ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္က သတင္းေထာက္မ်ား၏ ေမးျမန္းမႈမ်ားကိုု ေျဖၾကားစဥ္။ ယေန႔ရွင္းလင္းပြဲတြင္ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္က သတင္းထုတ္ျပန္ခ်က္ကို ျပင္သစ္ဘာသာျဖင့္ ေျပာၾကားသြားၿပီး သတင္းေထာက္မ်ား၏ ေမးျမန္းမႈကို အဂၤလိပ္ဘာသာျဖင့္ ေျဖၾကားသြားခဲ့သည္။


ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုုၾကည္ႏွင့္ ျပင္သစ္ႏိုင္ငံျခားေရး၀န္ႀကီးတို႔ ယေန႔နံနက္ပိုုင္းက ေတြ႕ဆံုၿပီး သတင္းစာရွင္းလင္းပြဲျပဳလုပ္စဥ္။ ဓာတ္ပံု - ေ၀ယံ

Credit : Burma VJ & 7 days news

ျပင္သစ္ႏိုင္ငံျခားေရး၀န္ႀကီး Alain Juppe က ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္အား ျပင္သစ္ႏုိင္ငံ၏ အျမင့္ဆုံး ဂုဏ္ထူးေဆာင္ဆုျဖစ္သည့္ Commandeur de la legion d'Honneur 

Even though there was a euphoria over the political prisoners’ release and the US reward it with the raising of the diplomatic relations to the ambassador lever one has to take caution that the “Divide and Rule Policy” which the various Burmese administration inherited from the British, has been put to good use by waging an all out war against the Kachin and simultaneously inking the peace deal with Shan, Chin and Karen and the lesser resistance forces. What more it was able to wean away Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and the NLD from the pro-democracy Burmese populace and was able to lure the West to give up their punitive actions that will lead to lifting of sanctions while keeping some prisoners hush hush still under lock and key. This whole concept proves the superb diplomacy of the regime. But on the whole the people of Burma and the world are happy. 

Gen Thein Sein has been widely seen as a more moderate and reform-minded but to the Kachin he is just another general whose words cannot be trusted. It has been more than a month since he made public his directive to end the army’s offensive against the Kachin but there has been no cessation of hostilities. On the contrary, more than 90 battles or clashes have taken place, with a steady surge in troop reinforcement. The ferocity is of the attack and the methods of scotch earth policy is such that it is in the category of the war of genocide and the Kachin have no choice but force to fight the war of survival.[1] 

Most of the ethnic nationalities are simple people and like to live in their own way of life and at that time the time of British colonization there was no such thing as ethnic conflicts in Burma because one ethnic has been living peacefully with the other for centuries. When Britain was about to give independence to this region, the majority of the ethnic nationalities readily join the Union which was formed by an accord signed at a little town in Shan State called Panglong in 1947, one year prior to the emergence of Burma as an independent, post-colonial state (in 1948). 

In this sense, both historically and conceptually, the ethnic Burma’s so-called ethnic conflict is more aptly described as a political conflict against the ruling military rather than a conflict between warring ethnic groups. The conflict is primarily a conflict between the ruling military exercising a monopolistic control of the state in Burma and the ethnic nationalities. It is a vertical conflict between the state and various ethnically defined societies. It is a conflict about how the state is to be constituted and how the relation between the constituent components of society and the state are to be ordered. It is not the case of ethnic segments feuding with and killing each other, nor is it driven by the secessionist impulses. Looking at Burma’s history since 1948, a long-standing and seriously dysfunctional relationship between the state and broader society can be observed and it has been exacerbated by four decades of monopolistic military rule. 

To understand the ethnic conflict, it is essential to look into the issues of conceptual differences, constitutional crisis, national identity, majority-minority configuration and other pressing issues like human rights violations, drugs and environmental management. The successive military regimes see Burma as an existing unified nation since the reign of king Anurudha (Anawrahta) 1044 AD. As such, all other non-Myanmar - Shan, Kachin, Chin, Arakanese, Mon, Karen and Karenni - are seen as ethnic nationalities, which must be controlled and suppressed, lest they break up the country. This is what most of the international and the world understand or comprehend. Incidentally this is also what most of the chauvinist Myanmar or in Burmese better known as Mahar Bamar (r[mArm) wants to portray.[2] This is the crux of the Burmese problem. 

On the other hand, some of the educated and well meaning very few Myanmar and all the non-Myanmar maintain that the Union of Burma is a newly developed territorial entity, founded by a treaty, the Panglong Accord, where independent territories merged together on equal basis to obtain independence from Britain and this is what Bogyoke Aung San, the architect of Modern Burma envisage. In this aspect it may seen that the genuine Burman/Myanmar headed by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi wants to instil the real Union Spirit but still fell short by her actions So far the NLD has not issue any statement of sympathy or solidarity with the suffering internally displaced persons. No appeals made to international organizations or governments for humanitarian assistance and moral courage seems to be lacking not only on the Kachin but also on the ethnic nationalities. The instigator of this genocide is not identified or condemned [3]and this is detrimental to the Pyidaungsu Spirit (yifvHkpdwf"gwf). Given such conceptual differences, the Burmese military goes about with its implementation of protecting "national sovereignty" and "national unity" at all cost. This, in turn, gives way to open conflict resulting in more suppression and gross human rights violations. The intolerance of the military and its inspiration to "racial supremacy" and to political domination and control has no limit and the climax of it could be seen by its refusal to hand over power to the winners of 1990 nation-wide election, the NLD,SNLD and other ethnic parties. [4] 

The woes of Burma today are deeply rooted in the inadequate constitutional drafting of 1947. The Union Constitution was rushed through to completion without reflecting the spirit of Panglong, or Panglong Seikdat. And lamentably it was still repeated today in the current Nargis Constitution, The ethnic homelands were recognized as constituent states but all power was concentrated in the central government. Almost all the non-Myanmar and Burmese democratic opposition groups are in agreement that the ethnic conflict and reform of social, political and economic cannot be separated from one another. And the only solution and answer is to amend the 1947 Constitution according to Panglong Agreement, where equality, voluntary participation and self-determination, of the constituent states, formed the basis for the Federal Republic of the Union of Burma or rather the Genuine Union of Burma.[5] The ethnic nationalities, especially in the cases of the Karen, Kachin and WA remained such a stumbling block as the Myanmar administrations fails to honours the principles of the Panglong Agreement.[6] 

Burma’s fundamental problem is not just about leadership, policy failure, dysfunctional institutions, rights abuses or fractured opposition movements. Categorically speaking, Burma is confronted with nothing less than a full-scale pathological process of internal colonization, this time by its own military. This is an evolutionary process which was set in motion since the coup of 1962 decisively established one-party military rule, where the military and the State cannot be separated. Indeed Burma has evolved into a dual-colony in which the population of more than 50 million citizens is being herded into a political space via the Orwellian “7-steps road map for democracy.” The ruling military clique backed by its 400,000-strong military will continue to make all decisions with massive societal and ecological consequences for the whole population; only this time their decisions are going to be made to sound constitutionally mandated, and in accord with the laws of the land. Further, this small group of men subscribe to an irredeemably myopic and toxic version of ethno-nationalism which refashions Burma along the old feudal lines where the majority “Myanmar and Buddhists,” as defined by these men in generals’ uniform, will be more equal in their Union of Republic of Myanmar. 

Needless to say, the generals will pay lip service to ethnic unity and create nominal space for the ethnic people while pursuing “Divide and Rule” as the overarching strategy. The ruling generals have rejected the federal spirit of ethnic equality and violently opposed any struggle towards a genuine federated Union. They have declared dead the Panglong Agreement of 1947, the founding document of a modern, post-colonial Burma, wherein ethnic equality was enshrined as an inviolable pillar of multi-ethnic Burma. Hence in new colonial rule under its own military, will control, subjugated or crushed. 

For those who have viewed the emerging parliamentary and formal political processes as the only space in which the people’s voices can be heard, policies debated and public welfare advanced, it is time for a serious rethinking and soul-searching. The opposition have made repeated calls for national and ethnic reconciliation as well as genuine public expressions of inter-ethnic solidarity, which is the last thing any colonial power would want and would tolerate is social and ethnic solidarity across communities, regions and classes. The colonized ethnic nationalities are to be exploited, crushed, subjugated or co-opted. 

The generals, of course, don’t see themselves as “native colonialists.” They feel no need for reconciliation along ethnic or political lines with any person, organization or community. In short, they have done nothing wrong, and they can do no wrong. For they perceive themselves as the country’s sole national guardian, untainted by partisan politics. They are committed to the abstract idea of a multi-ethnic nation while trampling on the very idea in reality. And they embrace an absolutist notion of sovereignty where the military, not the people in whose name it exists, is sovereign. They love the country, but they can’t stand the people, especially the kind who refuse to go along with their design for the rest of the country. Political, defiant ethnic communities and political prisoners spring to mind. Their politics is all about resuming and completing the process of re-consolidation of the power of the ethnic Burmese majority, most specifically the soldiering class, over the rest of the ethnic nationalities –a process only interrupted by the old kingdom’s 19th century defeat by Great Britain. Sixty years after independence, the military has built its own version of local colonial rule serving as the constitutionally-mandated ruling class and where the rest of the civilian society, especially the ethnic nationalities and the majority of the Myanmar who does not goes along with the generals are classified as second class citizens. 

Throughout modern history, no colonialism is ever known to have offered the colonized political processes or institutions which would undo, or even undermine, such broad colonial objectives as economic exploitation of land, labour and natural resource, political domination and subjugation of populations under colonial rule, and control over the cultural and intellectual life of colonies. Whether one has in mind the formal and classical version, which dissolved, thanks in no small part to colonialists slaughtering one another during the two 20th century world wars, or the subsequent and newer versions characteristic of the Cold War, the essence, objectives and nature of colonial rules remain virtually the same.[7] 

Humanitarian assistance, developmental aid, foreign direct investment, increased trade or commerce may be needed in any systemic efforts to rebuild poverty-stricken Burma emerging from decades of war and conflicts. But they are no substitute for forging inter-ethnic and class solidarity, on which an inter-generational political resistance, armed and non-violent, depending on one’s own location, needs to be built. 

The fact is the colonial state in the Union of the Republic of Myanmar stands in between public welfare and international assistance and increased foreign direct investment, which has been in the billions thanks to Burma’s economically predatory regional friends such as China, Thailand, India, Malaysia, South Korea and Singapore. Precisely because this ethno-nationalist bond between the Burmese Generals and the majority Buddhist Myanmar has been irreparably broken down, the recent call by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and ethnic nationalities leaders for reconciliation and inter-ethnic solidarity against oppression poses the greatest threat to the ruling Generals uniform or otherwise. While Burma’s issues are complex, as far as the regime’s strategy is concerned it is a simple, time-tested “Divide-and-Rule.” The only way the opposition movements in particular and multi-ethnic communities in general can defeat these native colonizers is through inter-ethnic—and inter-class—solidarity and we hope that UNFC would recruit the think tanks of Burmese Diaspora to be more effective. 

Last, but not the least is that the West must give up their Sanctions which the regime so craved. The Constructive Engagement Policy of China, India and especially ASEAN has prolonged the change up to this day. It was the punitive actions of the West that made the Burmese generals relent as they are so desirous to keep their ill gotten wealth to the near and dear ones once they leave this earth. Sanctions must be maintained at all cost. 

Prof. Kanbawza Win can be reached at bathannwin@gmail.com

[1]Laphai, Nang-Kai; General, You Lied in The Irrawaddy 13-1-2012 

[2] Mahar Bama spirit defines the Myanmar chauvinist attitude which can be seen even in the peripherals of Burma and in Diaspora, not to mention inside the country, where the ethnic cleansing is going on with might and main. That is they want to be have a finger in every pie and they always want to be a leader in every aspect of the movement. A classic example is that to play soccer as a team with the other ethnic nationalities he is the one who not only wants to be the captain but always want to shoot the winning goal. He tends to treat the other ethnic as inferior and that only he can lead. The other ethnic must follow him 

[3] Laphai, Nang-Kai; General, You Lied in The Irrawaddy 13-1-2012 

[4] Sai Wan Sai in Shan-EU “Causes of Ethnic conflict and contemporary politics.” 

[5] Ibid 

[6] Aung; Htet A Tip of ASEAN: Ethnic: Reality beyond the Election in The Irrawaddy 25-1-2010 

[7] Zarni; Dr Maun Burma Needs Inter-Ethnic and Inter-Class Solidarity in Irrawaddy 14-12-2010 

UPDATED: Government officials confirm, Saturday, they have relinquished specifically Norwegian embargos against Burma following recent actions by the country’s military regime.

Myanmar visit 2011

Whilst underlining it will still follow existing EU sanctions, including a diamond and lumber trading ban, Norway’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs has confirmed that they will now encourage companies to start putting money into Burma.

“We will abolish strict advice we have given Norwegian private companies not to invest in Burma,” Foreign Minister Jonas Gahr Støre told NRK.

Norway’s previous instructions to these firms were not to do business with the military regime, even though there was no veto.

"We now believe it reasonable that Norway signalises Norwegian companies can consider involvement in Myanmar within the EU's framework because of such positive developments in the direction of reform and democracy," he said.

This new investment encouragement comes as a result of the regime’s recent actions, including releasing several monks, journalists, and leaders of the pro-democratic 88 Generation Student Group.

“The release of these prisoners of conscience is important for our confidence in the country's civilian government,” the FM stated in a press release.

A ceasefire agreement was also signed between the Karen National Union (KNU) Guerrillas and the Burmese government this week, contributing towards ending the country’s longest civil war.

FM Støre is scheduled to visit Myanmar shortly.

Source here
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ေနာ္ေ၀းကုမၸဏီေတြ ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံ မွာ ရင္းႏွီးျမႇဳပ္ႏွံခြင့္ရၿပီ
 

 ေနာ္ေ၀း ကုမၸဏီေတြအေနနဲ႔ ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံအတြင္း ရင္းႏွီးျမႇဳပ္ႏွံမႈေတြ မလုပ္ဖုိ႔ ပိတ္ဆုိ႔ထားတာကုိ အကန္႔အသတ္ နဲ႔ ျပန္႐ုပ္သိမ္း ဖုိ႔ ေနာ္ေ၀းအစုိးရက ဆုံးျဖတ္လုိက္ပါတယ္။ ႏုိင္ငံေရးအက်ဥ္းသား အေတာ္မ်ားမ်ားကုိ ျမန္မာအစုိးရက လႊတ္ေပးလုိက္တဲ့အေပၚ ႏုိင္ငံတကာရဲ႕ အျပဳသေဘာေဆာင္ တုံ႔ျပန္မႈေတြထဲက ေနာက္ဆုံး တစ္ခုလည္း ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ တခ်ိန္တည္းမွာပဲ ေနာက္ထပ္ အီးယူအဖြဲ႔၀င္ ႏုိင္ငံတစ္ခုျဖစ္တဲ့ ျပင္သစ္ႏုိင္ငံကလည္း ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ကုိ ျပင္သစ္ႏုိင္ငံရဲ႕ အျမင္ဆုံး ဂုဏ္ထူးေဆာင္ဆုကုိ ခ်ီးျမႇင့္လုိက္ပါတယ္။ အျပည့္စုံကုိေတာ့ ကုိေဇာ္၀င္းလႈိင္က တင္ျပထားပါတယ္။

ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံအေပၚ ခ်မွတ္ထားတဲ့ ပိတ္ဆုိ႔အေရးယူမႈတခ်ဳိ႕ကုိ အကန္႔အသတ္နဲ႔ ျပန္႐ုပ္သိမ္းဖုိ႔ အစုိးရအေနနဲ႔ ဆုံးျဖတ္လုိက္တဲ့အေၾကာင္း ေနာ္ေ၀း ႏုိင္ငံျခားေရး၀န္ႀကီးဌာနက ဇန္န၀ါရီလ ၁၄ ရက္ ေန႔စြဲနဲ႔ ေၾကညာခ်က္ ထုတ္ျပန္လုိက္တာပါ။

ဇန္န၀ါရီလ ၁၃ ရက္ေန႔က ႏုိင္ငံေရးအက်ဥ္းသား တခ်ဳိ႕ ျပန္လႊတ္ေပးလုိက္တာ အပါအ၀င္ လြန္ခဲ့တဲ ၂ လေလာက္အတြင္း ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံထဲမွာ ျဖစ္ေပၚတုိးတက္ေနတဲ့ ေျပာင္းလဲမႈတခ်ဳိ႕ေၾကာင့္ ၁၉၉၇ ခုႏွစ္ကတည္းက ခ်မွတ္ထားခဲ့တဲ့ ပိတ္ဆုိ႔မႈတခ်ဳိ႕ကုိ ႐ုပ္သိမ္းဖုိ႔ ဆုံးျဖတ္လုိက္တာ ျဖစ္တဲ့အေၾကာင္း ႏုိင္ငံျခားေရး ၀န္ႀကီးဌာန ေျပာခြင့္ရပုဂၢဳိလ္ ဖေရာ္ဒါ အန္ဒါဆန္ (Frode Andersen) က ေျပာပါတယ္။

“ေနာ္ေ၀း ကုမၸဏီေတြအေနနဲ႔ ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံနဲ႔ ကုန္သြယ္မႈေတြမလုပ္ဖုိ႔၊ ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံအတြင္း ရင္းႏွီးျမႇဳပ္ႏွံမႈေတြ မလုပ္ဖုိ႔ ကန္႔သတ္ ထားတာေတြကုိ ျပန္႐ုပ္သိမ္းဖုိ႔ ေနာ္ေ၀းအစုိးရက ဆုံးျဖတ္လုိက္ပါတယ္။ ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံနဲ႔ ကုန္သြယ္မႈေတြ ရင္းႏွီးျမႇဳပ္ႏွံမႈေတြ မလုပ္ဖုိ႔ က်ေနာ္တုိ႔ တုိက္တြန္းျခင္း မလုပ္ေတာ့ပါဘူး။ ဒါေပမဲ့ က်ေနာ္တုိ႔ႏုိင္ငံဟာ အီးယူ ဥေရာပသမဂၢ အဖြဲ႔၀င္ႏုိင္ငံ တစ္ႏုိင္ငံျဖစ္တာနဲ႔အညီ အီးယူက ခ်မွတ္ထားတဲ့ ပိတ္ဆုိ႔အေရးယူမႈေတြ ကုိေတာ့ ဆက္လက္ က်င့္သုံးသြားမွာပါ။”

အီးယူက ခ်မွတ္ထားတဲ့ ပိတ္ဆုိ႔အေရးမႈေတြကေတာ့ အရင္ စစ္အစုိးရမွာ ပါ၀င္ခဲ့တဲ့ စစ္တပ္အရာရွိေတြနဲ႔ သူတုိ႔မိသားစု၀င္ေတြ၊ သူတုိ႔နဲ႔ နီးစပ္တဲ့ အသုိင္းအ၀ုိင္းတုိ႔အေပၚ ျပည္၀င္ခြင့္ဗီဇာ ပိတ္ပင္ထားတာနဲ႔ တျခား ဘ႑ာေငြေၾကး၊ စစ္လက္နက္နည္းပညာ တင္ပုိ႔ ေရာင္းခ်မႈ၊ သစ္ေတာထြက္ပစၥည္း အမ်ဳိးမ်ဳိးနဲ႔ လူထုကုိ ဖိႏွိပ္တဲ့ေနရာမွာ အသုံးျပဳမယ့္ ပစၥည္းကိရိယာေတြ မတင္ပုိ႔ရ စတာေတြ ပါ၀င္ပါတယ္။

အခုေလ်ာ့ေပါ့ေပးလုိက္ၿပီ ဆုိေပမဲ့ အီးယူက ဆက္ၿပီး အေရးယူ ထားတာေတြနဲ႔အညီ ျဖစ္ဖုိ႔ေတာ့ လုိတယ္လုိ႔ ႏုိင္ငံျခားေရး၀န္ႀကီးဌာန ေျပာခြင့္ရပုဂၢဳိလ္က ဆက္ေျပာပါတယ္။

“ေနာ္ေ၀း ကုမၸဏီေတြအေနနဲ႔ ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံထဲမွာ တာ၀န္သိစိတ္ဓါတ္နဲ႔ လြတ္လပ္စြာ ရင္းႏွီးျမႇဳပ္ႏွံႏုိင္သလုိ လြတ္လပ္စြာ ကုန္သြယ္ခြင့္လည္း ရွိပါတယ္။ ဒါေပမဲ့ အီးယူက ခ်မွတ္ထားတဲ့ ပိတ္ဆုိ႔မႈေတြကုိေတာ့ အေလးထား လုိက္နာၾကဖုိ႔ေတာ့ လုိပါလိမ့္မယ္။”

တဘက္မွာ ေနာ္ေ၀းႏုိင္ငံက ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံအေပၚေပးေနတဲ့ လူမႈ ဖြံ႔ၿဖိဳးေရး အကူအညီေတြကုိ ဆက္လက္ ေထာက္ပံ့ေပးသြားမွာ ျဖစ္တယ္လုိ႔လည္း သူက ေျပာပါတယ္။

ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံအတြင္း ႏုိင္ငံေရးအရ ေတြ႔ဆုံ ေဆြးေႏြးမႈေတြကုိ အေထာက္အကူ ျပဳေစဖုိ႔နဲ႔ တျခား လူမႈေရးအရ အကူအညီ ေပးေနတဲ့ လုပ္ငန္းေတြ အေထာက္အကူ ျဖစ္ေစဖုိ႔အတြက္ ဥေရာပသမဂၢရဲ႕ ကုိယ္စားလွယ္႐ုံး ရန္ကုန္ၿမိဳ႕မွာ ဖြင့္မယ္လုိ႔ အီးယူ ေျပာခြင့္ရပုဂၢဳိလ္ မိုက္ကယ္မန္း (Michael Mann) က ၿပီးခဲ့တဲ့ ဇန္န၀ါရီလ ၅ ရက္ေန႔မွာ ေျပာခဲ့ၿပီး ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။

တခ်ိန္တည္းမွာပဲ အီးယူ အဖြဲ႔၀င္ႏုိင္ငံတစ္ခုျဖစ္တဲ့ ျပင္သစ္ႏုိင္ငံက ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ကုိ ျပင္ႏုိင္ငံရဲ႕ အျမင့္ဆုံး Legion of Honor ဂုဏ္ထူးေဆာင္ဆု ခ်ီးျမႇင့္ဖုိ႔ ျပင္သစ္သမၼတ နီကိုလပ္စ္ ဆာကိုဇီ (Nicolas Sarkozy) ႐ုံးက ဆုံးျဖတ္လုိက္တဲ့အေၾကာင္း ဇန္န၀ါရီလ ၁၃ ရက္ေန႔က ေၾကညာခ်က္ ထုတ္ျပန္ခဲ့ပါတယ္။

ေနအိမ္အက်ယ္ခ်ဳပ္ က်ခံေနရတဲ့ ကာလအပါအ၀င္ ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံ ဒီမုိကေရစီနဲ႔ လြတ္ေျမာက္မႈ ရရွိေရးအတြက္ သတိၱရွိရွိ ႀကိဳးစား လုပ္ေဆာင္ခဲ့တာကုိ ဂုဏ္ျပဳတဲ့အေနနဲ႔ ျပင္သစ္ႏုိင္ငံရဲ႕ အျမင့္ဆုံး ဒီဆုကုိ ေပးအပ္တဲ့အေၾကာင္း အဲဒီ ေၾကညာခ်က္မွာ ေဖာ္ျပထားပါတယ္။

ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ဟာ ျမန္မာ့ဒီမုိကေရစီအေရးကုိ ႏွစ္ေပါင္းမ်ားစြာ ကုိယ္က်ဳိးစြန္႔ လုပ္ေဆာင္ေနခဲ့သူ တစ္ဦး ျဖစ္တာေၾကာင့္ ျပင္သစ္က အခုမွ ဒီဆုေပးတာဟာ အရမ္းကုိ ေနာက္က်ေနတယ္လုိ႔ RSF နယ္စည္းမျခား သတင္းေထာက္မ်ားအဖြဲ႔က အာရွပစိဖိတ္ေဒသဆုိင္ရာ တာ၀န္ခံ ဘန္ဂ်မင္အစ္ေမးလ္ (Benjamin Ismail) က ေျပာပါတယ္။

“ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္အေနနဲ႔ ဒီမုိကေရစီအေရး တုိက္ပြဲ၀င္ေနခဲ့တာ ၾကာပါၿပီ။ ျပင္သစ္အစုိးရက အခုမွ ဒီဆုကုိ ေပးတာဟာ က်ေနာ့္ ပုဂၢဳိလ္ တစ္ဦးတည္းအေနနဲ႔ ေျပာရရင္ေတာ့ အရမ္းကုိ ေနာက္က်ေနပါၿပီဗ်ာ။”

ဒီ Legion of Honor ဆုကုိ ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံကုိ စေနေန႔က ေရာက္လာတဲ့ ျပင္သစ္ႏုိင္ငံျခားေရး၀န္ႀကီး အလန္ယူေပ (Alain Juppe) က တနဂၤေႏြေန႔ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္နဲ႔ ေတြ႔တဲ့အခါ ကုိယ္တုိင္ေပးအပ္မွာ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။

လက္ရွိ ျဖစ္ေပၚေနတဲ့ ေျပာင္းလဲမႈေတြဟာ အခ်ိန္မေရြး ေနာက္ျပန္လွည့္ သြားႏုိင္တာမုိ႔ ဆက္လက္ ေစာင့္ၾကည့္ဖုိ႔ လုိဦးမယ္လုိ႔ သူက ေျပာပါတယ္။

“ျပင္သစ္အစုိးရက အနာဂတ္မွာ ဘယ္လုိ မူ၀ါဒေတြ ခ်မွတ္ လုပ္ေဆာင္မယ္ ဆုိတာေတာ့ က်ေနာ္တုိ႔ အတိအက် မသိဘူး၊ ဒါေပမဲ့ က်ေနာ္တုိ႔ RSF အေနနဲ႔ကေတာ့ ႏုိင္ငံေရး အက်ဥ္းသားေတြ လႊတ္ေပးတာနဲ႔ တျခား ေျပာင္းလဲမႈေတြ ျဖစ္ေပၚေနတာကုိ ႀကိဳဆုိပါတယ္။ အဲဒီလုိ တုိးတက္တဲ့ ေျပာင္းလဲမႈေတြ ဆက္လုပ္ဖုိ႔အတြက္လည္း တုိက္တြန္းသြားမွာပါ။ ဒါေပမဲ့ တဘက္ကလည္း အဲဒီ ျဖစ္ေပၚ တုိးတက္မႈေတြကုိ ေစာင့္ၾကည့္သြားမွာျဖစ္ၿပီး ေနာက္ျပန္ဆုတ္သြားမယ့္ လုပ္ေဆာင္ခ်က္မ်ဳိးေတြကုိ ေ၀ဖန္ ေထာက္ျပသြားမွာ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။”

သူတုိ႔ နယ္စည္းမျခား သတင္းေထာက္မ်ားအဖြဲ႔လုိ သတင္းနဲ႔ သတင္းသမားေတြရဲ႕ လြတ္လပ္ခြင့္ကုိ ေစာင့္ၾကည့္တဲ့အဖြဲ႔ေတြကုိ တုိင္းျပည္အတြင္း လာေရာက္ ေလ့လာခြင့္ ျပဳတာဟာလည္း စစ္မွန္တဲ့ ေျပာင္းလဲမႈေတြ လုပ္ေဆာင္တယ္ ဆုိတာကုိ ျပသရာ ေရာက္တာေၾကာင့္ ျမန္မာအစုိးရကက ခြင့္ျပဳရင္ သူ႔အေနနဲ႔ ျမန္မာျပည္ကုိ ကုိယ္တုိင္ သြားေရာက္ ေလ့လာလုိေၾကာင္း ဘန္ဂ်မင္က ေျပာပါတယ္။

ကိုေဇာ္၀င္းလိႈင္ VOA

Ros-Lehtinen Urges Administration to Stop Talks with Burmese Regime; Says ‘Any Concession to Dictatorship would be Grossly Premature’

(WASHINGTON) – U.S. Rep. Ileana Ros-Lehtinen (R-FL), Chairman of the House Foreign Affairs Committee, issued the following statement on the Obama Administration’s recent overtures to Burma:

“I am distressed that the Administration is prematurely and publicly discussing any major concessions to the Burmese regime, such as nominating an Ambassador. Any concession to the dictatorship would be grossly premature. The world needs to see that the upcoming April elections are not the same kind of sham that we saw in 2010.

“While welcome and long overdue, the release of 591 prisoners of conscience from the Burmese gulag is hardly a ‘momentous step’ toward fundamental reform. The Burmese junta claims the right to round up these individuals again at any time. A former prisoner of conscience said it best, ‘[it’s a] release with a rope around my neck.’

“The Burmese regime’s ongoing military assaults, mass rapes, and atrocities against minority groups prove that it is far too early to regard it as ‘a partner and friend.’ The preliminary agreements between the junta and the Karen National Union (KNU), for example, still do not include a nationwide ceasefire, human rights guarantees, or unrestricted press access to vulnerable areas.

“I call on the Administration to immediately cease talks with the ruthless tyrants in Burma until the junta has been replaced with a duly elected, democratic government that respects human rights and civil liberties.”

source here

ယေန႔ ရန္ကုန္ျမိဳ႕သို႔ ေရာက္ရွိေနတဲ့ ျပင္သစ္ႏိုင္ငံျခားေရးဝန္ၾကီး Alian Juppe မွ ရွမ္းတိုင္းရင္းသားေခါင္းေဆာင္ ဦးခြန္ထြန္းဦး၊ ၈၈ေက်ာင္းသား ေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ားျဖစ္ၾကတဲ့ ဦးကိုကိုၾကီး၊ ဦးျမေအးတို႔အား ရန္ကုန္ျမိဳ႕ ျပင္သစ္သံရုံးမွာ ေတြ႔ဆံုေဆြးေႏြး ခဲ့ပါတယ္..

Arakan Rohingya National Organisation (ARNO) today welcomes the release of a considerable number of key political prisoners in Burma, including members of the 88 Generation Student group. ARNO further welcomes and appreciates the release of U Kyaw Min (alias) Shamsul Anwarul Haque with his wife and two daughters.

U Kyaw Min is a Rohingya who was elected as a member of the parliament in 1990 elections from Buthidaung(1) constituency. He is also a member of the Committee Representing the People’s Parliament (CRPP) led by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. 

It may be mentioned, the current ceasefire agreements between the military-backed government and major ethnic rebel groups are a positive sign towards U Thein Sein’s promised reforms. But we expect to find in the government the honesty and integrity for peaceful resolution of all conflicts and problems. Particularly, for the purpose of political and democratic reforms, we urge the civilianized military government to take the following immediate measures:

1. Release of the remaining political prisoners.

2. A nation-wide ceasefire.

3. Political dialogue with all, including the Rohingya, for political solution on the principle of ‘unity in diversity’. 

4. Repeal all repressive laws, including Burma Citizenship law of 1982. 

5. Restoration of Rohingya citizenship and ethnic rights.

6. Stop human rights violations across the country.

7. Lift all restrictions on the basic freedoms of the Rohingya, including restrictions on their freedom of movement, marriage, educations and other activities.

8. Withdraw Nasaka brute forces and all repressive functionaries from North Arakan.