏိုင္ရန္ၾကိဳးပမ္းမွဳတစိတ္တေဒသအျဖစ္ အဆိုပါ ႏိုင္ငံျခားသားမ်ားအား မဲေပးခြင့္ျပဳခဲ့သည္မွ အစျပဳ၍ အဆိုပါလူမ်ိဳးစုတို ့၏ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံအေပၚေျခကုပ္ယူမည့္ ေမွ်ာ္လင့္ခ်က္တို ့ကို ပိုမိုရင့္သန္ေစခဲ့သည္။ရခိုင္ဘုရင္မ်ားလက္ထက္ကတည္းက အစၥလာမ္ဘာသာ၀င္ ကမန္လူမ်ိဳးတို ့ကို ဌာေနတိုင္းရင္းသားအျဖစ္အသိအမွတ္ျပဳခဲ့ေသာ္လည္း အဆိုပါ ဘဂၤလီလူမ်ိဳးတို ့ကို ရခိုင္ဘုရင္အဆက္ဆက္၊အစိုးရအဆက္ဆက္ ႏိုင္ငံသားအျဖစ္ အသိအမွတ္မျပဳခဲ့ေခ်။ျဗိတိသွ်ကိုလိုနီအျဖစ္ အိႏိၵယႏွင့္ျမန္မာျပည္ကို တေပါင္းတည္းအုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ခဲ့စဥ္ကာလက တံခါးမရွိ၊ဓားမရွိ၀င္ထြက္သြားလာခြင့္ရခဲ့သည္ကို အခြင့္အေရးယူ၍ ေျမလြတ္ေျမရိုင္းႏွင့္ သဘာ၀အရင္းအျမစ္ေပါၾကြယ္လွသည့္ ရခိုင္ေဒသသို ့ေျပာင္းေရြ ့အေျခခ်ခဲ့ၾကသည့္ အဆိုပါလူမ်ိဳးတို ့သည္ မ်ိဳးဆက္တစ္ဆက္ႏွစ္ဆက္ျဖတ္သန္းျပီးေနာက္ အဆိုပါေဒသကို သူတို ့၏ ကိုယ္ပိုင္ေဒသအျဖစ္ အစၥလာမစ္ဥပေဒက်င့္သံုး၍ အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ခြင့္ရရန္ နည္းမ်ိဳးစံုျဖင့္ ၾကိဳးပမ္းလာေသာအခါ ေဒသခံ ရခိုင္လူမ်ိဳးတို ့ႏွင့္ မ်ားစြာေသာပဋိပကၡတို ့ကို ျဖစ္ပြားေစခဲ့သည္။ယခုတိုင္ခြဲထြက္ေရးအတြက္ လက္နက္စြဲကိုင္တိုက္ပြဲ၀င္ေနၾကသည့္ အစုအဖြဲ ့တို ့ရွိေနသကဲ့သို ့ အေနာက္ႏိုင္ငံမ်ားတြင္ ေျပာင္းေရြ ့အေျခခ်ကာ အာရပ္အုပ္စု၏ေထာက္ပံ့မွဳျဖင့္ ေဒသတြင္းမတည္ျငိမ္မွဳမ်ားစြာကိုဖန္တီးကာ ႏိုင္ငံေရးနည္းျဖင့္ ခြဲထြက္ေရးကိုဖန္တီးအားထုတ္ေနၾကသည့္ ပုဂၢိဳလ္အမ်ားအျပားလည္း ရွိေနၾကသည္။အဆိုပါပုဂၢိဳလ္တို ့ေၾကာင့္ ႏိုင္ငံေတာ္အစိုးရက နဂါးမင္းစစ္ဆင္ေရးကိုဆင္ႏႊဲကာ တရားမ၀င္ႏိုင္ငံျခားသားမ်ားကို ေမာင္းထုတ္ခဲ့ရသည္။သို ့ေသာ္ ထိုလူမ်ိဳးစု၏မူလဇစ္ျမစ္ျဖစ္ေသာ ဘဂၤလားေဒ့ရွ္ႏိုင္ငံက ႏိုင္ငံသားအျဖစ္အသိအမွတ္မျပဳေသာအခါ ႏိုင္ငံမဲ့လူမ်ိဳးမ်ားအျဖစ္ ဘဂၤလားေဒ့ရွ္ရွိ ကုလသမဂၢဒုကၡသည္စခန္းမ်ားတြင္ ယခုတိုင္အေျခခ်ေနထိုင္ေနၾကရသည္။.ခုခ်ိန္ထိ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံအတြင္းတြင္ ႏိုင္ငံသားအျဖစ္အသိအမွတ္ျပဳမခံရသည့္ ဘဂၤလီဦးေရ တစ္သန္းခြဲခန္ ့ဆက္လက္က်န္ရွိေနေသးသည္။အဆိုပါလူမ်ိဳးစုတို ့၏ အိမ္ေထာင္ဘက္ေျမာက္ျမားစြာယူျခင္း၊မ်ိဳးဆက္ပြားမွဳ ျမင့္မားျခင္းတို ့ေၾကာင့္ ေဒသတြင္း လူဦးေရမွာ တစ္ႏွစ္ထက္တစ္ႏွစ္အဆမတန္ျမင့္တက္လွ်က္ရွိေနသည္။လူဦးေရထူထပ္လာျခင္းေၾကာင့္ အသက္ေမြး၀မ္းေက်ာင္းရန္ ခက္ခဲလာသည့္အတြက္ ေထာင္ေပါင္းမ်ားစြာေသာ ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာဘဂၤလီတို ့သည္ ကပၸလီပင္လယ္ျပင္ကိုျဖတ္သန္း၍ မေလးရွားႏိုင္ငံႏွင့္ ၾသစေၾတးလွ်၊နယူးဇီလန္စသည့္ ႏိုင္ငံမ်ားသို ့ သက္စြန္ ့ဆံဖ်ား ဒုကၡသည္အျဖစ္ေလွ်ာက္ထားရန္ ခိုး၀င္လွ်က္ရွိေနၾကသည္။တဘက္တြင္လည္း ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံလူ၀င္မွဳၾကီးၾကပ္ေရးဌာနမွ ၀န္ထမ္းမ်ား၏ လာဒ္ေပးလာဒ္ယူမွဳျဖင့္ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံသားျဖစ္လာသူ အေျမာက္အျမားရွိေနဆဲျဖစ္သည္။အစၥလာမ္ဘာသာကို ကိုးကြယ္ျခင္းေၾကာင့္ မဟုတ္ပဲ အဆိုပါလူမ်ိဳးစုတို ့၏စရိုက္သဘာ၀ႏွင့္ ေခတ္အဆက္ဆက္တင္ရွိခဲ့ေသာ လူမ်ိဳးေရးရန္ျငိဳးမ်ားေၾကာင့္ ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာျပသနာသည္ ရခိုင္ေဒသ၏တည္ျငိမ္ေအးခ်မ္းေရးကို အဆိုးဆံုးျခိမ္းေျခာက္ေနေသာ အမ်ိဳးသားေရးျပသနာဟု ႏိုင္ငံေရးေစာင့္ၾကည့္ေလ့လာသူမ်ားကဆိုၾကသည္။ယေန ့ခ်ိန္ထိ ရခိုင္ျပည္နယ္မွ အစၥလာမ္ဘာသာ၀င္မ်ားျဖစ္ေသာ ကမန္လူမ်ိဳးစုမ်ားႏွင့္ ျမန္မာျပည္မရွိ ျမန္မာမူဆလင္လူမ်ိဳးမ်ားကိုယ္တိုင္ အဆိုပါလူမ်ိဳးစုကို ျမန္မာတိုင္းရင္းသားအျဖစ္ အသိအမွတ္ျပဳလိုျခင္းမရွိေသးေခ်။
ရည္ညႊန္းကိုးကား
၁။-(၁၈-၇-၁၉၆၁)ခုေန႔ထုတ္တပ္မေတာ္ေခတ္ေရးစာေစာင္တြဲ(၁၂) ၊အမွတ္(၆)၊စာ(၃၂-၅၈) ၂။-(၈-၈-၁၉၆၁)ခုေန႔ထုတ္တပ္မေတာ္ေခတ္ေရးစာေစာင္တြဲ(၁၂) ၊အမွတ္(၉)၊
၃။-တုိင္းရင္းသားလူမ်ဳိးးစုပါတီသတင္းလႊာ(ကင္းလႊတ္ခြင္႔အမွတ္-န/သ – ၀၈၅) ၊၃၁-၁၂-၁၉၈၉ ၄။-ရခိုင္ရာဇ၀င္ ။ ေအာင္သာဦး ၅။-စႏၵမာလာလကၤာရ။ ရခိုင္ရာဇ၀င္သစ္ ရခိုင္သမိုင္း ၊ ၁၅ ၊ ၁၈ ရာစု ၆။-အေရွ႕ေတာင္အာရွရာဇ၀င္၊ ေဟာ-၁၉၅၅ ၇။-ၿမန္မာရာဇ၀င္ (ဟာေဗး ၁၉၂၅ ၈။မင္းရာဇာၾကီး(mornrazagree.blogspot.com) ၉။anti-rohingha.blogspot.com
ေမာင္းေတာ၊ ဘူးသီးေတာင္၊ ေက်ာက္ေတာ္၊ ေျမာက္ဦး၊ ရေသ့ေတာင္၊ မင္းျပား ၊ စစ္ေတြရမ္းၿဗဲႏွင့္ေက်ာက္ျဖဴ ၿမဳိ႕မ်ားတြင္ေနထုိင္သူမ်ားမွာ ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာလူမ်ဳိးမ်ားျဖစ္ၾကသည္။ သုိ႔ေသာ္သံတြဲၿမဳိ႕တြင္ေနထုိင္သူမ်ားမွာ ကမန္ လူမ်ဳိးမ်ားျဖစ္ၾကသည္။
Wikimyanmar ၌အစပုိင္းတြင္ ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာလူမ်ဳိးမ်ားကုိ ကုိလုိနီေခတ္ေႏွာင္းပုိင္းႏွင့္ ပါလီမန္ေခတ္အတြင္း တရားမ၀င္အေျခခ်သူမ်ားဟုေရးသားထားသည္။ တဖန္ “အဆုိပါ ဘဂၤလီလူမ်ဳိးတုိ႔ကုိ ရခုိင္ဘုရင္အဆက္ ဆက္၊ အစုိးရအဆက္ဆက္ႏုိင္ငံသားအျဖစ္ အသိအမွတ္မျပဳခဲ့ေခ်” ဟုေရးသားထားျပန္သည္။ ဤသည္မွာ Wikimyanmar သည္ ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာလူမ်ဳိးတုိ့္ ရခုိင္ျပည္၌ ၁၇၈၄ ခုႏွစ္မတုိင္မီကတည္းက ေနထုိင္လာခဲ့ေသာ လူမ်ဳိးမ်ားျဖစ္သည္ဟု သက္ေသခံေပးသည့္အေထာက္အထားတစ္ခုျဖစ္သည့္အတြက္ စာေရးသူမွ ေက်းဇူးတင္ မိပါသည္။
ဦးႏုလက္ထက္၌ မဲေပးခဲ့သူမ်ားအားလုံးမွာ အမ်ဳိးသားမွတ္ပုံတင္ ကပ္ၿပား ကုိင္ေဆာင္ထားေသာ ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံသားမ်ားျဖစ္ၾကသည္စာေရးသူ၏အဖုိးအဖြားမ်ားကုိင္ေဆာင္ခဲ့ေသာထုိအမ်ဳိးသားမွတ္ပုံတင္မ်ားကုိ စာေရးသူ ကုိယ္တုိင္ျမင္ဖူးခဲ့သည္။ ထိုအမ်ဳိးသားမွတ္ပုံတင္မ်ားကုိ၁၉၇၈ခုႏွစ္တြင္အာဏာရွင္ဦးေန၀င္းမွ နဂါးမင္းစီမံ ခ်က္ၿဖင့္ ဦးစိန္လြင္အားဦးစီးေစၿပီး တအိမ္တက္တအိမ္ဆင္း၍ မတရားသိမ္းေစခဲ့သည္။ ထုိသုိ႔အသိမ္းခံရေသာ သူမ်ားမွာ ယခုထိအသက္ရွင္ေနထုိင္လ်က္ရွိသည္ထုိအခ်ိန္၌အစုိးရအမႈထမ္းအခ်ဳိ႕၏ အမ်ဳိးသားမွတ္ပုံတင္ မ်ားကုိသာ မသိမ္းဆည္းဘဲ ခ်န္ခဲ့သည္။
ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာလူမ်ဳိးတုိ႔ကုိင္ေဆာင္ခဲ့ေသာ အမ်ဳိးသားမွတ္ပုံတင္မ်ားအား မတရားသိမ္းပုိက္၍ ၁၉၇၈ ခုႏွစ္ႏွင့္ ၁၉၉၁ ခုႏွစ္မ်ားတြင္ အစုလုိက္အျပဳံလုိက္သတ္ျဖတ္ျခင္းေၾကာင့္ တစ္ဖက္ဘဂၤလားေဒ့ရွ္ႏုိင္ငံသုိ႔ ထြက္ေျပး၍ ဒုကၡသည္ဘ၀သုိ႔ေရာက္ေနရျခင္းျဖစ္သည္။ ၁၉၇၈ ခုႏွစ္တြင္လည္း ထုိဒုကၡသည္မ်ားကုိ ႏုိင္ငံတြင္းသုိ႔ ျပန္လည္ ေခၚခဲ့ရသည္။ ၁၉၉၁ ခုႏွစ္တြင္လည္း အခ်ဳိ႕ကုိျပန္လည္ေခၚခဲ့ရသည္။ ထုိကဲ့သုိ႔ျပန္လည္ေခၚခဲ့ရျခင္းသည္ ထုိရုိဟင္ဂ်ာလူမ်ဳိးတုိ႔သည္ ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံသားမ်ားျဖစ္ေသာေၾကာင့္ျဖစ္သည္။ အခ်ဳိ႕မွာ ယခုအခ်ိန္ထိ မဲေဆာက္ ႏွင့္အျခားေနရာမ်ားတြင္ေသာရွိေသာ ဒုကၡသည္မ်ားနည္းတူ ကုလသမဂၢဒုကၡသည္စခန္းမ်ားတြင္ ေနထုိင္ေနရ ပါသည္။ ထုိသုိ႔ေနထုိင္ရာတြင္ ဘဂၤလားေဒ့ရွ္ႏုိင္ငံသားမ်ားေပးေသာ ဒုကၡမ်ားကုိေန႔စဥ္ရက္ဆက္ခံစားေနၾက ရသည္။
ရခုိင္ဘုရင္အဆက္ဆက္တြင္ရွိေနခဲ့ေသာသူမ်ားအျဖစ္ Wikimyanmar မွသက္ေသခံၿပီးျဖစ္သည့္အတြက္ ၿဗိတိသွ်ကုိလုိနီေခတ္တြင္ တံခါးမရွိ၀င္လာသည့္ကိစၥကုိ စာေရးသူမွရွင္းလင္းရန္မလုိအပ္ေတာ့ပါ။
ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာလူမ်ဳိးတုိ႔သည္ ျမန္မာျပည္မမွခြဲထြက္ရန္ မည္သည့္အခါမွ မေတာင္းဆုိခဲ့ပါ။ ေမယုခရုိင္ကုိ ျပည္မႏွင့္ တြဲ၍အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ရန္ေတာင္းဆုိခဲ့ျခင္းသည္ အလြန္အေရးႀကီးေသာ သက္ေသအေထာက္အထားျဖစ္သည္။
ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာအဖြဲ႕အစည္းမ်ားအားလုံးသည္ အေနာက္ႏုိင္ငံမ်ားႏွင့္ အာရွႏုိင္ငံမ်ားအခ်ဳိ႕တြင္ အေျခခ်၍ မိမိတို႔၏ ဆုံးရွဳံးသြားေသာ ႏုိင္ငံသားရပုိင္ခြင့္မ်ားကုိ ႏုိင္ငံတကာအဖြဲ႕အစည္းမ်ားႏွင့္၄င္း၊ အျခားေသာတုိင္းရင္းသားအဖြဲ႕ အစည္းမ်ားႏွင့္၄င္း ပူးေပါင္း၍ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းစြာေတာင္းဆုိေနျခင္းျဖစ္သည္။ မည္သည့္အဖြဲ႕အစည္းမွ လက္နက္ကုိင္ ေဆာင္၍ နယ္စပ္ေဒသတြင္ ေဒသတြင္းစုိးရိမ္ရေအာင္ တုိက္ခုိက္ေနျခင္းမရွိပါ။
ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာဒုကၡသည္မ်ားသည္ စား၀တ္ေနေရးအတြက္ ရုန္းကန္ေနရစဥ္ အိမ္ေထာင္ဘက္ ေျမာက္ျမားစြာရွိ သည္ဟူေသာစြပ္စြဲခ်က္ကုိ စာဖတ္သူတုိ႔မွ ခ်င့္ခ်ိန္၍ စဥ္းစားလွ်င္အေျဖထြက္မည္ျဖစ္ပါသည္။ ဘဂၤလားေဒ့ရွ္ တြင္ဒုကၡသည္မ်ား မည္ကဲ့သုိ႔ေနထုိင္ေနရသည္ကုိ Youtube ရွိ ဗီဒီယုိမ်ားမွတဆင့္ စာဖတ္သူမ်ားေလ့လာႏုိင္ ပါသည္။ ယခုအခါ ရခုိင္ျပည္နယ္သည္ ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံ၌ အဆင္းရဲဆုံးျပည္နယ္ျဖစ္သည္ဟု ရခုိင္ျပည္သားဗုဒၶ ဘာသာ၀င္မ်ားကပင္ စာေရး၍ Statement ထုတ္ေနရသည့္ကာလျဖစ္သည္။ ရခုိင္ျပည္နယ္တြင္ ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာလူမ်ဳိးတုိ႔၏ လက္ထပ္ခြင့္ကို ကန္႔သတ္ထားေသာ္လည္း၊ ထုိကဲ့သုိ႔ စြပ္စြဲေျပာဆုိေနျခင္းမွာ ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာလူမ်ဳိးတုိ႔၏ ဂုဏ္သိကၡာညဳိးႏြမ္းေအာင္ ျပဳလုပ္ေနျခင္းမွလြဲ၍ အျခားေသာရည္ရြယ္ခ်က္မရွိသည္မွာ သိသာထင္ရွားပါသည္။ ေမြးဖြားလာေသာ ကေလးငယ္မ်ားကို အိမ္ေထာင္စုစာရင္းထဲ ထည့္မေပးဘဲ ၄င္းတုိ႔၏ဘ၀ကုိပင္ ႏုိင္ငံမဲ့ဘ၀သုိ႔ စနစ္တက်ပုိ႔ေနသည့္အခ်ိန္တြင္ မ်ဳိးဆက္ပြားမႈ ျမင့္မားမည္ေလာ။ ေရွးေခတ္မ်ားတြင္ ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံအႏွ႔ံအျပား၌ မ်ဳိးဆက္ပြားမႈျမင့္မားခဲ့ပါသည္။ စာဖတ္သူမွ မိမိ ၏အဖုိးအဖြားမ်ား၌ ေမာင္ႏွမဘယ္ႏွစ္ဦး ရွိခဲ့သည္ကုိ ျပန္လည္ဆန္းစစ္လွ်င္ အေျဖကုိသိရွိမည္ျဖစ္သည္။ စီးပြားေရး က်ပ္တည္းေနေသာ ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံတြင္ ယခုအခါ မည္သူမဆုိမ်ဳိးဆက္ပြားမႈကုိ ထိန္းခ်ဳပ္လ်က္ရွိသည္။
ရခုိင္ျပည္နယ္ရွိ ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာမ်ားအားလုံးမွာ တရြာမွတရြာသုိ႔သြားလွ်င္္ ခရီးသြားခြင့္ပါမစ္တင္ၿပီးမွ ခရီးသြားခြင့္ွ ရွိသည္။ ထုိသုိ႔အေျခအေနေၾကာင့္ ေဆး၀ါးအခ်ိန္မွီမကုသရဘဲ အသက္ဆုံးရွဳံးခဲ့သူမ်ားမနည္း ေတာ့ပါ။ ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာတုိ႔မွာ ယခင္ေခတ္ကဲ့သုိ႔ အစိုးရ၀န္ထမ္းလုပ္ခြင့္လည္းမရၾကေတာ့ပါ။ ဤကဲ့သုိ႔အေျခအေန တြင္ ရန္ကုန္ၿမဳိ႕သို့သြား၍ ႏုိင္ငံကူးလက္မွတ္ေလွ်ာက္ထားရန္မွာ အိပ္မက္ပင္မမက္ႏုိင္ၾကပါ။ ထုိ႔ေၾကာင့္ ယခုအခါ စား၀တ္ေနေရးကုိ ေျဖရွင္းရန္ အသက္စြန္႔၍ စက္ေလွမ်ားျဖင့္ ပင္လယ္ျပင္ကုိျဖတ္၍ မေလးရွား၊ ၾသစေၾတးလ်၊ နယူးဇီလန္ႏုိင္ငံမ်ားသုိ႔ေရာက္ရန္ႀကဳိးစားေနၾကရသည္။ အမ်ားစုမွာ ပင္လယ္ျပင္တြင္ အစာေရစာငတ္ျပတ္၍ တဖုံ၊ မုန္တုိင္းဒဏ္ေၾကာင့္တမ်ဳိးျဖင့္ လမ္းခရီးတြင္ပင္အသက္ဆုံးရွဳံးေနရပါသည္။ ထုိႏုိင္ငံမ်ားတြင္ ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာမ်ား သာမက အျခားေသာျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံသားမ်ား သိန္းဂဏန္းႏွင့္ရွိပါသည္။ ထိုသို့စြန္႔စားသြားေနေသာ ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံသား ေျမာက္ျမားစြာရွိပါသည္။
ဤသည္ကုိ ရွက္ဖြယ္ကိစၥသဖြယ္ေရးသားရန္မလုိအပ္ပါ။ ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံ၏ ႏုိင္ငံေရးႏွင့္စီးပြားေရးအက်ပ္အတည္းတုိ႔ေၾကာင့္သာျဖစ္သည္။
Wikimyanmar တြင္ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာလူမ်ဳိးအေၾကာင္းေရးသားသူသည္ Racist တစ္ေယာက္သာျဖစ္ၿပီး ႏိုင္ငံတကာ တြင္အေျခခ်၍ အတုိက္အခံအျဖစ္ရပ္တည္ေနေသာ အဖဲြ႕အစည္းမ်ား၊ ျမန္မာတုိင္းရင္းသားတုိ႔၏ သေဘာထား ကုိသိလ်က္ႏွင့္ တဖက္သတ္ေရးသားထားျခင္းျဖစ္ၿပီး၊ အျခားေသာတုိင္းရင္းသားမ်ား၊ ကမန္လူမ်ဳိးမ်ား၊ ျမန္မာမြတ္စလင္မ္မ်ားႏွင့္ အျငင္းပြားေအာင္ရန္တုိက္ေပးထားေသာ ေရးသားခ်က္မ်ားကုိ စာေရးသူမွတုန္႔ျပန္ ရန္ဆႏၵအလ်င္းမရွိဘဲ၊ မည္သည့္ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံသားႏွင့္မဆုိပူးေပါင္း၍ ႏုိင္ငံေတာ္၏ အေရးမ်ားအားလုံးကုိ အျခား ေသာႏုိင္ငံသားမ်ားနည္းတူ ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာလူမ်ဳိးတုိ႔လည္း ၀ုိင္း၀န္းေဆာင္ရြက္ရန္ဆႏၵသာရွိပါေၾကာင္း သိေစအပ္ပါ သည္။
စာေရးသူသည္ ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာအဖြဲ႕အစည္းမ်ား၊ ျမန္မာမြတ္စလင္မ္အဖြဲ႕အစည္းမ်ားႏွင့္တြဲဖက္၍ လႈပ္ရွားေနေသာ Activist တစ္ဦးျဖစ္သည္။ ဆက္သြယ္လုိပါက - rohingya@gmail.com
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Wikimyanmar တြင္ေရးသားခ်က္
ဦးေနဝင္း(မဆလ) အစုိးရက တုိင္းရင္းသားလူမ်ဳိးစု (၁၄၄)မ်ဳိးရွိရာမွ (၈)မ်ဳိးၿဖဳတ္ခ်ခဲ႔ရာ ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာ(ဘဂၤလီ)လူ မ်ဳိးလည္း အပါအ၀င္ျဖစ္သည္။အဘယ္ေၾကာင့္ဆိုေသာ္ ၁၉၈၂ ခုႏွစ္ နဳိင္ငံသားဥပေဒအရ အဆိုပါလူမ်ိဳးစုတို ့သည္ ကိုလိုနီေခတ္ႏွင့္ ပါလီမန္ေခတ္ဦးတြင္ ရခိုင္ေဒသသို ့အလံုးအရင္း ခိုး၀င္အေျခခ်ေနထိုင္ခဲ့သည့္ စစ္တေကာင္းႏွင့္အေရွ ့ဘေဂၤါေဒသ(ဘဂၤလားေဒ့ရွ္)မွ ဘဂၤလီႏိုင္ငံျခားသားမ်ားျဖစ္ေသာေၾကာင့္ျဖစ္သည္။အဆိုပါလူမ်ိဳးစုတို ့သမိုင္းအေထာက္အထားမ်ိဳးစံုဖန္တီးက တိုင္းရင္းသားအျဖစ္ေတာင္းဆိုျခင္း၊သီးျခားျပည္နယ္ေတာင္းဆိုျခင္းတို ့ကို လုပ္ေဆာင္ေနေသာ္လည္း ယခုဒီမုိက ေရစီ ထြန္းကား ေနေသာ ပါတီစုံစနစ္ေအာက္တြင္ တုိင္းရင္းသား ဆုိေသာေဝါဟာရ ၏အဓိပၸါယ္ ႏွင္႔ ဥပေဒ ႏွင္႔သမုိင္းအေထာက္အထား၊လူ႕အခြင္႔အေရး အရ တုိင္းရင္း သားၿဖစ္ မၿဖစ္ ၿပည္လႊတ္ေတာ္ တြင္ အဆုံး အၿဖတ္ေပး ရလိမ့္မည္ၿဖစ္သည္။႔
အဆိုပါလူမ်ိဳးစုသည္ ကိုလိုနီေခတ္ေႏွာင္းပိုင္းႏွင့္ ပါလီမန္ေခတ္အတြင္း ရာသီဥတုဆိုးရြားေသာ စစ္တေကာင္းျမစ္၀ကၽြန္းေပၚေဒသမွ ရခိုင္ျပည္နယ္ေျမာက္ပိုင္း ေမာင္ေတာ၊ဘူးသီးေတာင္၊ေက်ာက္ေတာ္၊ေျမာက္ဦး၊ရေသ့ေတာင္၊မင္းျပား၊စစ္ေတြ၊သံတြဲႏွင့္ ရမ္းျဗဲ၊ေက်ာက္ျဖဴေဒသမ်ားသို ့ တစစစိမ့္၀င္ေျပာင္းေရြ ့လာေသာ မ်ားျပားသည့္ တရားမ၀င္ခိုး၀င္အေျခခ်သူမ်ားျဖစ္ၾကသည္။ဖဆပလ၏ ပါလီမန္ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲကာလအတြင္း ရခိုင္ေဒသမဲဆႏၵနယ္တြင္ အသာစီးမရခဲ့သည့္ ႏိုင္ငံေတာ္ ၀န္ၾကီးခ်ဳပ္ဦးႏု၏ မဲႏိုင္ရန္ၾကိဳးပမ္းမွဳတစိတ္တေဒသအျဖစ္ အဆိုပါ ႏိုင္ငံျခားသားမ်ားအား မဲေပးခြင့္ျပဳခဲ့သည္မွ အစျပဳ၍ အဆိုပါလူမ်ိဳးစုတို ့၏ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံအေပၚေျခကုပ္ယူမည့္ ေမွ်ာ္လင့္ခ်က္တို ့ကို ပိုမိုရင့္သန္ေစခဲ့သည္။ရခိုင္ဘုရင္မ်ားလက္ထက္ကတည္းက အစၥလာမ္ဘာသာ၀င္ ကမန္လူမ်ိဳးတို ့ကို ဌာေနတိုင္းရင္းသားအျဖစ္အသိအမွတ္ျပဳခဲ့ေသာ္လည္း အဆိုပါ ဘဂၤလီလူမ်ိဳးတို ့ကို ရခိုင္ဘုရင္အဆက္ဆက္၊အစိုးရအဆက္ဆက္ ႏိုင္ငံသားအျဖစ္ အသိအမွတ္မျပဳခဲ့ေခ်။ျဗိတိသွ်ကိုလိုနီအျဖစ္ အိႏိၵယႏွင့္ျမန္မာျပည္ကို တေပါင္းတည္းအုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ခဲ့စဥ္ကာလက တံခါးမရွိ၊ဓားမရွိ၀င္ထြက္သြားလာခြင့္ရခဲ့သည္ကို အခြင့္အေရးယူ၍ ေျမလြတ္ေျမရိုင္းႏွင့္ သဘာ၀အရင္းအျမစ္ေပါၾကြယ္လွသည့္ ရခိုင္ေဒသသို ့ေျပာင္းေရြ ့အေျခခ်ခဲ့ၾကသည့္ အဆိုပါလူမ်ိဳးတို ့သည္ မ်ိဳးဆက္တစ္ဆက္ႏွစ္ဆက္ျဖတ္သန္းျပီးေနာက္ အဆိုပါေဒသကို သူတို ့၏ ကိုယ္ပိုင္ေဒသအျဖစ္ အစၥလာမစ္ဥပေဒက်င့္သံုး၍ အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ခြင့္ရရန္ နည္းမ်ိဳးစံုျဖင့္ ၾကိဳးပမ္းလာေသာအခါ ေဒသခံ ရခိုင္လူမ်ိဳးတို ့ႏွင့္ မ်ားစြာေသာပဋိပကၡတို ့ကို ျဖစ္ပြားေစခဲ့သည္။ယခုတိုင္ခြဲထြက္ေရးအတြက္ လက္နက္စြဲကိုင္တိုက္ပြဲ၀င္ေနၾကသည့္ အစုအဖြဲ ့တို ့ရွိေနသကဲ့သို ့ အေနာက္ႏိုင္ငံမ်ားတြင္ ေျပာင္းေရြ ့အေျခခ်ကာ အာရပ္အုပ္စု၏ေထာက္ပံ့မွဳျဖင့္ ေဒသတြင္းမတည္ျငိမ္မွဳမ်ားစြာကိုဖန္တီးကာ ႏိုင္ငံေရးနည္းျဖင့္ ခြဲထြက္ေရးကိုဖန္တီးအားထုတ္ေနၾကသည့္ ပုဂၢိဳလ္အမ်ားအျပားလည္း ရွိေနၾကသည္။အဆိုပါပုဂၢိဳလ္တို ့ေၾကာင့္ ႏိုင္ငံေတာ္အစိုးရက နဂါးမင္းစစ္ဆင္ေရးကိုဆင္ႏႊဲကာ တရားမ၀င္ႏိုင္ငံျခားသားမ်ားကို ေမာင္းထုတ္ခဲ့ရသည္။သို ့ေသာ္ ထိုလူမ်ိဳးစု၏မူလဇစ္ျမစ္ျဖစ္ေသာ ဘဂၤလားေဒ့ရွ္ႏိုင္ငံက ႏိုင္ငံသားအျဖစ္အသိအမွတ္မျပဳေသာအခါ ႏိုင္ငံမဲ့လူမ်ိဳးမ်ားအျဖစ္ ဘဂၤလားေဒ့ရွ္ရွိ ကုလသမဂၢဒုကၡသည္စခန္းမ်ားတြင္ ယခုတိုင္အေျခခ်ေနထိုင္ေနၾကရသည္။.ခုခ်ိန္ထိ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံအတြင္းတြင္ ႏိုင္ငံသားအျဖစ္အသိအမွတ္ျပဳမခံရသည့္ ဘဂၤလီဦးေရ တစ္သန္းခြဲခန္ ့ဆက္လက္က်န္ရွိေနေသးသည္။အဆိုပါလူမ်ိဳးစုတို ့၏ အိမ္ေထာင္ဘက္ေျမာက္ျမားစြာယူျခင္း၊မ်ိဳးဆက္ပြားမွဳ ျမင့္မားျခင္းတို ့ေၾကာင့္ ေဒသတြင္း လူဦးေရမွာ တစ္ႏွစ္ထက္တစ္ႏွစ္အဆမတန္ျမင့္တက္လွ်က္ရွိေနသည္။လူဦးေရထူထပ္လာျခင္းေၾကာင့္ အသက္ေမြး၀မ္းေက်ာင္းရန္ ခက္ခဲလာသည့္အတြက္ ေထာင္ေပါင္းမ်ားစြာေသာ ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာဘဂၤလီတို ့သည္ ကပၸလီပင္လယ္ျပင္ကိုျဖတ္သန္း၍ မေလးရွားႏိုင္ငံႏွင့္ ၾသစေၾတးလွ်၊နယူးဇီလန္စသည့္ ႏိုင္ငံမ်ားသို ့ သက္စြန္ ့ဆံဖ်ား ဒုကၡသည္အျဖစ္ေလွ်ာက္ထားရန္ ခိုး၀င္လွ်က္ရွိေနၾကသည္။တဘက္တြင္လည္း ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံလူ၀င္မွဳၾကီးၾကပ္ေရးဌာနမွ ၀န္ထမ္းမ်ား၏ လာဒ္ေပးလာဒ္ယူမွဳျဖင့္ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံသားျဖစ္လာသူ အေျမာက္အျမားရွိေနဆဲျဖစ္သည္။အစၥလာမ္ဘာသာကို ကိုးကြယ္ျခင္းေၾကာင့္ မဟုတ္ပဲ အဆိုပါလူမ်ိဳးစုတို ့၏စရိုက္သဘာ၀ႏွင့္ ေခတ္အဆက္ဆက္တင္ရွိခဲ့ေသာ လူမ်ိဳးေရးရန္ျငိဳးမ်ားေၾကာင့္ ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာျပသနာသည္ ရခိုင္ေဒသ၏တည္ျငိမ္ေအးခ်မ္းေရးကို အဆိုးဆံုးျခိမ္းေျခာက္ေနေသာ အမ်ိဳးသားေရးျပသနာဟု ႏိုင္ငံေရးေစာင့္ၾကည့္ေလ့လာသူမ်ားကဆိုၾကသည္။ယေန ့ခ်ိန္ထိ ရခိုင္ျပည္နယ္မွ အစၥလာမ္ဘာသာ၀င္မ်ားျဖစ္ေသာ ကမန္လူမ်ိဳးစုမ်ားႏွင့္ ျမန္မာျပည္မရွိ ျမန္မာမူဆလင္လူမ်ိဳးမ်ားကိုယ္တိုင္ အဆိုပါလူမ်ိဳးစုကို ျမန္မာတိုင္းရင္းသားအျဖစ္ အသိအမွတ္ျပဳလိုျခင္းမရွိေသးေခ်။
ရည္ညႊန္းကိုးကား
၁။-(၁၈-၇-၁၉၆၁)ခုေန႔ထုတ္တပ္မေတာ္ေခတ္ေရးစာေစာင္တြဲ(၁၂) ၊အမွတ္(၆)၊စာ(၃၂-၅၈) ၂။-(၈-၈-၁၉၆၁)ခုေန႔ထုတ္တပ္မေတာ္ေခတ္ေရးစာေစာင္တြဲ(၁၂) ၊အမွတ္(၉)၊
၃။-တုိင္းရင္းသားလူမ်ဳိးးစုပါတီသတင္းလႊာ(ကင္းလႊတ္ခြင္႔အမွတ္-န/သ – ၀၈၅) ၊၃၁-၁၂-၁၉၈၉ ၄။-ရခိုင္ရာဇ၀င္ ။ ေအာင္သာဦး ၅။-စႏၵမာလာလကၤာရ။ ရခိုင္ရာဇ၀င္သစ္ ရခိုင္သမိုင္း ၊ ၁၅ ၊ ၁၈ ရာစု ၆။-အေရွ႕ေတာင္အာရွရာဇ၀င္၊ ေဟာ-၁၉၅၅ ၇။-ၿမန္မာရာဇ၀င္ (ဟာေဗး ၁၉၂၅ ၈။မင္းရာဇာၾကီး(mornrazagree.blogspot.com) ၉။anti-rohingha.blogspot.com
ျပီးခဲ့တဲ့ ၁၃ရက္ေန႔က ျပန္လည္လြတ္ေျမာက္လာျပီး ေထာင္တြင္းမွ ရရွိလာတဲ့ အသဲေရာဂါနဲ႔ ေဝဒနာကို မခ်ိမဆန္႔ခံစားရင္း ၂၂ရက္ေန႔က ကြယ္လြန္သြားခဲ့တဲ့ ႏိုင္ငံေရး အက်ဥ္းသား ကုိသက္ႏြယ္(ခ)ညိမ္းလူ၏ နာေရးဖိတ္စာ
ကုိသက္ႏြယ္(ခ)ညိမ္းလူဟာ ၂၀၀၂ခုႏွစ္ မွာဗံုးေဖာက္ခြဲမႈဆိုတဲ့ မတရားစြပ္စြဲခ်က္နဲ႔ ေထာင္ဒဏ္ တသက္တကၽြန္း က်ခံခဲ့ရပါတယ္..။ ေထာင္တြင္းမွာ သြားမ်ားတေခ်ာင္းမွ မက်န္ေအာင္ အျပင္းအထန္ ႏွိပ္စက္ခံခဲရပါတယ္...။ အာဏာရွင္ ဗိုလ္သန္းေရႊ အာဏာတည္တံ့ခိုင္ျမဲဘို႔အတြက္ အဓိက ေဒါက္တိုင္ဟာ ဗိုလ္ခင္ညႊန္႔ပါ..။ မိမိသားသမီးေတြနဲ႔ ခြဲခြါေနရတာကိုၾကေတာ့ ကိုယ္တိုင္ခံစားတတ္တယ္..။ ျပီးခဲ့တဲ့ သတင္းေတြမွာ ေထာင္ကထြက္လာမယ့္ သားကို ေမွ်ာ္ျပီး လြတ္မလာတဲ့ အတြက္ ေမွ်ာ္လင့္ခ်က္မဲ့ျပီး ေသဆံုးခဲ့ရတဲ့ မိခင္ေတြ၊ သားျဖစ္သူ လြတ္လာတဲ့ေန႔မွာ ဝမ္းသာလံုးစို႔ျပီး ေသဆံုးခဲ့ရတဲ့မိခင္ေတြကို ဗိုလ္ခင္ညႊန္႔ ကိုယ္ခ်င္းစာၾကည့္ပါ။
၁၉၈၈ကေန ၂၀၁၁ခုႏွစ္အထိ ေထာင္ထဲမွာ ေသဆံုးခဲ့ရတဲ့ သူေတြ ေသရာပါ ဒဏ္ရာနဲ႔ ဒုကၡိတျဖစ္ခဲ့ရတဲ့သူေတြ၊ ႏိုင္ငံေရးအက်ဥ္းသား သား၊သမီးေတြကို ေတြ႔ျမင္ခြင့္ မရလိုက္ပဲ အေသမေျဖာင့္ခဲ့ရတဲ့ မိခင္၊ ဖခင္ေတြအတြက္.. သားသမီးခ်င္း၊ မိဘခ်င္း ဗိုလ္ခင္ညြန္႔ ကိုယ္ခ်င္းစာၾကည့္ပါ..။
ျပန္ထြက္လာတဲ့အခ်ိန္မွာ ေခတ္ကာလအၾကိဳက္ကို ၾကိဳသိေနျပီး ေထာက္လွမ္းေရး အကြက္အတိုင္း ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းၾကည္ကို ေထာက္ခံပါတယ္ဆိုတဲ့ စကားတခုထဲနဲ႔ အျမင္မွန္ရသြားျပီဆိုျပီး ခြင့္လႊတ္ လြယ္ၾကတဲ့သူေတြ စဥ္းစားၾကည့္ၾကပါ...။ နာစရာကို လြမ္းစရာနဲ႔ ေျဖစရာ တကြက္မွ မရွိသလို.. လြမ္းေလာက္လို႔လားဗ်ာ.. ဘုရား၊ တရားပဲလုပ္မယ္ဆိုျပီး တရားသိေနတယ္ ဆိုလည္း ကိုယ္လုပ္ခဲ့တဲ့ အမွားေတြ အကုသိုလ္ေတြကို ေနာင္ဘဝအတြက္ မပါေအာင္ ေယာက်ၤားပီပီ ဝန္ခံေတာင္းပန္ေပါ့..။
ေပျဖစ္လည္းခံ တူျဖစ္လည္းခံေနရတဲ့ ကၽြန္ေတာ္တို႔ ျမန္မာေတြ တျခားေနရာမွာခြင့္လႊတ္လြယ္တာ မေျပာလိုေပမယ့္.. က်ားက သက္သက္လြတ္စားျပီဆိုျပီး ခြင့္လႊတ္ လြယ္လြန္းတာကေတာ့ ခံခဲ့ရတဲ့သူေတြကို မညွာတာရာေရာက္ပါတယ္..။ ေတာင္းပန္ပါတယ္ဆိုတဲ့ ေနာင္တတရားရတဲ့ စကားတလံုး မထြက္လာသ၍ ခြင့္လႊတ္ႏိုင္စရာ အေၾကာင္းမရွိလို႔ ျမင္ပါတယ္။ ေထာင္ထဲမွာ ေပးဆပ္ခဲ့ရတဲ့သူေတြနဲ႔ အာဏာစာခြက္လုရင္း ေျမာင္းထဲေရာက္ခဲ့တဲသူ ႏွဳိင္းယွဥ္စရာမရွိပါ..။ မစင္ပံုထဲက ေလာက္ကို ကၽြန္ေတာ္တို႔ ဆင္းမဆယ္မိဖို႔ ဗိုလ္ခင္ညြန္႔ကို ခြင့္လႊတ္လြယ္ သူမ်ားအား လြမ္းေလာက္လို႔လားလို႔ ေမးပါရေစ၊ ေျပာပါရေစဗ်ာ။
ဒီမိုေဝယံ
(AAPP) ႏိုင္ငံေရး အက်ဥ္းသားမ်ား ကူညီေစာင့္ေရွာက္ေရး အသင္း (ျမန္မာ)က ထုတ္ျပန္လိုက္တဲ့ လက္ရိွ အက်ဥ္းေထာင္ အသီးသီးမွာက်န္ေနေသးတဲ့ ႏိုင္ငံေရး အက်ဥ္းသား ၄၁၁ ဦး စာရင္း……
က်န္ေနေသးတဲ့ ႏိုင္ငံေရး အက်ဥ္းသား ၄၁၁ ဦး စာရင္း
Credit : Burma VJ
January 22, 2012
Washington, D.C. – U.S. Senator John McCain (R-AZ) today made the following statement during a press conference in Rangoon:
“Good evening. It is a pleasure to return to this wonderful country. I am joined today by three of my colleagues from the U.S. Senate: Senator Joe Lieberman from Connecticut, Senator Sheldon Whitehouse from Rhode Island, and Senator Kelly Ayotte from New Hampshire.
“This is my second opportunity to visit this country since the civilian government took office. On my last visit, I suggested that for the relationship between our countries were to improve, it would require concrete actions, not just talk, from both sides. This is now happening.
“President Thein Sein and his government, with the critical support of Aung San Suu Kyi, are taking real steps toward political and economic reform. In response, the United States government is also taking steps to deepen our support for this process of reform, including the return of a U.S. ambassador.
“It is clear to us that there is strong support on all sides for greater democratic and economic reforms in this country, and for further actions to bring our governments and peoples closer together. We in Congress share these goals and aspirations, and we are committed to begin easing and lifting U.S. sanctions as conditions warrant. But for this progress to be possible, the U.S. Administration and the Congress are united in what additional actions we wish to see from the leaders in Nay Pyi Taw.
“First, while hundreds of political prisoners have been released, we urged President Thein Sein to unconditionally free the hundreds more who remain behind bars. It is important that the International Red Cross have access to these and all of the other prisoners in this country, which can help to improve their condition.
“We are also eager to see the by-election in April conducted freely, fairly, and consistent with international standards. To assist with this process, we urged the government to invite objective international groups to observe the voting.
“Another area that we will watch closely for continued progress is the long-running conflicts between the government and ethnic minority groups. It is encouraging that President Thein Sein has ordered the military to halt attacks and has pursued cease-fire agreements in these contested areas. We hope that steps can be taken to ensure that the President’s orders are followed by commanders on the ground, that the fighting is brought to an end, and that domestic and international organizations be given full access to the conflict areas for humanitarian purposes.
“Finally, the United States will continue to urge the government in Nay Pyi Taw to build a democratic system based on the rule of law. This is not only essential to ensuring the basic human rights and freedoms of all people in this country. It is also a prerequisite to attract foreign investment. Abiding by the rule of law also extends to fulfilling international obligations under United Nations Security Council Resolutions that pertain to military cooperation with North Korea.
“I am confident that President Thein Sein seeks to make progress in each of these areas – not because the United States requires it, but because it can improve the lives of people here, and because it can strengthen the sovereignty and independence of this nation. As this process of reform continues, the Congress will examine how to gradually ease sanctions in ways that benefit ordinary Burmese and reinforce the democratic and economic reforms being enacted. However, any easing of sanctions should only begin after an assessment can be made of the April by-election and in coordination with our international partners.
“If you had asked me during my last visit here whether I could envision the Congress lifting all sanctions against this country, I would have said that such a scenario seemed faint and distant. Today, however, it appears increasingly possible. It is our hope that, with further concrete steps toward democratic and economic reform by the government and people of this great country, our nations will be able to open an entirely new and promising chapter in our relationship.”
Source here
by Maung Wuntha
ဒီမိုကေရစီဆိုတာ အဂၤလိပ္ေ၀ါဟာရတစ္ခုျဖစ္ေပမယ့္ အခုအခ်ိန္မွာ ေရဒီယိုတို႔၊ ကက္ဆက္တို႔၊ ေမာ္ေတာ္ဆိုင္ကယ္တို႔၊ ေမာ္ေတာ္ ပီကယ္တို႔ကို ေမြးစား စကားလံုးတစ္လံုးအျဖစ္ ျမန္မာ့ေ၀ါဟာရဘဏ္တိုက္ထဲသို႔ တေရြ႕ေရြ႕ သက္ဆင္းေရာက္ရွိလာေနၿပီ ျဖစ္တယ္ဗ်။ ဒီမိုကေရစီလို႔ဆိုလုိက္တာနဲ႔ အဂၤလိပ္စာ မေျပာနဲ႔ ျမန္မာစာေတာင္မတတ္တဲ့ ေက်းလက္ေဒသက ေတာသူေတာင္သားေတြကေတာင္ "အေရးကိစၥမွန္သမွ်မွာ ျပည္သူလူထု အမ်ားစုႀကီးရဲ႕ဆႏၵက အခရာျဖစ္တဲ့စနစ္"ဆိုတာကို သိေနၾကပါၿပီ။
နားရည္၀ေနပါၿပီ
အထူးသျဖင့္ မၾကာမီလပိုင္းေတြ အတြင္း ဒီမိုကေရစီဆိုတဲ့ စကားလံုးဟာ ကြၽန္ေတာ္တို႔ႏိုင္ငံမွာ ၾကားရလြန္း ဖတ္ရလြန္းလို႔ လူတိုင္း လူတိုင္း ကိုယ့္အိမ္ေထာင္စု၀င္ တစ္ေယာက္ ရဲ႕ နာမည္ကို သိသလိုမ်ိဳး သိေနၾကတဲ့အမည္ (ံhousehold name) တစ္ခုျဖစ္ေနပါၿပီ။ ႐ုပ္သံလႊင့္မီဒီယာေတြ၊ ပံုႏွိပ္မီဒီယာေတြ ကတစ္ဆင့္ နားလည္တတ္ကြၽမ္းသူ ေတြရဲ႕ ဖြင့္ဆိုရွင္းလင္း ပညာေပးမႈေတြေၾကာင့္လည္း ျပည္သူေတြ၊ အထူးသျဖင့္ ဂ်ာနယ္ေတြ အေရာက္အေပါက္ ရွိတဲ့ ၿမိဳ႕ေနျပည္သူေတြဟာ ဒီမိုကေရစီနဲ႔ပတ္သက္ၿပီး အေတာ္ကေလး နားရည္၀ ေနၾကၿပီျဖစ္တယ္လို႔ ယူဆႏိုင္တယ္ဗ်။
ျပည္သူက အရွင္သခင္
ဒီမိုကေရစီဟာ ျပည္သူ႔အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ေရးစနစ္ျဖစ္တဲ့အတြက္ ဒီမိုကေရစီစနစ္မွာ ျပည္သူေတြဟာ သူတို႔ လြတ္လပ္ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းလံုၿခံဳစြာ စီးပြား ရွာေဖြလုပ္ကိုင္ေနထိုင္ ႏိုင္ေရးကို ေမွ်ာ္မွန္းၿပီး လူ႔အဖဲြ႕အစည္းတစ္ခုရဲ႕ ပင္မလုပ္ငန္းေဆာင္တာႀကီး သံုးခုျဖစ္တဲ့ ဥပေဒျပဳေရး၊ အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ေရး၊ တရားစီရင္ေရးတို႔ကို သူတို႔ကိုယ္စား လုပ္ေဆာင္ေပးဖို႔ အစိုးရဆိုတာကို ေရြးခ်ယ္ၾကတာျဖစ္တယ္ဗ်။ ဒါေၾကာင့္ ဒီမိုကေရစီစနစ္မွာ ျပည္သူက အရွင္သခင္ အစိုးရက အေစခံ၊ အဲသလို သံုးႏႈန္းတာ ရင့္သီးတယ္ဆိုရင္ ျပည္သူက အလုပ္ရွင္ အစိုးရ အလုပ္သမားျဖစ္တယ္ဗ်ာ။ အစိုးရက မိဘ ျပည္သူက သားသမီးဆိုတဲ့ တင္စားခ်က္မ်ိဳးဟာ သက္ဦးဆံပိုင္ ပေဒသရာဇ္စနစ္အတြက္သာ ျဖစ္ၿပီး ဒီမိုကေရစီစနစ္နဲ႔ လားလားမွ မသက္ဆိုင္ မဆီေလ်ာ္တဲ့ တင္စားခ်က္ ျဖစ္တယ္ဗ်ာ။
အခြင့္အေရးနဲ႕ တာ၀န္
ဒါေပမယ့္ ဒီမိုကေရစီစနစ္မွာ အင္မတန္ အေရးႀကီးတဲ့အခ်က္တစ္ခုက ကြၽန္ေတာ္တို႔ လမ္းေလွ်ာက္ရာမွာ ဘယ္ေျခနဲ႔ညာေျခ ဟန္ခ်က္ ညီညီလွမ္းမွ လိုရာခရီးကို တည္တည္ၿငိမ္ၿငိမ္ ဟန္က်ပန္က်ေရာက္ႏိုင္မွာ ျဖစ္သလို အခြင့္အေရးနဲ႔တာ၀န္ တိုက္႐ိုက္အခ်ိဳးနဲ႔ တည္ရွိေနတယ္ဆိုတဲ့အခ်က္ကို ျပည္သူေတြ သေဘာေပါက္နားလည္က်င့္ႀကံလုပ္ကိုင္ၾကမွသာ ဒီမိုကေရစီစနစ္ ပီျပင္စြာ အေကာင္အထည္ေပၚလာႏိုင္မယ္ဆိုတာျဖစ္တယ္ဗ်။ ကြၽန္ေတာ္တို႔ ႏိုင္ငံမွာ ပါတီစံုလစ္ဘရယ္ ဒီမိုကေရစီစနစ္ ရပ္ဆိုင္းသြားခဲ့ခ်ိန္ကစလို႔ ဒီကေန႔အထိ၊ (တစ္နည္း) ၁၉၆၂ ဇူလိုင္ ၇ ရက္ အေရးအခင္းကစလို႔ ၂၀၀၇ သံဃာေတာ္ေတြရဲ႕ ေမတၱာပို႔ ၾကြခ်ီတဲ့ အေရးအခင္းအထိ ကြၽန္ေတာ္တို႔ ျပည္သူေတြ ဒီမိုကေရစီဆိုတဲ့ ျပည္သူ႔အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ေရးစနစ္ကို ေတာင္းဆိုလာခဲ့ၾကတာရဲ႕ အဓိပၸာယ္ အစစ္အမွန္က ကြၽန္ေတာ္တို႔ ျမန္မာျပည္သူေတြဟာ ကိုယ့္ကိုယ္ကိုယ္ အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ႏိုင္စြမ္းရွိသူေတြ ျဖစ္တယ္ ဆိုတာကို လူသိရွင္ၾကား ေၾကညာလာခဲ့ၾကတာပဲ ျဖစ္တယ္ဗ်ာ။
တပ္မေတာ္ေခါင္းေဆာင္ေတြ
အခုေတာ့ အားလံုးသိၾကတဲ့အတိုင္း ႏိုင္ငံတို႔ႏွစ္ေပါင္း ၅၀ ၾကာ လက္ဆင့္ကမ္း အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္လာခဲ့ၾကတဲ့ တပ္မေတာ္ေခါင္းေဆာင္ေတြက ျပည္သူေတြရဲ႕ အဲဒီေၾကညာစကားကို ၾကားလည္းၾကား အသိအမွတ္လည္း ျပဳခဲ့ၿပီျဖစ္ပံုရတာေၾကာင့္ ဒီမိုကေရစီစနစ္ကိုလည္း ဦးေဆာင္မႈေနရာကေန စတင္ အေကာင္အထည္ေဖာ္ေနၿပီျဖစ္တယ္ဗ်ာ။
ေမြးရာပါ အခြင့္အေရး
လူတစ္ေယာက္ သူ႔ဘ၀သူ အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္စီမံခန္႔ခဲြတဲ့ကိစၥဟာ ဘယ္သူမွ လုယူလို႔မရတဲ့ အဲဒီလူရဲ႕ေမြးရာပါ ကိုယ္ပိုင္အခြင့္အေရးျဖစ္တဲ့ တစ္ခ်ိန္တည္းမွာ သူ မလဲြမေသြထမ္းေဆာင္ရမယ့္တာ၀န္လည္း ျဖစ္တယ္ဗ်။ တာ၀န္ဆိုတာကို သိမွသာ သူဟာ အဲဒီအခြင့္အေရးကို ရမွာျဖစ္တယ္ဗ်။
အခုအခ်ိန္မွာ ကြၽန္ေတာ္တို႔ ျပည္သူေတြ ရာစုတစ္၀က္ေလာက္ ဆံုး႐ႈံးခဲ့ၾကရတဲ့ အခြင့္အေရးတခ်ိဳ႕ ျပန္ရၾကၿပီျဖစ္ေပမယ့္ မရေသးတဲ့ အခြင့္အေရးေတြ အမ်ားအျပားရွိေနေသးတယ္ဆိုတာ အားလံုးအသိ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ဒါေၾကာင့္ အဲဒီအခြင့္အေရးေတြ ရလာေစဖို႔ ဆက္လက္ ေတာင္းဆိုေရးဟာ ကြၽန္ေတာ္တို႔ ျပည္သူေတြရဲ႕ တာ၀န္ျဖစ္တယ္ဗ်။ တစ္ခ်ိန္တည္းမွာ ကြၽန္ေတာ္တို႔ဟာ အဲဒီအခြင့္အေရးေတြနဲ႔ ထိုက္တန္ သူေတြျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း ျပသဖို႔ကိစၥဟာလည္း ကြၽန္ေတာ္တို႔ရဲ႕တာ၀န္ပဲျဖစ္တယ္ဗ်။
ေရဆန္ကို ကူးခတ္ေနရသလို
ကြၽန္ေတာ္တို႔ရဲ႕ ကိုယ္ပိုင္အေတြ႕အႀကံဳေတြအရေရာ ႏုိင္ငံတကာရဲ႕ အေတြ႕အႀကံဳေတြအရပါ ဒီမိုကေရစီႏိုင္ငံ တည္ေဆာက္ေရးလုပ္ငန္းဟာ ေရဆန္ကို ကူးခတ္ေနရတဲ့လုပ္ငန္းျဖစ္တာေၾကာင့္ ကူးခတ္တာ ရပ္လိုက္တာနဲ႔ ေအာက္ဘက္ကို ျပန္ေမ်ာပါသြားၿပီး အဆံုးတစ္ေန႔မွာ အာဏာရွင္စနစ္ဆိုတဲ့ ေရေအာက္ကို ျပန္ျမဳပ္သြားမွာ ျဖစ္တယ္ဗ်။
မ်က္ေျခမျပတ္ေစာင့္ၾကည့္ရမယ္
ဒီမိုကေရစီစနစ္မွာ ျပည္သူေတြရဲ႕ အေရးႀကီးတဲ့တာ၀န္တစ္ခုကေတာ့ မိမိတို႔ ေရြးခ်ယ္တင္ေျမႇာက္ထားတဲ့ အစိုးရရဲ႕လုပ္ရပ္မ်ားကို မ်က္ျခည္မျပတ္ သတိနဲ႔ ေစာင့္ၾကည့္ေနဖို႔ပဲ ျဖစ္တယ္ဗ်။ အေၾကာင္းကေတာ့ အဲသလို မလုပ္ရင္ အစိုးရေတြဟာ တျဖည္းျဖည္းခ်င္း ေအာက္ေျခလြတ္လာၿပီး ေရြးေကာက္ခံ အာဏာရွင္စနစ္ အဲဒီကမွတစ္ဆင့္ ေျပာင္ေျပာင္တင္းတင္း အာဏာရွင္ စနစ္ဆီသုိ႔ ေလွ်ာက်သြား ႏုိင္တာေၾကာင့္ပဲ ျဖစ္တယ္ဗ်။
ဟန္ေဂရီမွာ စလာၿပီ
အဲဒီကိစၥနဲ႔ပတ္သက္ၿပီး မၾကာေသးခင္က ဖတ္ခဲ့ရတဲ့ ႏိုင္ငံတကာ သတင္းတခ်ိဳ႕အေၾကာင္း ေျပာျပခ်င္ပါတယ္။ တစ္ခုက ဟန္ေဂရီ ႏိုင္ငံကလာတဲ့ သတင္းဗ်။ အားလံုးသိၾကတဲ့အတိုင္း ႏွစ္ဆယ္ရာစုအေစာပိုင္းမွာ ဟန္ေဂရီဟာ ဆိုဗီယက္ျပည္ေထာင္စုရဲ႕ ပတ္လမ္းေၾကာင္းအတြင္း ကြန္ျမဴနစ္ တစ္ပါတီ ႏိုင္ငံေရးစနစ္ကို က်င့္သံုးခဲ့တဲ့ ႏိုင္ငံျဖစ္တယ္ဗ်။ ဒါေပမယ့္ ဆိုဗီယက္ ျပည္ေထာင္စု ၿပိဳကဲြ သြားခဲ့ၿပီးေနာက္မွာ ဟန္ေဂရီဟာလည္း အျခား အေရွ႕ဥေရာပႏိုင္ငံ အမ်ားအျပားနည္းတူ ပါတီစံုဒီမိုကေရစီစနစ္က်င့္သံုးတဲ့ ႏိုင္ငံ ျဖစ္လာခဲ့ တယ္ဗ်။ ျပန္လည္ျပင္ဆင္ေရးဆဲြခဲ့တဲ့ အေျခခံဥပေဒမွာလည္း ဒီမိုကေရစီစနစ္နဲ႔အညီ ႏိုင္ငံသားေတြရဲ႕ အေျခခံ လူ႔အခြင့္အေရးေတြကို ကာကြယ္ေစာင့္ေရွာက္တဲ့ ေဖာ္ျပခ်က္ေတြ ထည့္သြင္းခဲ့တယ္ဗ်။ ဒါေပမယ့္ မၾကာေသးခင္က ျပဳလုပ္ခဲ့တဲ့ ေရြးေကာက္ပဲြမွာ အႏိုင္ရၿပီး အစိုးရျဖစ္လာ တဲ့ပါတီက အဲဒီအေျခခံဥပေဒထဲက ျပည္သူေတြနဲ႔ အေျခခံရပိုင္ခြင့္ေတြကို အကာအကြယ္ေပးထားတဲ့အခ်က္ေတြကို ပယ္ရွား ပစ္ဖို႔ ႀကိဳးပမ္းလာတာ ေၾကာင့္ အတိုက္အခံပါတီေတြက ၀ိုင္းၿပီး ကန္႔ကြက္ေနၾကရတယ္ဗ်ာ။
ပီႏိုေခ်းေခတ္ကို ျပင္ဖို႕ ႀကိဳးစားလာတယ္
ေနာက္တစ္ခုက ခ်ီလီကလာတဲ့ သတင္းဗ်။ ခ်ီလီမွာ အာဏာရေနတဲ့ ဗဟိုလက္်ာယိမ္းအစိုးရက ၁၉၇၃ က ၁၉၉၀ အထိ အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္သြားခဲ့တဲ့ လက္်ာ၀ါဒီ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ႀကီးေအာ္ဂတ္စတို ပီႏိုေခ်း အစိုးရလက္ထက္ကာလကို ေက်ာင္းသင္႐ိုးသမိုင္းစာအုပ္ေတြမွာ အစဥ္ အဆက္ ]အာဏာရွင္ေခတ္}ကို သံုးႏႈန္းလာခဲ့တာကို ]သာမန္အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ေရးေခတ္ကာလ} တစ္ခုလို႔ပဲ ျပင္ဆင္သံုးႏႈန္းေရးသားဖို႔ ႀကိဳးပမ္းေနတယ္ဆိုတဲ့ သတင္းျဖစ္တယ္ဗ်။ ဒီကိစၥနဲ႔ ပတ္သက္လို႔လည္း ခ်ီလီႏိုင္ငံေရးေလာကမွာ အေတာ္ဂယက္ရိုက္ၿပီး အျငင္းပြားမႈေတြ ျဖစ္ေနတယ္လို႔ ႏိုင္ငံျခားသတင္းေတြမွာ ဖတ္ရတယ္ဗ်။
စိတ္ခ်လက္ခ်ေနလို႕မရ
ႏိုင္ငံတကာသတင္းေလာကမွာ အဲဒီလိုမ်ိဳးသတင္းေတြ မၾကာ မၾကာ ေပၚထြက္လာေလ့ရွိတာကို ကြၽန္ေတာ္ သတိျပဳမိတယ္ဗ်။ ဒီသတင္းေတြကို ၾကည့္ရင္ အာဏာရွင္စနစ္က အသြင္ကူးေျပာင္းယူလာရတဲ့ ႏိုင္ငံေတြမွာ ဒီမိုကေရစီစနစ္ဟာ ရန္သူပတ္လည္အ၀ိုင္းခံေနရတာမ်ိဳး မဟုတ္ဘူး ဆိုရင္ေတာင္ အၿမဲတမ္း ေအးေအးလူလူ စိတ္ခ်လက္ခ်ေနလို႔ရတဲ့ အေန အထားမ်ိဳး မဟုတ္ဘူးဆိုတာကို သတိျပဳမိၾကတယ္ထင္တယ္ဗ်။ ဒီမိုကေရစီ စနစ္ကို အမွန္တကယ္ မယံုၾကည္ေပမယ့္ အေျခအေနအရ မတတ္သာလို႔ ဒီမိုကေရစီလိုက္ရတဲ့လူေတြ၊ အစကေတာ့ ဒီမိုကေရစီပါပဲ ေနာက္ေတာ့မွ ကုလားထိုင္ေပၚမွာ အေနၾကာၿပီး တျဖည္းျဖည္းခ်င္း ေအာ္တိုကေရစီျဖစ္သြား တတ္တဲ့လူေတြရဲ႕ အႏၲရာယ္ေတြက အၿမဲရွိေနတာ ျဖစ္တယ္ဗ်။
ေစာင့္ၾကည့္ေနရမယ္
ဒါေၾကာင့္ ကိုယ္ေဆာက္ထားတဲ့ အေဆာက္အဦကို ေရရွည္ခံေအာင္ အၿမဲျပဳျပင္မြမ္းမံေနရသလိုပဲ ကြၽန္ေတာ္တို႔ ျပည္သူေတြဟာလည္း ကိုယ့္ကိုယ္ကိုယ္ေရာ ေခါင္းေဆာင္အျဖစ္ ကိုယ္က အသိအမွတ္ျပဳထားရသူေတြ ကိုပါ ဒီမိုကေရစီစနစ္ တည္တံ့ခိုင္ၿမဲေရးအတြက္ အၿမဲမျပတ္ တစ္ရံမလပ္ အရိပ္တၾကည့္ၾကည့္ ေစာင့္ေရွာက္ စစ္ေဆး ေလ့လာ သံုးသပ္ေနၾကဖို႔ လိုအပ္ေၾကာင္းပါဗ်ာ။
maungwuntha@gmail.com
Messenger ဂ်ာနယ္ ယခုအပတ္ထုတ္မွာ ေဖာ္ျပခဲ့တဲ့ ေဆာင္းပါး ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။
ဒီမိုကေရစီ အရိပ္အေရာင္ေလး ျမင္ခါရွိေသး၊ စိတ္မေအးႏိုင္စရာေတြ စဥ္းစားမိလို႕ အရိပ္တၾကည့္ၾကည့္နဲ႕ ေနသင့္ပုံကို ေရးထားတာပါ။
Credit here
အေမရိကန္အထက္လႊတ္ေတာ္အမတ္ ဂၽြန္မက္ကိန္းက ျပည္သူ႔လႊတ္ေတာ္ဥကၠ႒ သူရဦးေရႊမန္းႏွင့္ ယေန႔ေတြ႔ ဆုံေဆြးေႏြး စဥ္ လႊတ္ေတာ္ႏွစ္ရပ္ပူးေပါင္းေဆာင္ရြက္ေရး အစီအစဥ္အရ ျမန္မာလႊတ္ေတာ္ကိုယ္စားလွယ္မ်ားကို အေမရိကန္လႊတ္ေတာ္သုိ႔ လာေရာက္ေလ့လာရန္ ဖိတ္ၾကားခဲ့ေၾကာင္း သတင္းရရွိသည္။
ဇန္န၀ါရီ ၂၂ ရက္(ယေန႔)နံနက္ ၁၁း၁၅ နာရီမွ ၁၁း၅၅ နာရီအထိ မိနစ္ ၄၀ ၾကာ ဂၽြန္မက္ကိန္းႏွင့္ သူရဦးေရႊမန္းတို႔ ျပည္သူ႔လႊတ္ေတာ္ အေဆာက္အအုံမွ ဇမၺဴသီရိခန္းမတြင္ ေတြ႕ဆုံေဆြးေႏြးခဲ့သည္။ ထိုသုိ႔ေတြ႕ဆုံေဆြးေႏြးရာတြင္ လႊတ္ေတာ္ႏွစ္ရပ္ အေတြ႕အႀကံဳ ဖလွယ္ေရးႏွင့္ ပူးေပါင္းေဆာင္ရြက္မႈ အစီအစဥ္အရ ျမန္မာလႊတ္ေတာ္ကိုယ္စားလွယ္မ်ား (အမတ္မ်ား)ကို အေမရိကန္လႊတ္ေတာ္သုိ႔ လာေရာက္ေလ့လာရန္ မက္ကိန္းက ဖိတ္ၾကားခဲ့ သည္ဟု ေတြ႕ဆုံေဆြးေႏြးမႈအၿပီး သတင္းေထာက္မ်ား၏ ေမးျမန္းမႈကို သူရဦးေရႊမန္းက ျပန္လည္ေျဖၾကားစဥ္ ေျပာၾကားသြားသည္။ ထိုေတြ႕ဆုံေဆြးေႏြးပဲြ၌ စီးပြားေရးပိတ္ဆုိ႔အေရးယူမႈႏွင့္ပတ္သက္၍ မက္ကိန္းက ေျပာၾကားရာတြင္ ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံ ၏ ႏုိင္ငံေရးျပဳျပင္ေျပာင္းလဲမႈ အေျခအေနေပၚ လုိက္ေလ်ာညီေထြစြာ တစ္ဆင့္ခ်င္း ရုပ္သိမ္းေပးသြားရန္ ေဆာင္ရြက္သြားမည္ဟု ေျပာၾကားခဲ့ေၾကာင္း သူရဦးေရႊမန္းက ျပန္လည္ေျဖၾကားသည္။
ရွစ္လအတြင္း ဒုတိယအႀကိမ္ ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံသုိ႔ လာေရာက္ေသာ ဂၽြန္မက္ကိန္းႏွင့္ အေမရိကန္ အထက္လႊတ္ေတာ္အမတ္မ်ားမွာ ယေန႔ညေန ၄ နာရီတြင္ ရန္ကုန္ၿမိဳ႕ရွိ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ေနအိမ္၌ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ႏွင့္ ေတြ႕ဆုံေဆြးေႏြးၾကမည္ျဖစ္သည္။
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ဂၽြန္မက္ကိန္းႏွင့္ အေမရိကန္အထက္လႊတ္ေတာ္အမတ္မ်ားသည္ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ႏွင့္ တကၠသိုလ္ရိပ္သာလမ္းေနအိမ္တြင္ ယေန႔ညေန ၄ နာရီမွ ၅ နာရီအထိ တစ္နာရီၾကာေတြ႕ဆုံေဆြးေႏြးခဲ့ၾကသည္။ ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံတြင္ေရာက္ရွိေနၿပီး ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ႏွင့္ အစုိးရဘက္မွ ထိပ္တန္းတာ၀န္ရွိသူမ်ားႏွင့္ ေတြ႕ဆုံခဲ့ေသာ ဂၽြန္မက္ကိန္းသည္ ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံအေပၚ ပိတ္ဆုိ႔အေရးယူမႈမ်ားကို ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံ၏ ျပဳျပင္ေျပာင္းလဲမႈမ်ားႏွင့္ ၾကားျဖတ္ေရြးေကာက္ပဲြတြင္ လြတ္လပ္ၿပီး တရားမွ်တမႈအေပၚမူတည္ကာ တစ္ဆင့္ၿပီးတစ္ဆင့္ လုပ္ေဆာင္သြားမည္ဟု ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ႏွင့္ ေတြ႕ဆုံအၿပီးတြင္ ထပ္ေလာင္းေျပာၾကားခဲ့သည္။
ံေတြ႕ဆုံမႈအၿပီးတြင္ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္က “အေမရိကန္ႏုိင္ငံက ပိတ္ဆုိ႔အေရးယူမႈေတြ စလုပ္ကတည္းက ဘာေၾကာင့္ လုပ္တယ္ဆုိတာ ေျပာၿပီးသားပါ။ ဘယ္ေျခလွမ္းေတြ လွမ္းရင္ ဒီပိတ္ဆုိ႔မႈေတြ ရုပ္သိမ္းေပးမယ္ဆုိတာ ေျပာၿပီးသားျဖစ္တဲ့အတြက္ သတ္မွတ္ထားတဲ့ေျခလွမ္းေတြလွမ္းရင္ ဒီဟာေတြ ရုပ္သိမ္းမွာပါ။ ၾကားျဖတ္ေရြးေကာက္ပဲြရဲ႕ Free and Fair တစ္ခုတည္းနဲ႔ေတာ့ အက်ဳံးမ၀င္ပါဘူး” ဟုသတင္းေထာက္မ်ားကုိ ေျပာၾကားခဲ့သည္။
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အေမရိကန္အထက္လႊတ္ေတာ္အမတ္ေတြျဖစ္ၾကတဲ့ John McCain၊ Joseph Lieberman၊ Sheldon Whitehouse နဲ႔ Kelly Ayotte တို႔ ဇန္န၀ါရီ ၂၂ ရက္ေန႔ညေန ၆နာရီခန္႔က ရန္ကုန္ျမိဳ႔ အေမရိကန္စင္တာမွာ စာနယ္ဇင္းသမားေတြနဲ႔ ေတြ႕ဆုံခဲ့ၾက။
Credit : 7 Day News Journal
Credit : 7 Day News Journal
ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံလံုးဆိုင္ရာ ျမန္မာမြတ္စလင္မ္ လူငယ္မ်ား (ဘာသာေရး) မ.မ.လအဖြဲ႔ ၏ စတုထၳအၾကိမ္ေျမာက္ ျပည္လံုးကြၽတ္ အစၥလာမ့္ညီလာခံ ဖြင့္ပြဲအား မဂၤလာ ဒံုျမိဳ႕နယ္ ဘိုခါရီရွားဟ္ ဒရ္ဂါေတာ္တြင္ ၂၁.၁.၂၀၁၂ ေန႔ တြင္ က်င္းပခဲ့ေၾကာင္းမြတ္စလင္ သတင္းစဥ္မွ သိရသည္။ အဆိုပါ အခမ္းအနားသို႔ ရန္ကုန္ တိုင္းေဒ သၾကီး သာသနာ ေရးဦးစီးဌာန မွ ညြန္ၾကားေရးမႉး၊ ႏွင့္တာ၀န္ရွိသူမ်ား၊ အစၥလာမ့္ ဘာသာေရး အဖြဲ႔အစည္း အသီးသီးမွ တာ၀န္ရွိသူမ်ား ၊ဖိတ္ၾကားထားေသာ ႏိုင္ငံျခား သံတမန္မ်ား ၊ရခိုင္ ျပည္နယ္ အပါအ၀င္ ျပည္နယ္/ တိုင္းေဒသၾကီးအသီးသီးမွ မ.မ.လ ဦးစီးအဖြဲ႔၀င္မ်ား ႏွင့္ စိတ္ပါ၀င္စားသူ ျမန္မာမြတ္စလင္ လူငယ္ စုစုေပါင္း ၇၀၀ေက်ာ္ တက္ေရာက္ခဲ့သည္။
ျပည္ေထာင္စု သာသနာေရး၀န္ၾကီးမွ ေပးပို႔ေသာ သ၀ဏ္လႊာကို ရန္ကုန္တိုင္း ေဒသၾကီး သာသနာ ေရးဦးစီးဌာနမွ ညြန္ၾကားေရးမႉးကဖတ္ၾကားသြားပါသည္။ “မ.မ.လအဖြဲ႕ အားသိမ္ျဖဴဦးၾကြယ္ က စတင္ ထူေထာင္ခဲ့သည္႔ သက္တမ္းရွည္ဆံုးအဖြဲ႔အစည္းတစ္ရပ္ျဖစ္ပါေၾကာင္း ၊ မ.မ.လအဖြဲ႔ခ်ဳပ္၏ ရည္ရြယ္ခ်က္ ေလးရပ္ အတိုင္း အေကာင္အထည္ ေဖၚေဆာင္ရြက္ေနမႈမ်ား၊ အတၱမဖတ္ ကိုယ္က်ိဳးမစြက္ ဘာသာတရားအတြက္ ေဆာင္ရြက္ေနမႈ မ်ားအတြက္ ၀မ္းေျမာက္မိ ပါေၾကာင္း၊ယခုညီလာခံ ၌ အသစ္ ေရြးခ်ယ္ မည္႔ သူမ်ားကိုနာယကဂုဏ္ေျခာက္ပါး ႏွင့္အညီေရြးခ်ယ္ေစလိုေၾကာင္း ၊ ႏိုင္ငံသားေကာင္းသမီးေကာင္းမ်ားကိုေမြးထုတ္ ေပးေစလို ေၾကာင္း ၊ ဒီမုိကေရစီ ႏိုင္ငံေတာ္ သစ္ တည္ေဆာက္ေရးတြင္ အင္တိုက္ အားတိုက္ ပါ၀င္ေစ လိုေၾကာင္း ” ရန္ကုန္တိုင္းေဒသၾကီး သာသနာေရးဦးစီး ဌာန ညြန္ၾကား ေရးမႉး က ျပည္ေထာင္စု ၀န္ၾကီးသူရျမင့္ေမာင္ ၏ သ၀ဏ္လႊာ ဖတ္ၾကားသြားပါသည္။ ဆက္လက္ျပီး ျမန္မာမြတ္စလင္ ဘာသာေရး အဖြဲ႔အစည္း မ်ားျဖစ္ၾက ေသာ အစၥလာမ့္ သာသနာေရး ရာေကာင္စီ ၊ ျမန္မာမြတ္စလင္ အမ်ိဳးသားေရးရာအဖြဲ႔ခ်ဳပ္၊ ေမာ္လ၀ီအဖြဲ႔ခ်ဳပ္၊ တို႔ကေပးပို႔ေသာ သ၀ဏ္လႊာမ်ားကိုဖတ္ၾကားသြားပါသည္။
ထို႔ေနာက္ မ.မ.လအဖြဲ႔ခ်ဳပ္ ဥကၠဌဦးသိန္းလႈိင္ကအဖြဲ႔အမွာစကားေျပာၾကားခဲ့ပါသည္။ “နယ္ခ်ဲ႕တို႔ႏွင့္ ျဖစ္ပြားခဲ့တဲ့ ပထမ ၊ဒုတိယ ၊တတိယ အဂၤလိပ္ျမန္မာ စစ္ပြဲမ်ားမွာ အစၥလာမ္ သာသာ၀င္ ျမန္မာ႔တပ္မေတာ္သားမ်ားဟာနယ္ခ်ဲ႕ရန္ကိုတိုင္းရင္းသားညီေနာင္မ်ားနဲ႔ အတူရြပ္ရြပ္ခြၽံခြၽံ ခုခံကာကြယ္ခဲ့တဲ့ သာဓကေတြရွိခဲ့ပါတယ္။ အားခ်င္းမမွ် လို႔ နယ္ခ်ဲ႕လက္ေအာက္ေရာက္ခဲ့တဲ့တိုင္ေအာင္ သူကြၽန္မခံစိတ္ဓါတ္ နဲ႔တြန္းလွန္ခဲ့သူေတြ မွာလည္း ျမန္မာမြတ္စလင္မ္ေတြ ပါ၀င္ခဲ့တာပါပဲ။ ” ဟုျမန္မာ မြတ္စလင္ သမိုင္းႏွင့္ပတ္သက္ျပီး အဖြင့္ မိန္႔ခြန္းတြင္ ေျပာၾကားပါသည္။ ဆက္လက္ျပီး “ ဒီလိုအရင္းအႏွီးေတြ ေပးခဲ့ၾကေပမဲ့လည္းနယ္ခ်ဲ႕ေတြ က အထက္စီး ကိုေရာက္သြား တဲ႔အတြက္ နယ္ခ်ဲ႕ ေခတ္မွာ ဗမာမြတ္စလင္ေတြ ဟာနယ္ခ်ဲ႕ေတြ ေခၚလာတဲ့ အိႏိၵယသားေတြနဲ႔ ေရာျပီးေဇရဘာဒီ၊ မဟာေမဒင္ ၊ ကုလားစသျဖင့္ သိမ္းၾကံဳး သတ္မွတ္ တာကိုခံခဲ့ရပါတယ္။ နန္းရင္း၀န္ ဦးေစာလက္ထက္မွာ ဗမာမြတ္စလင္ ႏိုးၾကားေရးအဖြဲ႕ကလူဦးေရသန္းေခါင္စာရင္းမွာဗမာမြတ္စလင္ေတြ ကိုအိႏိၵယ ႏုိင္ငံသား ေတြနဲ႕ခြဲျပီးစာရင္းေကာက္ဘို႔ ေတာင္း ဆိုခဲ့တာမေအာင္ျမင္ခဲ့ပါဘူး” ဟုထည္႔သြင္းေျပာၾကားသြားပါသည္။
လူမ်ိဳးေရးအရ ၊ဘာသာေရးအရခြဲျခားဆက္ဆံခံရေသာေၾကာင့္ အလုပ္အကိုင္ရရွိရန္ ခက္ခဲေနၾကေသာ ျမန္မာမြတ္စလင္လူငယ္မ်ားအားမိမိတို႔ ၏ လုပ္ငန္းမ်ားတြင္ ခန္႔ထားေစလိုေၾကာင္း ျမန္မာမြတ္စလင္ လုပ္ငန္းရွင္မ်ားကို၄င္း၏ အဖြင့္ မိန္႔ခြန္းတြင္ တိုက္တြန္းခ့ဲပါသည္။ “အယူသီးမႈေတြ အၾကမ္းဖတ္သမားေတြ မရွိတဲ့ တ့ဲ ျမန္မာမြတ္စလင္ေတြ ရိုးရိုးသားသားနဲ႔ ေနထိုင္လိုၾကပါတယ္။ သားသမီေတြ အာရဘီစာကိုသင္ခ်င္ၾကပါတယ္။ ေအးေအးခ်မ္းခ်မ္းနမားဇ္(ဆြလာသ္) ဖတ္ခြင္ေပးပါ။ ဗလီေသးေလးေတြ မွ အဖီေလးထုတ္ျပီးဆြလာသ္ ၀တ္ျပဳခြင့္ေပးပါ။ အဖြဲ႔အစည္းေတြကဦးေဆာင္ျပီးဟဂ်္၀တ္ျပဳခြင့္ေပးပါ။ အပိတ္ခံ ဗလီေတြကို ျပန္ဖြင့္ခြင့္ေပးပါ။ လို ႔ေတာင္းဆိုပါတယ္ ။ ” ဟုစသည္႔ ေတာင္းဆိုခ်က ္ေတြကို ၄င္းမိန္႔ခြန္း တြင္ ထည္႔သြင္း ေဟာေျပာ သြားပါ သည္။ ဆက္လက္ျပီး “ အစၥလာမ္သာသနာ၀င္ေတြ ႏုိင္ငံ႔ ၀န္ထမ္းေတြ လုပ္ခ်င္ပါ တယ္ ။ စစ္ဗိုလ္ၾကီးေတြလုပ္ခ်င္ၾကပါတယ္။ ေရေၾကာင္းတကၠသိုလ္တက္ခ်င္ၾကပါတယ္ ။ ဟု ႏိုင္ငံေတာ္သို႔ ေတာင္းဆို သြားပါသည္။
ျမန္မာယဥ္ေက်းမႈကိုလိုက္နာထိန္းသိမ္းေသာမ်ိဳးခ်စ္စိတ္ဓါတ္ ရွင္သန္ႏိုးၾကား၍ တိုင္းျပည္အေပၚ တြင္ သစၥာရွိသည္႔ မြတ္စလင္ မ္ လူငယ္မ်ားေပၚထြန္းေရး ၊ႏိုင္ငံျခားတိုင္း တစ္ပါးကိုအထင္ၾကီး အားကိုးျခင္း ကင္းစင္သည္႔ အမ်ိဳးေကာင္းသား၊ သမီးမ်ိဳးဆက္သစ္လူငယ္မ်ားေပၚထြန္းေစရန္ ျပဳစုပ်ိဳးေထာင္ ေပးေရး ၊ ႏိုင္ငံေတာ္အတြင္း ေနထိုင္ၾကေသာ အစၥလာမ္ဘာသာ၀င္ တို႔၏ လိုအပ္ခ်က္ႏွင့္ ဘာသာေရးဆိုင္ရာ
မြန္ျပည္နယ္ ၊ေပါင္ျမိဳ႕နယ္ မုတၱမျမိဳ႕ မ.မ.လ အဖြဲ႔၀င္မ်ား
အခက္အခဲမ်ား ကို ႏိုင္ငံေတာ္ တာ၀န္ရွိသူ အဆင့္ဆင့္ တို႔ႏွင့္ ညိွ႔ႏိႈင္းေဆာင္ရြက္ေပးေရး ၊ ျမန္မာမြတ္စလင္မ္ အမ်ိဳးသားထုတစ္ရပ္လံုး ၏ ဘက္စံုဖြံ႕ျဖိဳးတိုးတက္ေစရန္ စြမ္းစြမ္းတမံေဆာင္ရြက္ေရးစသည္႔ ရည္ရြယ္ခ်က္ ၄ရပ္အား ခ်မွတ္အေကာင္ အထည္ ေဖၚေနသည္႔ မ.မ.လအဖြဲ႔ခ်ဳပ္အား ၁၉၄၅ စက္တင္ဘာ ၂၀ရက္ေန႔တြင္ ဦးၾကြယ္၀က စတင္ထူေထာင္ခဲ့သည္။ ႏိုင္ငံေတာ္ အစိုးရ အသိအမွတ္ျပဳထား ေသာမ.မ.လအဖြဲ႔ခ်ဳပ္ အေနျဖင့္ အစၥလာမ့္ ဓမၼသတ္ ထုတ္ျပန္ေပးျခင္း၊ လူမႈကူညီေရးလုပ္ငန္းမ်ားေဆာင္ရြက္ျခင္း ၊ဟလလ္ အသိအမွတ္ျပဳ လက္မွတ္ ထုတ္ ေပးျခင္း၊ ႏိုင္ငံတကာတြင္ က်င္းပေသာအစၥလာမ့္ ညီလာခံမ်ား ၊ ျပိဳင္ပြဲမ်ားသို႔ ေရြးခ်ယ္ ေစလြတ္ျခင္း၊ အာရဘီီစကားေျပာ ၊ ကြန္ျပဴတာ ၊ ယာဥ္ေမာင္း ၊ စက္ခ်ဳပ္၊ ဘာသာျပန္ စေသာသင္တန္း မ်ားဖြင့္လွစ္ ေပးျခင္း ၊ ၊မဟာတမန္ေတာ္ေန႔ သာသနာ႔ မွတ္ေက်ာက္တင္ စာေပျပိဳင္ပြဲမ်ား ၊ေသြးလႉဒါန္း ပြဲမ်ားကိုေဆာင္ ရြက္ က်င္းပေပး လ်က္ရွိပါသည္ ။ ၂၁.၁.၂၀၁၂ မွ ၂၂ .၁.၂၀၁၂ အထိ က်င္းပမည္႔ ၂ရက္ၾကာက်င္းပမည္႔ မ.မ.လအစၥလာမ့္ ညီလာခံတြင္ အလုပ္အမႈေဆာင္သစ္ ေရြးခ်ယ္ျခင္း၊ ဘ႑ာေရးရွင္းတမ္း တင္ျပျခင္း၊ အစီအရင္ ခံစာ တင္ျပျခင္းမ်ားကို ျပဳလုပ္သြားမည္ဟု သတင္းရရွိပါသည္။
credit here
Now Bo Khin Nyunt (I just call him “Bo” meaning captain in Burmese because he was just a captain that used to come and stand at my table when he was serving as PA to Col Tint Swe attached to the Prime Minister Office when I was the Foreign Affairs Secretary to the first Prime Minister Brigadier of Socialist Burma, Brigadier General Sein Win way back in 1974-77) the former much feared spy chief and the Junta’s Prime Minister, the main architect of the illogical road to democracy has spoken that, all the ethnic armed nationalities groups are very honest and truthful.
Unlike the Myanmar administrations they are not liars like Thein Sein himself who paints the prisoners of conscience as criminals and launched an all out war to the Kachin while talking peace with them. This is understandable as “Lying the very Concept of Truth” is the norm of every Myanmar administration. Now that the quasi civilian government is making some attempts to diffuse the situation with the dissidents both ethnic and pro democracy groups I have humble analyze the ethnic nationalities problem as follows:-
Marginalization
The most fundamental grievance of ethnic nationalities is their lack of influence on the political process and thus on decisions that affect their lives. Like society at large, they have been disenfranchised by a strongly centralized military state that regards them with intense suspicion. They have felt the loss of political and economic power even more acutely than the majority population as both the government and the officer corps are overwhelmingly ethnic Myanmar which are widely perceived as a foreign force. Ethnic nationalities groups consider themselves discriminated against and have openly accused successive governments of a deliberate policy of Myanmarnization. The ethnic nationalities are not only marginalized economically, but also that their social, cultural, and religious rights are being suppressed.
While many ethnic groups originally fought for independence, today almost all have accepted the Union of Burma as a fact, and merely seek increased local authority and equality within a new federal state structure. The military dictators, however, still suspect them of scheming to split the country and see this as justification for its repressive, often brutal policies in ethnic dominated areas.
Since 1988, most ethnic nationality organizations have expressed support for democracy, seeing this as their best chance to gain a voice in national politics and press for a redress of their long-standing grievances. The elite in the ethnic organizations are democrats by persuasion or regard democracy not an end in itself. Their main concern is to secure local political and administrative authority, further development of their regions, and enjoy the right to maintain and practice their language, culture and religion without constraints. This is a simple obsession of the ethnic nationalities of Burma
The strength of ethnic nationality organizations traditionally has been measured in military terms. The shift in national politics since 1988 and subsequent ceasefires, however, have transferred the main struggle from the battlefield to the political and administrative arena. The primary challenge for ethnic nationality organizations today is, therefore, to build political and organizational capacity – individually, and as a group – to ensure that they are not left out of future negotiations about the future of the Federal Union of Burma and can continue to represent the interests of their communities. They also need to help rebuild their war-torn communities and economies and re-establish a sense of normalcy and confidence in the future.
To negotiate and eventually overcome these obstacles requires vision, careful balancing of objectives and strategies, and significant implementation capacity. First and foremost perhaps, it requires a genuine commitment to move beyond narrow agendas and build a better life for local communities and the country at large. Most groups, however, lack these skills. In fact, the weaknesses and approaches of ethnic nationalities often mirror those of the central government and other local authorities. Many ethnic organizations continue to be dominated by soldiers who have little knowledge of political and social affairs or experience with relevant tools for organization and negotiation. They may have significant legitimacy rooted in the struggle for self-determination – or, in some cases, the 1990 election – but strong hierarchies and top-down approaches mean that links to local communities often are weak. There is also a dearth of people in these communities at large with relevant education and experience.
Over the past few years, some key ethnic organizations have begun to face up to these problems and start on the difficult task of building networks in long-divided communities and training capable leaders and administrators. Yet, much needs to be done and they are often seen struggling against government repression and international indifference.
Dilemma of Changing Culture
Ethnic nationalities together with the Myanmar have lived in one way at a particular time, but there is no absolute ethnic nationality which persists unchanged through time. Society changes as people make decisions about how to adapt to constantly changing circumstances, including their relations with external societies. Insofar as one can apply terms of biology to social phenomenon, such change can be seen as a natural, evolutionary process. On the surface, applying this view to Burma’s current struggle for social justice seems to yield little productive insight. If culture, ethnicity and religion are always changing, and that perpetual flux is a normal characteristic of any social system, then what is the hope for resistance? Change seems to be inevitable.
History demonstrates that some cultures triumph and others fade; civilizations wax and wane over time almost as if they are living organisms. This is especially true to Burma. The Myanmar race domination over the non Myanmar races have triumph all these years and in the recorded history of Burma the major tribes like Pyu, Kanyan and Thet races has all disappeared and vanished because of the dominance of the Myanmar race. Even in the last Burmese dynasty (Konebong dynasty) the Myanmar has tried to wipe out the Mon people when by a trick king U Aung Ze Ya called the entire learned Mon monk and burnt them alive.
Contemporary history has shown that the ethnic races of such as Shan, Chin and Kachin have consented to join the Union while Karen, Karenni, Mon, Arakanese are being forced to join the Union of Burma in taking independence from Britain. But all of them were very suspicious of the Myanmar ethnic and this was compounded the action of the Tatmadaw when it launched it ethnic cleansing policy.
This could, somewhat detached interpretation can even be taken further, confounding the good intentions of those Myanmar seeking to uphold the value of cultural diversity and ethnics rights. If cultural adaptation is a strategy for dealing with change in the political and economic environment, then by opposing it do people invite hardship? Are attempts to preserve the ethnic cultures simply bound to fail, or perhaps worse, to succeed in ways which limit people’s adaptation, hence compound their suffering? Political, social and economic encroachments from all sides tell people to abandon their own ways and to accept the transitions which will align them with mainstream culture: from subsistence farming to cash-cropping, from the village to the city, from minority to majority, from the margin to the center. To the extent that this message is oppressive, it is also pragmatic, telling people what they must do to survive.
Of course, people resist this change vigorously, in myriad ways and for various reasons. Burma’s history of ethnic conflict can be framed as a struggle to define and control the nature of social change, to distinguish Myanmar from a non Myanmar and assert the relative status of each. Important events in Burmese history such as colonization, independence, growth of a national military culture, and the advent of a modern democracy movement reveal new aspects of this resistance. Political and military movements espousing ethnic nationalism are one form of organized, collective resistance. Flight, non-confrontational resistance and simple perseverance are examples of more individual or informal resistance strategies.
While none of these strategies has been particularly successful in negotiating a roadmap to social change shared by center and periphery alike, all have proved impressively resilient. Guerilla wars have dragged on for sixty years and refugees have subsisted in stateless hiatus for decades.
Despite perennial forecasts of its imminent demise, the power center has continually re-asserted its authority; despite the ethnic nationality’s claims to control social change, the periphery remains independent; despite ethnic nationalities claims to utter differentiation, the influence of the center pervades. Therefore, not only is society in constant flux, but equally enduring is the struggle to define and control this flux through resistance and adaptation. If change is inevitable, so too is dissent, and so is the consequent struggle to control the agents and outcomes of that change.
In Burma this context of change and resistance is chiefly characterized by ethnic nationalism. Rival claims to the control of social change are phrased in terms of the differentiation, history and autonomy of competing ethnic groups. The categorization of these groups is a major point of conflict. The vagaries of geographic, linguistic, cultural and historical criteria for defining ethnic categories are widely recognized both within and outside Burma. Defining ethnicity by any of these criteria has proved problematic not only for the academics but for other investigators of ethnicity, not to mention for the people in question. Nevertheless, the idea of ethnic nationality is central to social conflict. Yet, just as culture constantly changes, so does ethnicity. Political systems are an investigation of how the categories of ethnicity, specifically those of Kachin and Shan, are in them tools in a struggle for adaptation and resistance.
People adapt their identity as best they can to the political and economic forces which create change. Ethnicity is often classified by unique, exclusive cultural or hereditary traits, but there are as many exceptions to these categories as there seem to be rules. These changes are marked by shifts in physical location and the economic relationships they connote, from lowlands to mountains, from rice paddies to widens plots, and from economic autonomy to participation in a feudal hierarchy. Therefore, ethnic identity is also the product of adaptation and resistance. This formative link between identity and resistance also marks the nexus where social change in the anthropological sense of the term and the struggle for social justice
The conflict raises critical questions about the nature, role and priorities of a human rights movement. How can those who wish to effect peace in Burma reject the dangers of ethnic nationalism, while at the same time promote successful adaptation to inevitable social change? Can one extricate the interests of ethnic nationalist structures? Moreover, how can this are done without submitting to nationalist hegemony from the mainstream, especially in the face of a deliberate program of Myanmarnization?
Thus Burma’s future activists, historians, poets, artists, scientists and educators may comprise a high number of people from ethnic nationalities whose skill, intellect and access to national institutions should allow them to celebrate, rather than denigrate, cultural and linguistic diversity. They should not be forced to choose between absorption by the mainstream or social marginalization as minorities, but conditions must be drawn to enable to develop and adapt their identity as equal opportunity to other citizens. Ultimately, more answers will be found by pursuing and expanding inclusively than by mimicking the mainstream trend towards domination and exclusion.
The present peace struggle for its treatment of ethnicity and social change is a necessity and inevitable part of society. Ethnic categories, which also change over time, are subject to debate and interpretation, and indeed Professor Edmond Leach was ahead of his time by recognizing that they are at best artificial and problematic.
Concerning Burma, one must recognizes a fundamental tension between the reality of social change and nationalistic attempts to articulate and enforce an ethnic identity. This tension presents a dilemma to the peace movement, which asserts that human dignity should not be seconded to the inevitability of social change, and seeks to challenge the calculated absorption of the periphery into the mainstream of Burmese society. An aspect of social change is free will, the opportunity to make autonomous choices. This autonomy represents basic human rights about what language people want to speak, what clothes they want to wear, how they want to live and how they wish to identify themselves. Violence, repression and economic exploitation all intrusions into universal and inalienable human rights are what threaten human dignity and survival. Where an international peace movement intersects with Burma’s ethnic rights struggle, it must choose its path based on what people want and need to adapt, survive and live in dignity, rather than on a prevailing nationalist ideology. Ethnic aspirations are difficult to understand; pointing out its many complications and paradoxes makes it no easier. Nevertheless, to make the right choices the peace movement must be aware of all the resources available to it.
The Importance of Ethnicity
On 23 May 1947, less than three months before his death, Bogyoke Aung San gave a speech which made his thoughts on democracy very clear. He distinguished ‘true’ from ‘sham’ democracy. He said,
“Only true democracy can work for the real good of the people, real equality of status and opportunity for every one irrespective of class or race or religion or sex. Not every democracy is true democracy. Some are imperfect democracies concealing in democratic guise the dictatorship of the capitalist class. True democracy alone must be our basis if we want to draw up our constitution with the people as the real sovereign and the people's interest as the primary consideration. Democracy alone is the basis upon which the real progress of a nation can be built.”
But lamentably none of the Myanmar leaders follow his vision. During 1948- 1958, the government under U Nu was at first running pretty smoothly, even thought being pressurized by the Myanmar nationalists. U Nu changed the Constitution. By 1961 the Saophas realized that the Union was not only totally under the control of the Myanmar but becoming under the Military; therefore, the question of “ to secede or not to secede “ came to be an issue amongst Shan leaders including U Htoon Myint who was anti- Saophas. This was not a crime, it was a right provided by the Constitution (The Shan State had the right to secede after ten years, 1958). Hence the secession issue did not arise out of conspiracies by the Shan leaders; it originated from real grievances.
Bogyoke Aung San’s daughter, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi was shocked to discover the military’s actions of injustice, subjugation of the people, the shooting of thousands of students and the heinous human rights violations practiced against the ethnic nationalities. She exposed that the method used by the military in ruling the country was not what her father had wanted. By this exposure she damaged the military regime’s legitimacy. This is one, if not the main, reason why the military generals especially Than Shwe hated her so much and is so afraid of her
To move forward there has to be National Reconciliation of all nationalities coming together at a round table. The talk has to be built on truth, trust and transparency. In a country like Burma there has to be an understanding of the principle of territorial integrity and fundamental respect for diversity, and different peoples’ wishes for freedom, equality and justice. In other words there must be a Second Panglong Conference which she has called.
To have a genuine democracy in Burma then dictatorship and Tatmadaw has to be abolished for good as it has no place in the modern and civilized world and in its place must be the people’s army Pyidaungsu Tat, the Federal army. In the United States is that: the whites constitute 80.1% of the United States population (2006 estimate); whereas, approximately 60 percent of the population in Burma is ethnic Myanmar and the present military regime is overwhelmingly dominated by ethnic Myanmar.
If a black person who belongs to only 12.8% of a country's population can be given a chance to become the President of the United States and leader of the free world, Burma should give an equal opportunity to potential leaders from the ethnic groups which make about 40% of the country's population. Ethnicity plays a vital role in Burma's politics. It is participation and inclusiveness that make a nation strong, and Burma is not an exception. Should Burma fail to understand this reality, the socio-political conflicts will continue to persist even after the restoration of democracy. Barack Obama's election not only gives a new hope to millions of Americans, but also energizes the ethnic nationalities groups of Burma. Genuine national reconciliation and nation-building must precede the restructuring of the state.
The neighboring countries especially ASEAN China and India because of their selfish motives under the beautifully coined word of Constructive Engagement Policy have help prolong the military administrations in Burma and only now because of the punitive actions of the West that the rottenness of the dictatorship was reveal now should help Burma to be on the right road. Their selfish motive indirectly encouraging the regime with “Containing Balkanization” in Burma could easily lead to a resumption of localized arm conflicts again. Then as usual military-owned businesses, Junta cronies, foreign investors and traders, and ethnic drug lords and elites plunder the natural resources of the ethnic states, local ethnic populations will continue to be denied economic opportunities and the ethnic nationalities states will also see their environment further destroyed by greedy businesses and bad governance.
It is now up to the leaders of the ethnic groups to decide whether they will betray the 60-year long struggle for their ethnic people or stand together with an effective strategy to fight for equal ethnic rights. The rest will be history.
Last but not the lease is that the architect of 8888 uprising Khin Nyunt and his band of former Military Intelligence are let lose again coined by most Burmese as hell hound at large and by his conversation we know that he want to come back into the scene. This is a very dangerous trend both for the ethnic nationalities and the prodemocracy movements as he could twist both the international community and the ethnic nationalities. He together with Than Shwe should be standing in the gallows if real democracy and ethnic equality is to be achieved. We still has to see how Burma is unfolding.
- Asian Tribune -
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