With a nascent national human rights mechanism and freshly stated commitments to freedom and the rule of law, Myanmar stood poised to end its persistent patterns of rights violations and to consolidate democratic gains, said a top human rights expert at a Headquarters press conference today.

“This is a key moment in Myanmar’s history,” said Tomas Ojea Quintana, United Nations Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Mynamar, adding, that there was a real opportunity to deepen the commitment to democracy. The country had taken a number of steps towards fulfilling its stated intention to transition towards democracy, including by forming a National Human Rights Commission and releasing some of Myanmar’s long-detained “prisoners of conscience”. But it remained to be seen if Myanmar would take tangible steps to further the transition, he warned.

Mr. Quintana briefed correspondents following the presenting his annual report yesterday to the General Assembly’s Third Committee (Social, Humanitarian and Cultural), during which he had focused on developments following Myanmar’s legislative elections of 7 November 2010 and the formation of its new Government in April 2011 (see Press Release GA/SHC/4015).

Referring to his report, Mr. Quintana said the new Myanmar administration, led by President Thein Sein, had set out a number of commitments to reform — including safeguarding human rights and fundamental freedoms, respect for the rule of law and an independent judiciary, respect for the role of the media and the protection of social and economic rights, among others. It had also decided to grant release and grant amnesty to a significant number of prisoners, including an estimated 200 “prisoners of conscience”, who had widely been described as political detainees.

He said the Government’s first session had addressed a number of “important and sensitive issues” relevant to the promotion and protection of human rights. Those had included land tenure rights and land confiscation, the registration of associations and trade unions, and discrimination against ethnic minorities, including the predominantly Muslim Rohingya people. The second session, in August 2011, had set up the National Human Rights Commission and other State bodies.


However, despite those strides, the Mr. Quintana noted that certain patterns of “gross and systematic violations of human rights” still existed in Myanmar, and the Government’s expressed commitments had largely not materialized through concrete actions. In drafting his report, he had undertaken several visits to Myanmar and had met with a wide array of Government officials, representatives of ethnic political parties, civil society representatives and even prisoners themselves.

He said he had focused his efforts on four key issues: the functioning of State institutions; the situation of ethnic minorities; the overall human rights situation; and truth, justice and accountability. He had also made a series of recommendations, he said.


“I called on the new Government to intensify its efforts to implement its own human rights commitments and to fulfil its international obligations”, he said, adding that, even after the important establishment of Myanmar’s National Human Rights Commission in August, there was still no way to verify that body’s efficiency or independence. Among other challenges addressed in his report were the need to address Myanmar’s longstanding social, economic and development challenges, particularly in conflict-affected and ethnic minority-dominated border areas.

Responding to several requests for further information on his meetings with prisoners of conscience, Mr. Quintana said that he had been granted access to Insein Prison in Yangon in August 2011. He had maintained, as a precondition for the visit, the need for privacy and independence from Government officials. A United Nations interpreter had also been employed for all dialogue with prisoners. Despite the recent release of some prisoners, many — including the leaders of political movements who had been imprisoned for more than two decades — remained incarcerated. “I am pushing the Government to release all remaining political prisoners by the end of the year,” he stressed.


Given the creation of the National Human Rights Commission, another correspondent wondered if the Special Rapporteur would continue to reiterate his previous calls for a commission of inquiry into the patterns of human rights violations in Myanmar. “I keep receiving allegations that [violations] are taking place”, he confirmed, emphasizing that ensuring justice and accountability was a critical way to deter such abuses. However, his calls for a commission of inquiry had been made as just one recommendation among many possible ways for the country to achieve justice, he said; instead, the national human rights body had been created.


In that connection, he again reminded correspondents that it was too early to assess the independence or effectiveness of that mechanism. According to his report to the General Assembly, he had recommended that the Commission fully comply with the Paris Principles and be equipped with the necessary resources, capacity and technical assistance, with support from the international community and particularly the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR). He hoped to engage with the Commission and meet with its members, and to present, in his report to the Human Rights Council in March 2012, preliminary assessments as to how the new body could play a role in ensuring justice, accountability and access to truth.

Credit: UN news Center

By David I Steinberg

The Arab Spring, the several successful and still ongoing rebellions against authoritarian governments in the Middle East, have a mutual characteristic beyond that of having occurred in Arabic-speaking societies. All originated from below - from populations that have been frustrated by severe political and social constraints often compounded by clear economic injustices.

Beginning in Tunisia with the self-immolation of a street vendor, the movement spread to a half-dozen societies. Hope for real and positive changes in those countries is apparent both in the region and abroad. The power of such movements is inspiring. Perhaps, some thought, this would affect other authoritarian states outside the region and usher in a new democratic wave. Myanmar and North Korea were prominently mentioned in the media.

A distinguished American who visited Myanmar in the summer of 2011 commented that he thought the Arab Spring would also affect Myanmar. But this view neglected to consider the unique circumstances that make such a revolution from below unlikely there in the near term.

Contrary to many expectations that significant changes could not take place under a new but military-controlled government installed in 2011 in a flawed election and ominously designated by its leadership as a "disciplined-flourishing democracy", important and positive developments are occurring and more are promised.

These positive signs should in no way obscure where essential power rests: the military have built into their new constitution the elements of perpetual, but civilianized, control yet within the context of a somewhat more plural and popularly-responsive society.

Contrary to the Arab Spring, the potential changes in Myanmar are coming from the top. Belatedly, the military-in-mufti leadership seems finally to have understood that to keep essential power, they had to institute some socio-economic liberalization and even some modest degree of political pluralism.

Burma/Myanmar has tried revolts from the bottom - the tragic people's revolution of 1988 that failed against a single-party socialist military-dominated government only to have it replaced by a coup of other military personnel. The incipient 2007 "Saffron" revolution of Buddhist monks, widespread and important demonstrations but not a revolution, was also brutally suppressed when it became overtly political.

The history of modern East Asia demonstrates that the democracies that exist in that region were largely instigated from the bottom. "People Power" in the Philippines in 1986 that overthrew dictator Ferdinand Marcos; the popular, peaceful uprising in South Korea in 1987 that eliminated Chun Doo-hwan's authoritarian rule; demonstrations against the military in Thailand on numerous occasions; and the fall of Suharto in Indonesia in 1998 all started at the bottom of the power structure.

Only in Taiwan did president Chiang Ching-kuo, to preserve his regime, recognize that change was necessary and due, and institute reforms from the top of the political hierarchy.

The potential reforms in Myanmar are as widespread as they were unexpected. From accounts inside that state, the people generally seem to be prepared to await the possibility of political and economic evolution of their past sorry state. Economic reforms are planned. Widespread poverty is admitted officially for the first time in a half-century. Corruption is recognized as a problem.

Human rights are discussed. Minorities are given a bit more say in their affairs. Censorship has been eased, and labor unions are to be allowed. A major, and hated, Chinese dam project was stopped by the president because of public sentiment. Many political prisoners - whose existence has been denied for so long - have been released, and even Myanmar dissidents abroad have been invited back, with a few tentatively starting to return.

These planned changes are fragile, for they cut into the vested interests of many, including high-level military officials and their civilian colleagues, who prefer the old ways. So we cannot but remain concerned for the diverse peoples of Myanmar. Inside that country, the new administration has a short but indeterminate period in which it must deliver on many of these proposed reforms.

The people must feel there is a future for them that is not only though military-controlled channels. That period is not indefinite, however. Even if the reforms are implemented and life begins to improve, the ultimate power will still rest for some indefinite future with the military. It is only when diverse, alternative channels of mobility and access to better living conditions occur that the military may relax its ultimate control and modify its constitutional powers. But other states have demonstrated that life can improve under less than pristine democratic conditions. Perhaps that is a realizable goal for Myanmar in the near future.

Without illusion and hyperbole, therefore, the outside world should encourage such changes. The alternative in Myanmar of the traumas and deaths in a Syria or Yemen-like environment should be avoided. Although they had long planned for a civilianized state, perhaps the Myanmar military understood the lessons from the Middle East: if the leadership refuses to reform, society may force change. It may not be the revolution that some have desired, but it does bring the possibility of positive change in Myanmar.

David I Steinberg is Distinguished Professor of Asian Studies, School of Foreign Service, Georgetown University. His latest book is Burma/Myanmar: What Everyone Needs to Know (Oxford). 

WE, the undersigned, who work closely with refugees and asylum-seekers from Myanmar living in Malaysia, express our deep concern over two recent immigration-related developments that jeopardise the security of refugees and asylum-seekers in Malaysia.

Firstly, whilst we laud the government for considering the issue of over-crowding at detention centres, the detainee swap initiative between the Malaysian and Myanmar governments is not the appropriate solution. In fact, it could potentially put the lives of refugees and asylum-seekers at risk.

Ethnic and religious minorities in Myanmar have over the past 20 years been fleeing oppressive conditions of forced labour, confiscation of lands/homes, systematic rape, torture and other forms of religious and ethnic persecution, which has led to the exodus of hundreds of thousands of people. The majority of Myanmar nationals in Malaysia are persons fleeing such persecution.

Under the Malaysian Immigration Act 1959/1963, refugees and asylum-seekers too are detained in immigration detention centres. Unlike migrants, refugees and asylum-seekers have a well-founded fear of persecution in their homeland; hence they flee their country of origin “and cannot return home”. The principle of non-refoulement in Article 33 (1) of the 1951 Refugee Convention states that: “No contracting state shall expel or return a refugee in any manner whatsoever to the frontiers of territories where his life or freedom would be threatened on account of his race, religion, nationality, membership of a particular social group or political opinion.” The deportation arising from the swap with Burma of immigration detainees contravenes this principle because of the presence of detainees in detention centres who are potentially refugees and asylum-seekers.

Secondly, during the 6P registration programme, it was highlighted that some refugee applicants received a “Slip Pendaftaran Pati” which contained a line that said “Tujuan: Pulang ke Negara Asal” (Intention: Return to Home Country). This is despite the fact that they are refugees recognised by the UNHCR. We call on the government to immediately rectify this error to prevent refugees from being refouled; and to recognise that any registration of refugees must be done in full collaboration with the UNHCR, within a framework that will recognise and protect their rights.

We therefore call on the government to:

-- Work in close collaboration with the UNHCR to ascertain and immediately release individuals who are refugees and especially asylum-seekers who have yet to lodge an asylum claim with the UNHCR;

-- Provide lawyers and NGOs access to detention centres to represent detainees who seek to lodge an asylum claim.

Christian Solidarity Worldwide (CSW) today called on the international community to maintain pressure on the regime in Burma to implement significant and substantial change, release all political prisoners, stop war crimes and crimes against humanity and end impunity.

CSW also urges the United Nations to adopt measures to address violations of international law and ensure justice and accountability in the forthcoming General Assembly resolution on Burma. In his report to the UN General Assembly, released last week, the Special Rapporteur on Human Rights in Burma, Tomas Ojea Quintana, reiterated his call for a commission of inquiry into violations of international human rights and humanitarian law. An investigation, he argues, “is not only an obligation but would deter future violations and provide avenues of redress for victims.”

Since President Thein Sein took office on 30 March, at least 30 cases of rape and sexual violence perpetrated by Burma Army soldiers have been reported, and the International Labour Organisation has received over 400 complaints of the forced recruitment of child soldiers. The regime has launched a new offensive against the Kachin ethnic people, breaking a 17-year ceasefire, while continuing attacks on civilians in other parts of the country, including Karen and Shan states, and severe violations of human rights in Chin, Arakan and Mon states. At least 35 civilians have been killed in ethnic states, and the widespread and systematic use of forced labour, forced displacement, religious persecution and torture continues.

On 12 October 6,359 prisoners were released, of whom only 220 were political prisoners. Almost 2,000 political prisoners remain in prison. CSW urges the Burmese regime to recognise the existence of political prisoners, erase the criminal records of activists wrongly charged under criminal law, and announce an unconditional general amnesty for all political prisoners. In particular, CSW reiterates its call for the release of 88 General leaders Min Ko Naing, Ko Ko Gyi, Ko Mya Aye, Shan National League for Democracy (SNLD) leader Khun Htun Oo, and U Gambira, a Buddhist monk who helped lead the 2007 pro-democracy demonstrations. CSW also urges the regime to relocate prisoners currently in remote jails to prisons closer to their families prior to their release, so that they can be reunited with their families more easily and quickly.

The International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) should be provided unrestricted access to prisons to assess the conditions, meet prisoners and provide assistance. The regime should also open unhindered access for humanitarian organisations to all parts of the country.

CSW’s East Asia Team Leader Benedict Rogers said, “President Thein Sein has made a few encouraging gestures, taken a few symbolic steps and adopted some reformist rhetoric. Such steps, such as meeting Aung San Suu Kyi, suspending the construction of the Myitsone dam and releasing 220 political prisoners, are in themselves welcome and should be encouraged, but they fall well short of amounting to meaningful change. President Thein Sein now needs to match his rhetoric and gestures with significant and substantive action. If real change is to occur in Burma, the regime must release all political prisoners, stop violations of international law, declare a nationwide ceasefire and enter into a meaningful dialogue with the ethnic nationalities and the democracy movement led by Aung San Suu Kyi towards national reconciliation. Until these steps occur, the international community must maintain pressure, and consider measures in the General Assembly resolution on Burma for addressing violations of international law, ensuring justice and accountability, and ending impunity.”

1. In his report to the General Assembly, available here: http://www.un.org/ga/search/view_doc.asp?symbol=A/66/365, the UN Special Rapporteur expressed concern that “a pattern of gross and systematic violations of human rights has existed for many years and continues today, although a new political system is being established.” He emphasised that “justice and accountability measures, as well as measures to ensure access to the truth, are essential”. While responsibility for ending impunity lies primarily with the new regime in Burma, if it fails to investigate crimes, the international community has a responsibility to act. He reiterated his recommendation for the establishment of a UN commission of inquiry “into gross and systematic human rights violations that could amount to crimes against humanity and/or war crimes.”

2. The 88 Generation Students Group includes student leaders who took part in Burma’s pro-democracy protests in 1988.  Those from the Group who are currently detained in Burma have some of the longest prison sentences of all Burmese political prisoners.

Credit :CSW

by The Voice Weekly 

ဘဂၤလား ပင္လယ္ေအာ္တြင္ ၂၀၁၁ ခုႏွစ္အတြင္း ဒုတိယအႀကိမ္ေျမာက္ ျဖစ္ေပၚခဲ့သည့့္ 02B ဟု အမည္ေပးထားေသာ မုန္တိုင္းငယ္သည္ ေအာက္တိုဘာလ ၁၉ ရက္ေန႕ ညေနက စစ္ေတြၿမိဳ႕သို႔ ျဖတ္သန္းသြားၿပီး မုန္တိုင္းေၾကာင့္ ရခိုင္ျပည္နယ္ ၿမိဳ႕ေတာ္ စစ္ေတြတြင္ အိမ္ေျခ အနည္းဆုံး ၄၀ ခန္႕ ပ်က္စီးသြားခဲ့ေၾကာင္း စစ္ေတြၿမိဳ႕ ေမာလိပ္ရပ္ကြက္ တြင္ ေနထိုင္သူ ဦးခင္ေမာင္သိန္းက The Voice Weekly သို႕ေျပာၾကားသည္။

အဆိုပါ မုန္တိုင္းသည္ ေအာက္တိုဘာလ ၁၉ ရက္ေန႕ ညေနပိုင္း (၄) နာရီခြဲ အခ်ိန္ခန္႕ကစၿပီး ဘဂၤလားေဒ့ရွ္ႏိုင္ငံ ေကာ့ဗဇားၿမိဳ႕ႏွင့္ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံ ေမာင္ေတာၿမိဳ႕တို႕၏ ႀကားမွ ကုန္းတြင္းပိုင္းသုိ႔ စတင္ ဝင္ေရာက္ခဲ့ျခင္း ျဖစ္ျပီး ညေန (၆) နာရီခြဲ အခ်ိန္တြင္ ကုန္းတြင္းပိုင္းသို႔ လံုးဝဝင္ေရာက္ သြားခဲ့ၿပီျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း မိုးေလဝသႏွင့္ ဇလေဗဒပညာရွင္ ဦးထြန္းလြင္ ၏ Website မွတစ္ဆင့္ သိရွိရသည္။

" ရာသီဥတုကေတာ့ အံု႕မိႈင္းေနေသးတယ္၊ တစ္ၿမိဳ႕လုံး ေရ ၂ ေပေလာက္ တတ္တယ္၊ အခုေတာ့ ျပန္က်သြားၿပီ၊ အိမ္ သံုးေလးဆယ္ေလာက္ ေခါင္မိုးေတြ ကြၽတ္ကုန္တယ္ " ဟု ေမာလိပ္ရပ္ကြက္တြင္ ေနထိုင္သူ တစ္ဦးက စစ္ေတြၿမိဳ႕၏ မုန္တိုင္းလြန္ အေျခအေနႏွင့္ ပတ္သက္၍ ရွင္းျပခဲ့သည္။

စစ္ေတြၿမိဳ႕ အျခားေနရာမ်ားတြင္ ေနထိုင္သူမ်ားကမူ စစ္ေတြတြင္ မုန္တိုင္းေၾကာင့္ ထိခိုက္မႈ ဆိုးဆိုးရြားရြား မရွိဟု ေျပာဆိုၾကသည္။ သို႕ရာတြင္ မုန္တိုင္းေၾကာင့္ ေနာက္ဆုံး ထိခိုက္ပ်က္စီးမႈ အေျခအေနမ်ားႏွင့္ ပတ္သက္၍ The Voice Weekly က ဆက္လက္ စံုစမ္းလွ်က္ ရွိသည္။

ေအာက္တိုဘာ ၁၈ ရက္ေန႕က ဘဂၤလား ပင္လယ္ေအာ္တြင္ ျဖစ္ေပၚလ်က္ ရွိေနေသာ မုန္တိုင္းငယ္မွာ တျဖည္းျဖည္း အားေကာင္းလာေနၿပီး လာမည့္ ၄၈ နာရီအတြင္း ရခိုင္ျပည္ ေျမာက္ပိုင္းစြန္း ကမ္းရိုးတန္းသို႔ ဝင္ေရာက္ လာႏိုင္ဖြယ္ ရွိေနေၾကာင္းႏွင့္ စစ္ေတြ၊ ပုဏၰားကၽြန္း၊ ၊ဘူးသီးေတာင္၊ ေမာင္ေတာၿမိဳ႕နယ္တိုတြင္ သက္ဆိုင္ရာၿမိဳ႕နယ္ အာဏာပိုင္မ်ားမွ ပင္လယ္ျပင္ ငါးဖမ္းသမားမ်ားႏွင့္ ခရီးသြားျပည္သူမ်ားကို ညအိပ္မသြားရန္ႏွင့္ မုန္တိုင္း အႏၱရာယ္ ႀကိဳတင္ ကာကြယ္ ထားၾကရန္ သတိေပး ႏႈိးေဆာ္ေနသည္ဟု ေမာင္ေတာၿမိဳ႕ခံ တစ္ဦးက ရွင္းျပသည္။

" အပ်က္အစီး အေသအေပ်ာက္ မၾကားမိပါဘူး၊ မေန႔ကေတာ့ မိုးအရမ္းရြာတယ္၊ အခု မိုးရိပ္ေတြ ရွိေသးတယ္ " ဟု ဘူးသီးေတာင္ၿမိဳ႕ သေဘၤာဆိပ္အနီးတြင္ ေနထိုင္သူ အမ်ိဳးသမီး တစ္ဦးက The Voice Weekly သို႕ မုန္တိုင္းအလြန္ အေျခအေနႏွင့္ ပတ္သက္၍ တယ္လီဖုန္းမွတဆင့္ ရွင္းျပခဲ့သည္။

၂၀၀၆ ခုႏွစ္မွ စတင္၍ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံသုိ႕ မုန္တိုင္းမ်ား ႏွစ္စဥ္ ဝင္ေရာက္ခဲ့ရာ (၆) ႏွစ္ေျမာက္ မုန္တိုင္းအျဖစ္ မွတ္တမ္းဝင္ ခဲ့သည့္ 02B မုန္တိုင္းသည္ ယမန္ေန႕ ညေနပိုင္းက အညိဳေရာင္အဆင့္ မိုင္ ၇၀ ခန္႔ တိုက္ႏိုင္သည့္အဆင့္ မုန္တိုင္း ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း ေအာက္တိုဘာလ ၁၉ ရက္ေန႔က ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံ မိုးေလဝသႏွင့္ ဇလေဗဒ ညြန္ၾကားမႈ ဦးစီးဌာနက သတင္း ထုတ္ျပန္ထားသည္။

Credit : The Voice Weekly 

မရမ္းကုန္းၿမိဳ႕နယ္ သမုိင္းဘူတာရုံလမ္း ၿမိဳ႕မပရိယတၱိ စာသင္တိုက္တြင္ ယေန႔နံနက္ က်င္းပျပဳလုပ္သည့္ ေမြးေန႔ပြဲကုိ ျမန္မာ့ဒီမုိကေရစီ ေခါင္းေဆာင္ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္လည္း တက္ေရာက္ခဲ့ၿပီး လူရႊင္ေတာ္ ကုိဇာဂနာက ကုိမင္းကုိႏုိင္ စပ္ဆုိေရးသားသည့္ ကဗ်ာတပုဒ္ကုိ ရြတ္ဆုိကာ သီခ်င္းသံၿပိဳင္ပိုဒ္ကို သီဆိုခဲ့ေၾကာင္း တက္ေရာက္ခဲ့သည့္ NLD အဖြဲ႔၀င္ တဦးကေျပာသည္။

“သမၼတႀကီး ခင္ဗ်ား ကုိမင္းကုိႏုိင္ကုိ ေမြးေန႔လက္ေဆာင္ ေပးတဲ့အေနနဲ႔ ဒီေန႔ပဲ လႊတ္ေပးလုိက္ပါ ခင္ဗ်ားလုိ႔ ေတာင္းလုိက္တယ္” ဟု ၎ကဆုိသည္။

အဆုိပါေမြးေန႔ကုိ အမ်ိဳးသားဒီမုိကေရစီ အဖြဲ႔ခ်ဳပ္ (NLD) ေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ားျဖစ္သည့္ သူရဦးတင္ဦး၊ ဦး၀င္းတင္၊ ၀ါရင့္ ႏုိင္ငံေရးသမားႀကီးမ်ား၊ ျပည္သူ႔လႊတ္ေတာ္ ကုိယ္စားျပဳ ေကာ္မတီ (CRPP) အဖြဲ႔၀င္မ်ား၊ ဒီမုိကရက္တစ္ပါတီ (ျမန္မာ) မွ ေဒၚခ်ိဳခ်ိဳေက်ာ္ၿငိမ္း၊ ေဒၚေနရီဗေဆြတုိ႔ အျပင္ အႏုပညာရွင္မ်ားျဖစ္သည့္ ကုိဇာဂနာ၊ ကုိရဲလြင္၊ ကိုေနဝင္း၊ ေဇယ်ာေသာ္၊ ေဆာင္းဦးလႈိင္တုိ႔ တက္ေရာက္ေၾကာင္း သိရသည္။

ျမန္မာ့ဒီမုိကေရစီ ေခါင္းေဆာင္ ေဒၚေအင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္က အက်ဥ္းခ်မထားသင့္သူမ်ားကုိ အက်ဥ္းခ်ထားျခင္းသည္ မလုပ္သင့္ေသာ လုပ္ရပ္ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း၊ လူတုိင္း၏ လြတ္လပ္ခြင့္ႏွင့္ ထူေထာင္ခြင့္အတြက္ ဒီမုိကေရစီ လႈပ္ရွားမႈအတြင္းသုိ႔႔ ၀င္ေရာက္လာသူမ်ားျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း ေျပာဆုိသည္။

credit : downmanhon

Credit: ေစာဇင္ညီ(ျမစ္မခ)

Date: 18/10/2011

Release Ko Min Ko Naing and All Political Prisoners

Today is the 49th birthday anniversary of the 88 Generation Student leader Min Ko Naing aka Paw Oo Tun, who is the former chairman of the All Burma Federation of Student Unions (ABFSU). On this occasion, the Burmese Rohingya Organisation UK (BROUK) has jointly celebrated his birthday in honour of his great sacrifice and dedication at the service of the people of Burma. Meanwhile, we are at great grief that he is still in prison.

Ko Min Ko Naing was arrested in 1989 for participating in the student-led uprising. He was sentenced to 16 years in prison. He released in 2004 November and rearrested again in August 2007, with 13 other leaders of the 88 Generation Students for organizing peaceful demonstrations. In November 2008, he was sentenced to 65 years imprisonment,along with 22 others for their role in the August 2007 demonstrations. In 2008, he was transferred to Kengtung Prison in Shan State, where isolated, bleak cells were constructed in mid-2000 for solitary confinement.

Recently Thein Sein government released 6,359 prisoners on 12 October and but there were only 220 political prisoners. Almost 2,000 political prisoners still remain in prison. Many have been tortured, denied proper access to medical care, kept in squalid cell or removed to remote prisons making it difficult for families to visit. If Thein Sein Regime wants genuine reform it should release all political prisoners and 88 Generation Student leaders, including Ko Min Ko Naing, Ko Ko Gyi, Ko Mya Aye. It is equally important that Reverent U Gambira ,U Kyaw Min (Rohingya MP for NDPHR and member of Committee Representing People’s Parliament) and family members, U Khun Htun Oo (Shan National League for Democracy) and the rest of political prisoners must be released. 

We call on Thein Sein Regime to release Ko Min Ko Naing and all political prisoners forthwith. We also urge upon international community to continue pressure on the Burmese regime for their release and to start genuine tripartite dialogue between NLD, ethnic representatives and the regime.

Maung Tun Khin

President

BURMESE ROHINGYA ORGANISATION UK (BROUK)

10 Station Road, Walthamstow, London E17 8AA

By Sai Thein Win

There have been a number of analyses of potential nuclear and ballistic missile programs inBurmain the last year. Many of those reports depend on interviews with me. I am Sai Thein Win, a deserter, a liar and a criminal, according to the Burmese government. Now is the time to dispel these myths and throw light on the real threats posed byBurma’s lofty military ambitions.

My country is already renowned for its arbitrary laws and absence of justice. I decided to speak out its weapons’ programmes not because I think they are a threat to world peace, but because they have dragged millions into poverty. Not only do they waste the country’s money, but they exploit us as pawns.

Burma has suffered under a dictatorship for nearly half a century and every societal rung has been systematically ruined. The country’s power structure has shifted from one council to another, but the way they treat us remains the same. Modern Burmese governments are little different from the barbarian kings that ruled centuries ago – they do not know why people should respect each other, and they have not learned that bullets cannot destroy the idea of revolution. That is why the guns they aim at their own people “to maintain the peace” and the “super weapons” they use to keep the neighbours at bay have become their new tools.

Since crushing the uprising in 1988, the Burmese government has been steadily expanding its army. The organisation responsible for producing arms and ammunition is the Directorate of Defense Industries (DDI), which in recent years has been ordered by the junta to build more factories. Being goaded beyond its capacity, the defense industries began suffering from a shortage of employees – they could buy a new plant because getting money from the government was easy, but recruiting and training new and qualified workers takes time. No graduates from the Rangoon Institute of Technology (RIT) were willing to join the army because of low salaries and discrimination, so the government decided to found the Defense Services Technological Academy (DSTA) to breed engineers on their own farms. I became one of the victims, a victim of circumstance.

In 1999, I received a degree in defence industrial engineering from DSTA and right after my training I was assigned as an assistant workshop manager in Defence Industry (DI) Plant No. 3, an explosives and medium calibre ammunition plant. I stayed until 2001. The Burmese newspapers might say that I merely had one year experience in the defence industries, and it is insufficient for me to comment on their capabilities, but one year there was enough time for me to understand the wider picture, and realise how incapable the country’s military is.

Take an order that came through in 2001, before I was sent for training with the Chinese weapons’ company, NORINCO, for example: we were told to make 800 anti-tank rockets immediately, because the intelligence said that the Thai army had just bought 800 tanks from China. That was our response. We felt lucky that the Thais did not send their tanks to us then, given that the rockets we made were crooked at every screw joint and we could not even put them into the guns. The ammunition that we produced is still lying in the ordnance depots. Because of the high temperatures in Burma, the impurities of the explosive can melt and leak out through the loose screw joints. A spark could destroy the whole depot. Our fellows are naively sitting on very sensitive fireworks. The Burmese generals are misers in such cases and neglect to destroy the expired munitions. Compared to those materials, lives of their comrades are absolutely worthless.

Some foreign countries also sent us their old munitions for demolition, for which we got paid. As far as I remember our factory got a contract to destroy 84mm Carl Gustav recoilless rifle rounds fromSingapore. After carrying out firing tests, our chief engineer decided to keep those rounds instead of demolishing them because they were still better than the rockets we had in our stores. Our generals always say that building up military power is the only way to gain respect from other nations and so they keep spending a large portion of the country’s income wantonly. But we still have to collect the rubbish from the others’ backyard like because it is better than domestic production.

The worst plan was proposed by the head of the Ministry of Science and Technology (MOST), U Thaung. He and Vice Senior General Maung Aye gave a speech to us at the National Defence College in Rangoon in 2001 saying that we need advanced technology to upgrade our arms to protect the nation. They gave the example of North Korea– with the potential threat of nuclear weapons, no outsiders dare to meddle in North Korea’s domestic affairs. For this same reason Burma would send several thousand young officers and engineers to Moscow to study nuclear science and missile technology. I did not take their ambitions seriously until I saw the workshops that MOST built. Fortunately they are just another failure in the junta’s erratic military adventures, and any manager who had been in real industry could see this at a glance. I have gone into more detail on this here.

I have exposed the military projects of our government, not because they threaten the world but because this is the main reason why our people are facing starvation. Half of our GDP is being used for military projects. Looking at the defence industries, it is certain that they are more competently run than the technological workshops of MOST, but they are not successful either. An assault rifle which can be bought easily from any neighbouring country likeSingaporeis at least five times cheaper than our own product.

Even though the defence industries are over-using manpower and are running three shifts per day, their productivity is going down each year, and the quality of products is unreliable. In 2000, South Africa approached Burma to buy 60mm and 81mm calibre mortars and so we sent some sample guns to them before signing the contract. Our guns were sent back because the barrels were a few centimetres longer than we described in the specification sheet. The worst thing was the South Africans discovered our guns had no firing pins because the plant responsible forgot to install them. Incomplete explosion or internal exploding of shells in the testing ground was also normal to us. Producing arms and ammunitions could make some countries rich but not for Burma, and not with this system.

Propagandists in the government say I should be loyal to the state even for a mouthful of rice that I had been fed. I feel no guilt for revealing the secrets of the military programmes because I am a soldier who swore an oath of allegiance to the national flag, but not a slave who swears to the longyi of Senior General Than Shwe, whom we feel is still pulling the strings. Our salary was not paid by the military, but by the people, and my decision to go public is the only way I can fulfil the duty that I owe to them. They deserve to know how, where and for what their money has been used. I received an expensive technical education, first in Burma and then five years in Moscow at a prestigious engineering university, the Baumann Institute. When I returned toBurmaand to a project to make intermediate-range ballistic missiles, this education was squandered. Fortunately this project was a failure, but it symbolises the waste of human resources in Burma. For me to use my skills, I had to leave, and many others are doing the same.

Our country is rich in natural resources but they are sold off and the profits go to a few. The generals themselves live as parasites in the army and make it weak. They refuse to respect us. Governments like China who feed off the looting of our country are our real enemies, because they do this in the knowledge that these resources have been stolen from an already malnourished population. All we need is transparency, accountability and responsibility, and we can stop our government and those who help it. And without spending our resources on wasteful and unnecessary projects, we could rebuild our country as a respected nation. The army will be strong only when all of the population is strong.

Credit : DVB News

အခ်ိန္က ၁၉၈၀- ေနရာ- အင္းစိန္ေထာင္။

ထြန္းေအာင္ေက်ာ္တေယာက္ ေနမေကာင္းသျဖင့္ ေဆး႐ုံတက္ေနရေသာ ငယ္သူငယ္ခ်င္း ရဲျမင့္သိန္း႐ွိရာ ေထာင္ေဆး႐ုံသို႔ ထြက္လာခဲ့သည္။ အခ်ိန္က ေန႔လည္ခန္႔ေတာ့ ႐ွိေပလိမ့္မည္။

ရဲျမင့္သိန္းကို ကုတင္ေပၚတြင္ ပက္လက္ေတြ႕လိုက္ရသည္။ “သူငယ္ခ်င္း စိတ္မေလ်ာ့နဲ႔၊ ငါတို႔ ငါးႏွစ္ျပည့္ရင္ လႊတ္မယ္လို႔ ငါေျပာထားတယ္ မဟုတ္လား၊ ငါးႏွစ္ျပည့္ခါနီးၿပီ” ဟု အားေပးေတာ့ ရဲျမင့္က ၿပဳံးၿပီး “မင္း ဒီလိုဘဲ ေျပာေနတာဘဲ လြတ္မယ္မထင္ပါဘူးကြာ” လို႔ အားေလ်ာ့သံနဲ႔ ေျပာသည္။

“ေအးပါကြာ စိတ္မေလ်ာ့ပါနဲ႔ လြတ္မွာပါ၊ တကယ္ပါကြ၊ ယုံလိုက္စမ္းပါ” ဟု သူငယ္ခ်င္းကို အားေပးမိသည္။ ထို႔ေနာက္ အခန္းထဲမွ ထြက္လာၿပီး ေဆး႐ုံဝင္း ထြက္ေပါက္သို႔ လွမ္းလာခဲ့သည္။ ရင္ထဲတြင္ သူငယ္ခ်င္းအတြက္ စိတ္မေကာင္း၊ မေသႏိုင္ပါဘူးဟု အားေပးမိသည္။

“ကိုထြန္းေအာင္ေက်ာ္! ကိုထြန္းေအာင္ေက်ာ္! ေဆးမွဴးကိုဘသန္းက လွမ္းေခၚသည္။ လွည့္ၾကည့္လိုက္ေတာ့ သူ႔ေဆးခန္း ျပဴတင္းေပါက္မွ လက္ယပ္ေခၚေနသည္။” “ျမန္ျမန္မာလာဗ်ဳိ႕ ခင္ဗ်ားတို႔အတြက္ သတင္းပါတယ္” ဟု ေအာ္ေျပာသျဖင့္ ေျပးသြားမိသည္။

“နားေထာင္ နားေထာင္” ဟု ကိုဘသန္းက ေျပာသည္။ သူ႔မ်က္ႏွာတြင္ ဝမ္းသာေနသည့္ အသြင္ကို ေဆာင္ေနသည္။ ထြန္းေအာင္ေက်ာ္ ေရဒီယိုမွ ေျပာသံကို နားစိုက္ေထာင္လိုက္သည္။ “ႏိုင္ငံေတာ္ အစိုးရမွ ယေန႔မွ စ၍ ႏိုင္ငံေရးအက်ဥ္းသားမ်ားကို လြတ္ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းသာခြင့္ ေပးလိုက္သည္။ ထုတ္ျပန္ခ်က္ ၂/ ၈၀ အရ ႏိုင္ငံေရးအက်ဥ္းသားမ်ားကို လြတ္ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းသာခြင့္ ျပဳလိုက္ၿပီး ရာဇဝတ္အက်ဥ္းသားမ်ားကို ၃ ပုံ ၂ ပုံ ေလ်ာ့ရက္ေပးလိုက္သည္” ဆိုသည့္ အသံသည္ ထြန္းေအာင္ေက်ာ္ နားတြင္းသုိ႔ သကာရည္အလား ခ်ဳိျမစြာ စီးဆင္းလို႔ သြားသည္။ ကုိဘသန္းကို ေက်းဇူးတင္စကား ကမန္းကတန္းေျပာၿပီး ရဲျမင့္႐ွိရာ လူနာေဆာင္သုိ႔ ဒုန္းစိုင္းေျပးလာခဲ့သည္၊ ေပ်ာ္လိုက္သည့္ ျဖစ္ျခင္း။ “ငါတို႔ လြတ္ၿပီကြ၊ ငါတို႔လြတ္ၿပီ” ဟု ရင္တြင္းမွ လႈိက္လွဲစြာ ျမည္ဟိန္းေနခဲ့သည္။ ရဲျမင့္ကုတင္ေ႐ွ႕ေရာက္ေတာ့

“ေဟ့ေကာင္ ကုလားမ ငါတုိ႔ လြတ္ၿပီကြ၊ ငါမေျပာလား၊ ငါတို႔ ငါးႏွစ္ မေနရပါဘူးလို႔” ဟု ဝမ္းသာအားရ ေျပာမိသည္။ ရဲျမင့္က မခ်ဳိမခ်ဥ္ ၿပဳံးၿပီး “ငါေတာ့ မေပ်ာ္ဘူးကြာ” ဟု ဆိုသည္။ “ဘာလို႔တုန္းကြ” ဟု ေမးေတာ့ “ငါအသဲေရာင္ေနေတာ့ လြတ္ရင္ အရက္ေသာက္လို႔ ရမွာ မဟုတ္ဘူး” ဟု ညဥ္းျပသည္။

“ေခြးမသား အေရးထဲ အရက္မေသာက္ရမွာ စိတ္ညစ္ေနရေသးတယ္” ေျပာေျပာဆိုဆို သူငယ္ခ်င္းႏွစ္ေယာက္ ေပ်ာ္ျမဴးေနၾကသည္။ ထိုေနာက္ ရဲျမင့္ကို ထားခဲ့ၿပီး (၃) ေဆာင္သုိ႔ ျပန္ေျပးသည္။ ဟိုေရာက္ေတာ့ ရဲေဘာ္ေတြအားလုံးကို ၾကားခဲ့သည္ကို ေအာ္ဟစ္ေျပာဆိုရင္း အားလုံး တဝုန္းဝုန္းႏွင့္ ျဖစ္ကုန္ၾကသည္။ ေပ်ာ္လိုက္သည့္ျဖစ္ျခင္း။ ကသူက ကသည္၊ ဂြ်မ္းထိုးသူက ထိုးသည္။ အေပ်ာ္ဆုံးေန႔ဆိုသည္က ဒီလိုေန႔ပါဘဲဟု ဆိုရမလိုပင္ ျဖစ္သည္။

႐ွင္လိင္ျပန္ေသာေန႔၊ အိမ္ေထာင္က်ေသာေန႔၊ ေထာင္မွလြတ္ေသာေန႔ဆိုသည့္ ေန႔သုံးေန႔သည္ အေပ်ာ္ဆုံးေန႔မ်ား ျဖစ္သည္ဟု ဆိုၾကသည္။ ယေန႔ ျမန္မာျပည္တြင္ ကိုရင္မ်ား ႐ွင္လိင္ျပန္ေသာေန႔သည္ အေပ်ာ္ဆုံးေန႔အျဖစ္ မသတ္မွတ္ႏိုင္ေတာ့ေခ်။ အဘယ္ေၾကာင့္ဆိုေသာ္ ယေန႔ေခတ္ ကိုရင္ဝတ္ျခင္းသည္ ဟိုေ႐ွးယခင္က ကိုရင္ဝတ္ပုံ အကြာျခားႀကီးကြာျခားလို႔ ေနခဲ့ၿပီျဖစ္သည္။

ေ႐ွးေခတ္က ကိုရင္ဝတ္လ်င္ မိဘက ဥပဇၨာယ္ဆရာေတာ္ထံ အပ္ရသည္၊ ဆရာေတာ္က “ဒီကိုရင္ဟာ သာသနာပိုင္သြားၿပီ မင္းတို႔ႏွင့္ မဆိုင္ေတာ့” ဟု ေျပာလႊတ္လိုက္သည္။ မိဘကလည္း ဆရာေတာ့္ကို အၿပီးအပ္ၿပီး ဆရာေတာ္ သေဘာဟု လက္ခံရသည္။ လက္မခံေသာ မိဘ၏ သားသမီးကို ဆရာေတာ္က ကိုရင္စည္းမေပး။ ထို႔ေၾကာင့္ ထိုေခတ္က ကိုရင္ဘဝေရာက္သည္ႏွင့္ မိဘက လာေရာက္လွဴဒါန္းကူညီျခင္းမွ အပ အစစအရာရာ ဆရာေတာ္ကသာ ကိုရင္မ်ားကိုပုိင္သည္။ ကိုရင္ေတြ သာသနာမွာ မေပ်ာ္ပိုက္ဘဲ မိဘထံ ဘယ္ေလာက္ျပန္ခ်င္ျပန္ခ်င္ ဆရာေတာ္က ဟင့္အင္းဆုိလွ်င္ မျပန္ႏိုင္ၾက၊ ႀကိတ္ငိုသူငို၊ မိဘမ်ားကို ႀကိတ္ၿပီး ဆရာေတာ္ကို ေလွ်ာက္ေပးပါဟု ပူဆာသူက ပူဆာ။ ဆရာေတာ္က ခြင့္မျပဳလွ်င္ မိဘလည္း မတတ္ႏိုင္ၾက။

ဆရာေတာ္က ေအး မင္းတို႔ သၿဂိဳဟ္၊ ပရိတ္ႀကီး၊ ကိန္းဂဏန္း ဒူးဂဏန္း အကုန္ရေအာင္က်က္၊ ရတဲ့ ကိုရင္ကို ျပန္ခြင့္ျပဳမယ္ဆိုလွ်င္ ကိုရင္ႀကီးငယ္မဟူ ဖင္ဗူးေတာင္းေထာင္၍ သၿဂိဳဟ္ ၉ ပိုင္း၊ ပရိတ္ႀကီး ၁၁ သုတ္၊ ပ႒ာန္း အက်ဥ္းအက်ယ္၊ ေမတၱာပို႔စသည္တုိ႔ကို သူ႔အ႐ြယ္အလိုက္ ဆရာေတာ္က ခ်ေပးသမွ်ကို က်က္ၾကရသည္။ ထိုအထဲတြင္ ဆရာေတာ္က ေၾကနပ္သည့္ အဆင့္ေရာက္လာေသာ ကိုရင္ကို လူထြက္ခ်င္ပါက ထြက္ခြင့္ျပဳသည္။ လူထြက္ခြင့္ရေသာ ကိုရင္သည္ ဂြ်မ္းသုံးေလးျပန္ ထိုးသည့္ အထိ အလြန္ေပ်ာ္သည္။ မထြက္ရေသာ ကိုရင္တို႔က ငုိယုိ၍ က်န္ရစ္သည္။ ထို႔ေၾကာင့္ခေလးဘဝ ႐ွင္လိင္ျပန္ေသာေန႔သည္ အေပ်ာ္ဆုံးေန႔တေန႔ဟု ဆိုျခင္းျဖစ္သည္။

ယၡဳေခတ္တြင္မူ ဘုန္းႀကီးေက်ာင္းသြား လွဴဘြယ္ပစၥည္းပစၥယေပးလွ်င္ ဘုန္းႀကီးက ခ်က္ခ်င္းဆံခ် သကၤန္းေတာင္းလိုက္ဆိုခိုင္းၿပီး ကိုရင္ဝတ္ေပးလိုက္သည္။ ကိုရင္ေတြ ဘာဘာညာညာ သိပ္မသင္ရ (၇) ရက္ ျပည့္သည္ႏွင့္ သကၤန္းခြ်တ္ၿပီး မိဘထံျပန္လိုက္သြားၾကသည္။ လူထြက္ရာ၌ ဘာခက္ခဲမႈမွ်မ႐ွိ။ လြယ္လိုက္သည့္ျဖစ္ျခင္း။ ေ႐ွးစံနစ္သည္ ဗုဒၶဘာသာကို ပိုမိုခိုင္ၿမဲေစသည္။ ဘာသာတရားႏွင့္ သံဃာေတာ္တို႔ကို ပိုမိုတန္ဘိုးထား ေလးစားေစသည္။ ကိုရင္လြယ္လြယ္ဝတ္၍ မရသလို လြယ္လြယ္ထြက္၍လည္း မရေခ်။ ဝတ္ခ်င္လွ်င္ သာသနာပိုင္အျဖစ္ေပးပါသည္ဟု မိဘက သေဘာတူရသည္။ မဝတ္ခင္ သကၤန္းေတာင္းကို အလြတ္က်က္ရသည္။ မရလွ်င္ သကၤန္းစည္းမေပးဘဲ ရသည္အထိ က်က္ရသည္။ ယေန႔ေခတ္ လြယ္လြယ္ဝတ္၊ လြယ္လြယ္ထြက္ စံနစ္ျဖင့္သျဖင့္ တန္ဘိုးက်သည္။ သာသနာညွဴိးႏြမ္းလာသည္။ သံဃာေတာ္မ်ားကို ႐ိုေသရမွန္း အေလးအနက္ထားရမွန္း မသိသည့္ ေခတ္ျဖစ္လာခဲ့သည္။

အိမ္ေထာင္က်ေသာ အခါတြင္လည္း ေ႐ွးက သမီး႐ွင္ထံ သုံးႏွစ္သုံးမိုး ကြ်န္ခံၿပီး အလုပ္လုပ္ရသည္။ သုံးႏွစ္ျပည့္မွ ႀကိဳက္ႏွစ္သက္သူႏွင့္ အိမ္ေထာင္ျပဳခြင့္ရသည္။ ထို႔အတြက္ အိမ္ေထာင္က်သည့္ေန႔သည္ အထူးေပ်ာ္႐ႊင္ရေသာေန႔ပင္ ျဖစ္သည္မွာ အံ့ၾသစရာမဟုတ္ေခ်။ ယေန႔ အိမ္ေထာင္မက်ခင္ကတည္းက Living Together အတူ အိပ္ေနၾကၿပီ၊ ေခတ္မွီေနၾကၿပီ၊ တခါတရံ လက္မထက္ဘဲ ထိုအတိုင္း ႏွစ္ႏွင့္ခ်ီၿပီး ေနေနၾကသျဖင့္ လက္ထပ္ေသာအခါတြင္ ထူးဆန္းေထြလာ စိတ္လႈပ္႐ွား ႐ွိမေနေတာ့ေခ်။ လြယ္လြယ္ရေနသျဖင့္ တန္ဘိုးထားမႈ က်ဆင္းလာခဲ့ရသည္။

ေထာင္ကလြတ္တဲ့ေန႔သည္ အလြန္ေပ်ာ္စရာေကာင္းမည္ အမွန္ျဖစ္သည္။ ဒီမိုကေရစီစံနစ္က်င့္သုံးေသာ ႏုိင္ငံတခုတြင္ ေထာင္မွ လြတ္ေသာသူသည္ အျပစ္ဒါဏ္ခံၿပီးသူ ျဖစ္သျဖင့္ သူ႔အတြက္ ရာဇဝတ္ျပစ္မႈ ထပ္ၿပီးမက်ဴးလြန္ပါက ဘာမွ် စိုးရိမ္ေၾကာင့္က်စရာမ႐ွိေပ။ လြတ္လြတ္ကြ်တ္ကြ်တ္ ေပ်ာ္စရာပင္ျဖစ္သည္။ သုိ႔ရာတြင္ ဒီမိုကေရစီစံနစ္ ဆိတ္သုဥ္းေနေသာ ႏိုင္ငံမ်ားတြင္မူ ေထာင္မွလြတ္ေသာ္လည္း တရားဥေပဒ စိုးမိုးမႈ မ႐ွိသျဖင့္ လုံၿခဳံမႈ မ႐ွိႏိုင္ လြတ္ပင္ လြတ္ျငားေသာ္လည္း က်ီးလန္႔စာစားေနရေသာ ဘဝပင္ျဖစ္သည္။ အထူးသျဖင့္ ႏိုင္ငံေရး အက်ဥ္းသားေဟာင္းမ်ားဘဝသည္ အာဏာ႐ွင္ႏိုင္ငံမ်ားလက္ေအာက္တြင္ လုံၿခဳံမႈ ကင္းမဲ့ေနသျဖင့္ ေထာင္မွ လြတ္ေသာ္ျငားလည္း ဖိႏွိပ္မႈ စံနစ္ ေထာင္တြင္း၌ ဆက္လက္ေနထိုင္ၿမဲ ေနထုိင္ၾကရသျဖင့္ ေပ်ာ္သင့္သေလာက္ ေပ်ာ္႐ႊင္မႈ မရ႐ွိႏိုင္ေခ်။

အေပ်ာ္ဆုံး ေန႔သုံးေန႔အေၾကာင္း ႐ွင္းျပေနရသျဖင့္ ကြ်န္ေတာ့္၏ ဇါတ္လမ္းေလး ရပ္ေနသည္ကို ျပန္ဆက္ပါဦးမည္။ (၃) ေဆာင္ဝင္းအတြင္း ကြ်န္ေတာ္တို႔ ေပ်ာ္႐ႊင္စြာ ေအာင္ပြဲခံေနစဥ္ ေထာင္ပိုင္ေထာင္မွဴးတို႔မွ လူစာရင္းမ်ားကို စစ္ေဆးလာပါလာသည္။ ထို႔ေနာက္ အလုပ္သမားအေရးအခင္းမွ ပါလာေသာ အလုပ္သမားေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ား၊ ထို႔ေနာက္ ႏွစ္အနည္းငယ္သာ က်ေသာ ႏိုင္ငံေရးသမားမ်ား၊ ဗမာျပည္ကြန္ျမဴနစ္ပါတီႏွင့္ ဆက္သြယ္သည့္အမႈျဖင့္ က်ေနေသာ မီးေမာင္းအဖြဲ႕သားမ်ား၊ စာေစာင္ထုတ္ေဝမႈ၊ ကဗ်ာထုတ္ေဝမႈ စသည္ျဖင့္ က်ေနေသာ ႏိုင္ငံေရး အက်ဥ္းသားမ်ားကို ၃ ပုံ ၂ ပုံ ေလ်ာ့၍ တြက္ခ်က္ၿပီး ၃ ပုံ တပုံ ေနသား႐ွိပါက ရာဇဝတ္အက်ဥ္းသားမ်ားအျဖစ္ သတ္မွတ္ၿပီး ေထာင္မွ စတင္လႊတ္ေပးပါသည္။ ကြ်န္ေတာ္တို႔ ေ႐ွ႕တြင္ သူငယ္ခ်င္းမ်ား ဦးသန္႔၊ ဂြ်န္၊ မႈိင္းအေရးအခင္းမွ ရဲေဘာ္မ်ား တသုတ္ၿပီး တသုတ္ ထြက္သြားၾကသည္။ တခ်ဳိ႕က က်န္ရစ္သူ ကြ်န္ေတာ္တို႔ကို မ်က္ရည္လည္လည္ႏွင့္ ႏႈတ္ဆက္ၿပီး စိတ္မေကာင္းေၾကာင္းေျပာသြားၾကသည္။

ထိုသူမ်ား တသုတ္ၿပီး တသုတ္ ထြက္သြားေသာ္လည္း ကြ်န္ေတာ္တို႔ တသိုက္မွာမူ မလြတ္ဘဲ က်န္ေနသည္။ တရက္ၿပီး တရက္၊ တသုတ္ၿပီး တသုတ္ လႊတ္ေနသည္။ ႏိုင္ငံေရးအက်ဥ္းသားမ်ားႏွင့္ ရာဇဝတ္ သားမ်ားအားလုံးကိုေရာၿပီးလႊတ္သည္။ ႏိုင္ငံေရးအက်ဥ္းသားမ်ားကို ေန႔ဖက္တြင္ လႊတ္သည္က နည္းၿပီး ညဖက္တြင္ လႊတ္သည္ကမ်ားသည္။ ဒီလိုနဲ႔ တပတ္ျဖစ္လာေတာ့ ကြ်န္ေတာ္ထြန္းေအာင္ေက်ာ္စတင္ ေပါက္ကြဲလာသည္။ ကိုယ့္ဟာကိုယ္ စိတ္ဒုန္းဒုန္းခ်ၿပီး ေနေနတာ အေကာင္းသား၊ ဒီလြတ္ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းသာ ခြင့္ဆိုတာႀကီး ေပၚလာမွ နဂို ဒုန္းဒုန္းခ်ၿပီးသား စိတ္ အနယ္ထလာသည္။ လႊတ္သည္ေျပာသည့္အတြက္ လြတ္ၿပီဟူေသာ အသိေၾကာင့္ လူက လြတ္ခ်င္လာသည္။ သုိ႔ရာတြင္ တကယ္တမ္း မလြတ္ဘဲ ျဖစ္ေနသည့္အခါ ထိုစိတ္ဆင္းရဲမႈမ်ဳိးသည္ ခံစားဘူးသူမ်ားမွ ကိုယ္ခ်င္းစာႏိုင္ပါလိမ့္မည္ဟု ေျပာပါရေစ။

စိတ္အခ်ဥ္ေပါက္ေပါက္ႏွင့္ မိန္းေဂ်း (Main Jail) ကို ျဖတ္ၿပီး ႀကိဳးတိုက္ထဲဝင္သည္။ ယၡင္က ဝင္မရ၊ မိန္းေဂ်း ျဖတ္လွ်င္ သြားခြင့္ရမွျဖစ္သည္။ ယခုေတာ့ ထြန္းေအာင္ေက်ာ္ႏွင့္ ရဲျမင့္သိန္းတို႔ ခတ္တည္တည္ မိန္းေဂ်းျဖတ္သည္။ ဝါဒါေတြက မေျပာရဲျဖစ္ေနသည္။ လြတ္ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းသာခြင့္ အမိန္႔ေၾကာင့္ ျဖစ္မည္ထင္သည္။ ႀကိဳးတိုက္ထဲတြင္ေသဒါဏ္က်ေနေသာ မန္းေငြေအာင္၊ မန္းဒါဝိတ္၊ ဦးထိန္လင္း (ရခိုင္လူမ်ဳိး)၊ဆရာေတာ္ ဦးလာဘ၊ ေဖါက္ခြဲေရးသမား ေဇာ္ျမင့္၊ ေဇယ် ၊သူရတို႔ႏွင့္ ေတြ႕သည့္ ႏိုင္ငံေရးသမားမ်ားကို လြတ္ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းသာခြင့္ေပးၿပီး မလႊတ္သည့္အတြက္ မဆလအစိုးရ ကတိမတည္ လိမ္သည္၊ ထို႔ေၾကာင့္ ဆႏၵျပမည္ဟု ညွိသည္။ အားလုံးက သေဘာတူသည္။ ထို႔ေနာက္ အခ်ဳပ္က်ေနသည့္ အခ်ဳပ္ခံ ႏိုင္ငံေရးသမားမ်ားကို ၃ ေဆာင္အေပၚ (၁) ႏွင့္ အေပၚ (၄) ခန္းတြင္ ဝင္ေရာက္ ေဆြးေႏြးသည္။ သူတို႔ကလည္း ပါမည္ဟု ဆိုသည္။ အခ်ဳပ္သားမ်ားသည္ေထာင္က်မ်ားလိုအၿပင္ထြက္ခြင့္မရ။ ေနာက္တေန႔ ႀကိဳးတိုက္သို႔ တေခါက္သြားသည္။ အားလုံးႏွင့္ ႏႈတ္ဆက္ၿပီးအျပန္တြင္ ဦးထိန္လင္းက ထြန္းေအာင္ေက်ာ္ကို တိုးတိုးကပ္ေျပာသည္။ မန္းေငြေအာင္ကို မယုံႏွင့္ဟုဆိုသည္။ ႀကိဳးတိုက္တြင္ ထြန္းေအာင္ေက်ာ္ မ႐ွိခိုက္ မန္းေငြေအာင္က ဆႏၵျပမႈတြင္ မပါရန္ေျပာသည္။ အကယ္၍ ေအာင္ျမင္လွ်င္ ေနာက္မွဝင္ပါရန္ႏွင့္ မေအာင္ျမင္လွ်င္ သူဖာသာသူခံပေလ့ေစဟု ေျပာျခင္းကို ဦးထိန္းလင္း မႀကိဳက္ လက္မခံ။ သူ႔ကို ရာထားသူ လုံးဝပါမည္ဟု ကတိေပးသည္။ စည္းလုံးရမည့္အခ်ိန္တြင္ ဤကဲ့သို႔ စိတ္ထားသူမ်ား႐ွိေသးသလားဟု ထြန္းေအာင္ေက်ာ္ အံ့ၾသမိသည္။

ေနာက္တေန႔ မနက္ပိုင္းတြင္ (၃) ေဆာင္၌ က်န္႐ွိေနေသးေသာ ႏုိင္ငံေရးအက်ဥ္းသားမ်ား လြတ္သြားသျဖင့္ ထြန္းေအာင္ေက်ာ္တို႔ လူနည္းစုသာ က်န္သည္။ ထို႔ေနာက္ညအခ်ိန္တြင္ (၃) ေဆာင္တခုလုံးကို (၅) ေဆာင္သို႔ ညတြင္းေျပာင္းခုိင္းသျဖင့္ အထုတ္အပိုးကိုယ္စီျဖင့္ ေျပာင္းခဲ့ၾကရသည္။

ထြန္းေအာင္ေက်ာ္တို႔ (၅) ေဆာင္ေရာက္ၿပီးေနာက္ သူတို႔အုပ္စုကို ခ်န္၍ (၃) ေဆာင္မွ ေျပာင္းလုိက္လာသူ ရာဇဝတ္သားမ်ားကိုရာဇဝတ္သားမ်ားအားလံုးကို (၃) ေဆာင္သုိ႔ ျပန္ေခၚသြားသည္။ “ေအာ္၊ ငါတို႔ ေထာင္ဆူမွာ ဒီေလာက္ေတာင္ ေၾကာက္ၾကပါလား” ဟု ၿပဳံးမိသည္။ ေထာင္ထဲတြင္ လြတ္ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းသာခြင့္ ေပးၿပီးေနာက္ ရက္ေပါင္း ၁၆ ရက္ခန္႔ေနၿပီးမွ ည ၉ နာရီခန္႔တြင္ ထြန္းေအာင္ေက်ာ္တို႔ တသက္တကြ်န္း၊ ႏွင့္ေသဒါဏ္ က်ေနသည့္ႏွစ္ႀကီးသမားမ်ားကို ဗူးဝသို႔ ေခၚထုတ္ၿပီး လူစစ္ေဆးျခင္း၊ လက္ေဗြႏွိပ္ျခင္း၊ စသည္တုိ႔ကို ျပဳလုပ္လာၿပီး ည ၁၂ နာရီခန္႔တြင္ အခ်ဳပ္ကားႀကီးမ်ားေပၚ အသုတ္လိုက္တင္ၿပီး လႊတ္လိုက္သည္။

လြတ္ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းသာခြင့္ေပးၿပီး မလြတ္ခင္ (၁၆) ရက္ ေနထိုင္ခဲ့ရသည့္ ကာလသည္ ေနသား ၅ ႏွစ္ခန္႔ ေနထိုင္ခဲ့သည့္ ကာလထက္မ်ားစြာ စိတ္ဆင္းရဲခံစားမႈ အျပင္းထန္ဆုံးကာလအျဖစ္ ရင္ထဲတြင္ နာနာက်င္က်င္ အမာ႐ြတ္ထင္က်န္ရစ္ခဲ့သည္။ ေက်းဇူးတင္ခံရမည့္အစား မဆလအစိုးရ လုပ္ရပ္သည္ နာက်ည္းမႈကို တိုးပြားေစခဲ့သည္။

ေထာင္တြင္း၌ မလြတ္သျဖင့္ ေဒါသေပါက္ကြဲေနၾကသလို ေထာင္ျပင္ ျမင္ကြင္းသည္လည္း ေၾကကြဲစရာ အတိျဖင့္ ျပည့္ေနခဲ့သည္ကို ေထာင္တြင္း႐ွိ ထြန္းေအာင္ေက်ာ္တုိ႔ တသိုက္က မသိ႐ွိခဲ့ၾကေခ်။

လြတ္ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းသာခြင့္အမိန္႔ေၾကာင့္ ေထာင္ျပင္တြင္ ႏုိင္ငံေရးအက်ဥ္းသား မိသားစုမ်ား ေန႔မဆိုင္း ေရာက္ခ်လာၾကသည္။ ထိုအထဲတြင္ ထြန္းေအာင္ေက်ာ္ႏွင့္ ရဲျမင့္သိန္းတို႔၏ အေမမ်ားျဖစ္ေသာ ေဒၚၾကင္ႏွင့္ ေဒၚမမေလးတို႔လည္း ပါသည္။ ေထာင္ပိုင္ကို ေဒၚၾကင္က ဝင္ေမးသည္။ ေထာင္ပိုင္က မလြတ္ေသးဘူးဟု ေျပာသည္။ အထက္အမိန္႔မရေသးေၾကာင္း ေကာင္းမြန္စြာ ေျပာျပသျဖင့္ ျပန္ခဲ့ၾကသည္။ သည္လိုႏွင့္ ေန႔တိုင္း မနက္ဆိုလွ်င္ ကားေမာင္ၿပီး ေဒၚမမေလးအိမ္ဝင္ေခၚၿပီး အေမႏွစ္ေယာက္သား ေဇာႏွင့္ ေထာင္ဗူးဝသို႔ ထမင္းခ်ဳိင့္ ဆြဲၿပီးလာေစာင့္သည္။ တရက္မွ ႏွစ္ရက္၊ ႏွစ္ရက္မွ သုံးရက္ၾကာလာသည္။ လြတ္လာသူမ်ားကို လိုက္ေမးသည္။ ေထာင္ဝင္စာေတြ႕စဥ္ မ်က္မွန္းတန္းမိေသာ သားသူငယ္ခ်င္းမ်ားေတြ႕လွ်င္ လိုက္ေမးသည္။ ယခင္ႏိုင္ငံေရး အက်ဥ္းသားေဟာင္းမ်ားကလည္း လာႀကိဳၾကသည္။ သူတို႔ကလည္း ေဒၚၾကင္တို႔ကို အားေပးသည္။ သုိ႔ရာတြင္ သားတို႔က လြတ္မလာ။ ညေနပိုင္း ဝါဒက ဒီေန႔ ၿပီးၿပီ။ မလြတ္ေတာ့ အိမ္ျပန္ၾကပါ ေျပာမွ ျပန္ခဲ့ၾကသည္။ အိမ္ေရာက္ေတာ့ ေယာက်္ားျဖစ္သူကို ေျပာၿပီး “က်ဳပ္သားေလးေတာ့ မလြတ္ေတာ့ဘူးလား မသိဘူးေတာ္”ဟု ဆိုၿပီး မ်က္ရည္က်သည္။ သားခ်စ္ေသာ မိခင္တို႔ မ်က္ရည္သည္ လြတ္ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းသာခြင့္ေပးသည့္အခါ ပို၍ က်ခဲ့ရသည္။ ပို၍ ဝမ္းနည္းခဲ့ရသည္။ လြတ္လာသူမ်ားကိုၾကည့္ၿပီး မိမိသားသမီးပါမလာသျဖင့္ ပို၍ ေၾကကြဲခဲ့ၾကရသည္။ ဤကဲ့သုိ႔ ဒုကၡကို အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္သူလူတန္းစားမ်ား ကိုယ္ခ်င္းစာတတ္ၾကမည္မဟုတ္။

လြတ္ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းသာခြင့္အမိန္႔ေၾကာင့္အစကနဦးေပါက္ဖြါးလာခဲ့ေသာလွပအိပ္မက္မ်ားထိုရက္ပိုင္းအတြင္းေၾကမြ ပ်က္ စီးလ႔ိုသြားခဲ့ပါၿပီ၊ ႏွလုံးသားတြင္လည္းနာက်ဥ္းမွဳဒါဏ္ရာအမာရြတ္တို႔ကထပ္ဆင့္ေနရာယူခဲ့ၿပီၿဖစ္သည္။

ေအာ္လြတ္ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းသာခြင့္ဆိုတာလူတခ်ိဳ႕ကရီစရာလုပ္ကြက္အၿဖစ္ကစားလိုက္ေသာ္လည္းယံုၾကည္ခ်က္ ေၾကာင့္အက်ဥ္းက်ေနသူ ႏိုင္ငံေရးသမားမ်ားႏွင့္ မလြတ္သူမ်ားအဖို႔ အိပ္မက္ဘုံေလးယုတ္မာရက္စက္ ေသာမုန္တိုင္းဒါဏ္ေၾကာင့္ေၾကမြပ်က္စီးသြားခဲ့သလိုပင္။

ထြန္းေအာင္ေက်ာ္ (ေအာက္တိုဘာလ၊ ၁၅ရက္၊ ၂၀၁၁ခုႏွစ္)

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Written by လူထုစိန္၀င္း
 

စာေတြေရးေနတာ ႏႇစ္ပရိေစၧဒ မနည္းေတာ့ဘူး။ ကိုယ့္အလုပ္မို႔သာ ၀တၲရားမပ်က္လုပ္ေနတာ။ ရာႏႈန္းျပည့္အားရေက်နပ္တယ္လို႔ေတာ့ ဘယ္အခါမႇမရႇိခဲ့ဘူး။ ဘာေၾကာင့္လဲဆိုေတာ့ ဘယ္ေလာက္ပဲေရးေရး ဘာမႇအရာေရာက္တယ္လို႔ မခံစားရလို႔ပဲ။

အတိုင္းအဆမရႇိ ေမတၲာေတြေၾကာင့္

တစ္ခါတေလ စိတ္ပ်က္လက္ပ်က္နဲ႔ 'ေဟာရင္းသာပ်ံေတာ္မူလိမ့္မယ္' လို႔ေတာင္ ေရးမိသြားတယ္။ ႏႇစ္ေပါင္းႏႇစ္ဆယ္ေက်ာ္အတြင္း ေရးခဲ့တဲ့စာေတြ နည္းတာမဟုတ္ဘူး။ စုၿပီးထုတ္တဲ့ စာအုပ္ေတြေတာင္ေလး ဆယ္ေက်ာ္ ငါးဆယ္နီးပါးရႇိေနၿပီ။ ေရးရက်ဳိးနပ္တယ္လို႔ ေက်နပ္အားရျဖစ္ရတာမ်ဳိး မရႇိဖူးဘူး။ အတိုင္းအဆမရႇိႀကီးမားတဲ့ စာဖတ္ပရိသတ္ ျပည္သူလူထုရဲ႕ေမတၲာကို ရရႇိခံစားေနရတာေလးတစ္ခုေၾကာင့္ပဲ အဆက္မျပတ္ေရးျဖစ္ေနတာ။ အမႇန္ေျပာရရင္ အခ်ိန္မေရြးၾကံဳေတြ႕ရႏုိင္တဲ့ အႏၲရာယ္အသြယ္သြယ္ကို စဥ္းစားလိုက္တဲ့အခါ ေရးသင့္တယ္လို႔ေတာင္ မထင္မိပါဘူး။

ထင္းခုတ္စားေတာင္ရပါတယ္

စာေတြအမ်ားႀကီးေရးေတာ့ပိုက္ ဆံေတြအမ်ားႀကီးရေနတယ္ မဟုတ္လားလို႔ေမးစရာရႇိတယ္။ မႇန္ပါတယ္။ အမ်ားႀကီးမဟုတ္ေပမယ့္ အသင့္အတင့္ရပါတယ္။ ဒါေပမဲ့ ဒါေလာက္ေငြေၾကးကေတာ့ ျမန္မာျပည္မႇာ ဆရာႀကီးသခင္ကိုယ္ေတာ္မိႈင္း ေျပာခဲ့သလို ''ထမင္းတစ္လုတ္ေတာ့ ထင္းခုတ္စားရင္ေတာင္ရပါတယ္'' လို႔ေျပာရမႇာပါ။ ရႇမ္းျပည္နယ္တက္ၿပီး ေကာ္ဖီေလးစိုက္လိုက္၊ လိေမၼာ္ေလး စိုက္လုိက္လုပ္ေနတာက အႏၲရာယ္ ကင္းေဘးကင္းျဖစ္႐ံုမက က်န္းမာ ေရးအတြက္ပါ အလြန္ေကာင္းတာေပါ့။ အဲဒီလိုေနခ်င္စိတ္ အခုထိရႇိ ေနေသးတယ္။ ဒါေပမဲ့ အတိတ္က ၀ဋ္ေႂကြးေတြက မကုန္ေသးေတာ့ စာေရးတဲ့အလုပ္ကို မစြန္႔ႏုိင္ဘူး။ ရန္ကုန္ဟာ ကိုယ့္အတြက္ ပဋိ႐ူပေဒသ မဟုတ္ေပမယ့္ မခြာႏုိင္ဘူး။ တြယ္ကပ္ၿပီး ေနေနရဆဲျဖစ္တယ္။

႐ုတ္တရက္ေျပာင္းသြား

ကိုယ့္ဟာကိုယ္ပခံုးေပၚတင္ၿပီး ထမ္းထားတဲ့တာ၀န္မို႔ မညည္းမညဴ လုပ္ကိုင္ေနေပမယ့္ အားတက္သေရာမရႇိလႇတာေတာ့ အမႇန္ပဲ။ ဒါေပမဲ့ အခုႏႇစ္လ၊ သံုးလအတြင္းမႇာ အေျခအေနေတြ ႐ုတ္တရက္ ေျပာင္းသြားတယ္။ ႏႇစ္ေပါင္းငါးဆယ္ေလာက္အတြင္း ဘယ္တုန္းကမႇမၾကားဖူးတဲ့ 'ျပည္သူလူထု' ဆိုတဲ့အသံေတြ ညံေနေအာင္ၾကားလာရၿပီး၊ အရင္ကထုတ္ေ၀ခြင့္ အႀကိမ္ႀကိမ္ပယ္ခ်ခံရတဲ့ ကိုယ့္ စာအုပ္ေတြထုတ္ေ၀ခြင့္ ျပန္ရလာတယ္။ ေန႔စဥ္ေရးေနတဲ့ စာမူေတြလည္း ပရိသတ္လက္ထဲ ျမန္ျမန္ဆန္ဆန္ေရာက္လာတယ္။ ပုဂၢလိက ေၾကးမံုသတင္းစာတို႔၊ လူထုသတင္းစာတို႔ ေခတ္ကတည္းက အတူလက္တြဲလာခဲ့တဲ့ ေသြးေသာက္ႀကီး ဦး၀င္းတင္ရဲ႕စာအုပ္ေတြလည္း ထုတ္ေ၀ခြင့္ရလို႔ တစ္အုပ္ၿပီး တစ္အုပ္ျပန္ထြက္လာတာ ၀မ္းသာစရာေတြ႕ရတယ္။

တံခါးဖြင့္ထားတယ္

အဲဒီေနာက္ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္နဲ႔ ၀န္ႀကီးဦးေအာင္ၾကည္နဲ႔ ေတြ႕တယ္။ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ရဲ႕ သတင္းနဲ႔ဓာတ္ပံုေတြ ဂ်ာနယ္ေတြမႇာ ေဖာ္ျပခြင့္ရလာတယ္။ ၿပီးေတာ့ ႏုိင္ငံေတာ္သမၼတဦးသိန္းစိန္နဲ႔ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ ေတြ႕ၾကတယ္။ သမၼတႀကီးဦးသိန္းစိန္က ျပည္သူေတြလိုခ်င္တဲ့ ဒီမိုကေရစီစနစ္ကို မျဖစ္မေန အေကာင္အထည္ေဖာ္မယ္။ ျပည္သူက ေရြးေကာက္တင္ေျမႇာက္ထားသူမ်ားျဖစ္လို႔ ျပည္သူ႔ဆႏၵကို ေလးစားမယ္။ ျပည္တြင္းၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးရေအာင္ အျမန္ဆံုးေဆာင္ရြက္မယ္။ ဒီမိုကေရစီလုိလားသူအားလံုးနဲ႔ ပူးေပါင္းေဆာင္ရြက္ႏုိင္ေအာင္ နည္းလမ္းေတြရႇာၾကံမယ္။ မတူတာေတြ အသာထားၿပီး တူတာေတြကိုအတူ ပူးေပါင္းလုပ္ေဆာင္မယ္။ ဖြဲ႕စည္းပုံအေျခခံ ဥပေဒကို လက္မခံႏိုင္ေသးသူမ်ားနဲ႔ပါ လက္တြဲေဆာင္ရြက္ႏိုင္ေအာင္ ညႇိႏိႈင္းေဆြးေႏြးဖို႔ တံခါးဖြင့္ထားတယ္ဆိုတဲ့ စကားေတြေျပာၾကားလာခဲ့တယ္။

ေပၚလစီေဆာင္းပါး

အဲဒီအခ်ိန္မႇာ ဧရာ၀တီျမစ္ဆံုေဒသမႇာ တ႐ုတ္ကုမၸဏီက ဧရာမေရကာတာႀကီးတစ္ခု တည္ေဆာက္မယ့္ကိစၥကို ျပည္သူလူထုတစ္ရပ္လံုးက မလိုလားတဲ့အေၾကာင္း ပုံစံအမ်ဳိးမ်ဳိးနဲ႔ တင္ျပမႈေတြ က်ယ္က်ယ္ျပန္႔ျပန္႔ ျဖစ္လာတယ္။ ဒီအသံေတြကို ေခ်ဖ်က္ဖို႔ အစိုးရသတင္းစာေတြမႇာ ထံုးစံအတိုင္း 'ေပၚလစီေဆာင္းပါး' တစ္ပုဒ္ထည့္လိုက္တယ္။ လွ်ပ္စစ္၀န္ထမ္းတစ္ဦးအမည္ခံၿပီးထည့္တဲ့ ေဆာင္းပါးမႇာျမစ္ဆံုေရကာတာ ေဆာက္လုပ္တဲ့အတြက္ အက်ဳိးအ ျမတ္ေတြ ဘယ္လိုရရႇိမယ္ဆိုတဲ့အခ်က္ေတြကို ေပၚလစီေဆာင္းပါးမ်ားထံုးစံအတိုင္း ရႊန္းရႊန္းေ၀ေအာင္ ေရးသားထားတာေတြ႕ရတယ္။

ေစ်းဦးေပါက္ခြင့္ျပဳ

အဲဒီေဆာင္းပါးပါလာတဲ့ေန႔မႇာ ပဲ Weekly Eleven ရဲ႕ စီအီးအိုက အြန္လိုင္းဂ်ာနယ္မႇာ ဒီေဆာင္းပါးကို ကန္႔ကြက္ေၾကာင္း၊ အခ်က္အလက္ အခိုင္အမာနဲ႔ ျပန္လည္ေရးသားလိုက္တယ္။ ပံုႏႇိပ္ဂ်ာနယ္ထဲမႇာလည္း အျပည့္အစံုေဖာ္ျပခဲ့တယ္။ ဒါဟာ ႏႇစ္ငါးဆယ္အတြင္း ျမန္မာစာနယ္ဇင္းေလာကရဲ႕ မႇတ္တိုင္တစ္ခုျဖစ္သြားတယ္။ အစိုးရသတင္းစာမႇာပါတဲ့ ေဆာင္းပါးကို ျပန္လည္ေ၀ဖန္ေခ်ပတဲ့စာမ်ဳိး ဘယ္တုန္းဘယ္အခါကမႇ မေရးဖူးခဲ့ဘူး။ စာေပစိစစ္ေရးကလည္း ဘယ္ေတာ့မႇခြင့္မျပဳခဲ့ဘူး။ ဒီတစ္ခါ ေစ်းဦးေပါက္ခြင့္ျပဳတာျဖစ္တယ္။

မၾကံဳဖူးတဲ့ေပါင္းစည္းမႈ

အဲဒီကန္႔ကြက္ေ၀ဖန္ခ်က္ ပါလာၿပီးတဲ့ေနာက္ ဧရာ၀တီကယ္တင္ေရးအသံေတြ ပိုညံလာတယ္။ ျပည္ သူလူထုႀကီးတစ္ရပ္လံုး မၾကံဳဖူးတဲ့စည္းလံုးမႈမ်ဳိးနဲ႔ ညီညြတ္ေပါင္းစည္းသြားတယ္။ တကယ္ကို အံ့ၾသစရာ ေပါင္းစည္းညီညြတ္မႈႀကီး ျဖစ္တယ္။ ထံုးစံအတိုင္း ႏုိင္ငံေရးပါတီေတြနဲ႔ ႏိုင္ငံေရးသမားေတြက ျပည္သူလူထုႀကီးရဲ႕ေနာက္ကလိုက္လာၾကၿပီး လႊတ္ေတာ္ထဲအထိ ဂယက္ေတြေရာက္သြားတယ္။ေနာက္ေတာ့ ျမစ္ဆံုေရကာတာ ေဆာက္လုပ္ေရးကို သူ႔အစိုးရလက္ထက္မႇာ ဆက္မလုပ္ေတာ့ဘဲ ရပ္စဲထားမယ္ဆိုတဲ့ သမၼတႀကီးရဲ႕ လႊတ္ေတာ္ကို ေပးပို႔တဲ့သ၀ဏ္လႊာ ႐ုတ္တရက္ ေပၚထြက္လာခဲ့တယ္။

နတ္လူသာဓုေခၚ

လံုး၀ေမွ်ာ္လင့္မထားတဲ့ ေၾကညာခ်က္ျဖစ္တာေၾကာင့္ လူေတြအားလံုး မယံုႏိုင္ေအာင္ျဖစ္သြားၾကၿပီး နီးစပ္ရာမိတ္သဂၤဟေတြဆီ ဖုန္းဆက္ေမးလိုက္ၾကတာ အဲဒီေန႔ကေတာ့ ဖုန္းလိုင္းေတြ အားတယ္လို႔ကို ရႇိမႇာမဟုတ္ေတာ့ဘူး။ အိမ္ကဖုန္းလည္း ဆက္တိုက္ျမည္ေနေတာ့တယ္။ တခ်ဳိ႕ဖုန္းဆက္ ရင္းမ်က္ရည္ေတာင္က်ရႇာၾကတယ္။ ၀မး္သာတယ္ဆိုတာထက္ ပိုလိမ့္မယ္။ ျပည္သူေတြရဲ႕ လိုအင္ဆႏၵကို ဘယ္တုန္းကမ်ား ျဖည့္ဆည္းေပးဖူးတယ္ရႇိလို႔လဲ။ သမၼတႀကီးကို သာဓုေခၚၾကတယ္။ နတ္လူသာဓုေခၚၾကတယ္လို႔ေတာင္ ေျပာရလိမ့္မယ္ထင္မိတယ္။

ဆန္႔က်င္ဘက္ကရပ္ခဲ့တာ

သာမန္ျပည္သူေတြဆိုတာထား ႏႇစ္ေပါင္းငါးဆယ္လံုးလံုး တက္လာသမွ်အစိုးရတုိင္းကို တစ္ႀကိမ္တစ္ခါေတာင္ အေကာင္းမေျပာဖူးတဲ့ မိမိကိုယ္တိုင္ေတာင္ ေမးလာသမွ် မီဒီယာတိုင္းကို ႀကိဳဆိုေၾကာင္း၊ ၀မ္းသာေၾကာင္း၊ ေက်းဇူးတင္ေၾကာင္းေျပာတဲ့အထိ ျဖစ္သြားတယ္။ တကယ္ပါ။ ႏႇစ္ေပါင္းငါးဆယ္လံုးလံုး ဆန္႔က်င္ဘက္က ရပ္ခဲ့တာပါ။ ေတာ္လႇန္ေရးေကာင္စီအစိုးရကို မေထာက္ခံသလို၊ ျမန္မာ့ဆိုရႇယ္လစ္အစိုးရကိုလည္း မေထာက္ခံဘူး။ ၁၉၈၈ ေနာက္ပိုင္း အစိုးရေတြကိုလည္း မေထာက္ခံဘူး။ အမ်ဳိးသားညီလာခံကို မေထာက္ခံသလို၊ ဖြဲ႕စည္းပံုအေျခခံဥပေဒကိုလည္း လက္မခံဘူး။ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲကို မေထာက္ခံသလို ေပၚထြက္လာတဲ့လႊတ္ေတာ္တို႔၊ အစိုးရတို႔ကိုလည္း မေထာက္ခံဘူး။ ႏိုင္ငံေတာ္သမၼတႀကီးနဲ႔ တျခားထိပ္ပိုင္း ပုဂၢိဳလ္ေတြက ဒီမိုကေရစီစနစ္ကို မျဖစ္မေန အေကာင္အထည္ေဖာ္မယ္လို႔ အႀကိမ္ႀကိမ္ေျပာေနလည္း မယံုေသးဘူး။ ေစာင့္ၾကည့္ဦးမယ္လို႔ပဲ ဆံုးျဖတ္ထားခဲ့တယ္။

မနာယူဘဲ မေနႏုိင္

ဒီလိုလူေတာင္ ဧရာ၀တီကိစၥက်ေတာ့ သတင္းသမားရဲ႕၀ိညာဥ္ (Conscience)က သတိေပးလာတာကို မနာယူဘဲ မေနႏိုင္ေတာ့ဘူး။ သတင္းသမားဆိုတာ ေကာင္းတာေတြ႕ရင္ ေကာင္းတယ္ေရးရမယ္။ မႇန္တာေတြ႕ရင္ မႇန္တယ္ေရးရမယ္လို႔ တစ္သက္လံုး နာယူမႇတ္သားခဲ့ရတာ မဟုတ္လား။ ျပည္သူ႕မ်က္ႏႇာကလြဲၿပီး ဘယ္သူ႔မ်က္ႏႇာမႇမၾကည့္ရဘူးလို႔ ကိုယ္တိုင္အပ္ေၾကာင္းထပ္ေအာင္ ေရးေနတာပဲ။ ဒီေတာ့ အေျပာနဲ႔အေဟာ ညီရမႇာေပါ့။ ျပည္သူတစ္ရပ္လံုး လိႈက္လိႈက္လႇဲလႇဲႀကီး ၀မ္းသာႀကိဳဆိုေနၾကတာကို ဘာေၾကာင့္မႀကိဳဆိုဘဲေနရမႇာလဲ။ ၀မ္းသာတယ္။ ႀကိဳဆိုခ်င္တယ္။ ေက်းဇူးတင္လို႔ေရးရင္ ပိုၿပီးေလးနက္ေစခ်င္လို႔ အရင္က မေထာက္ခံခဲ့ဘူးဆိုတာေတြပါ ထည့္ေရးလုိက္တယ္။ အံ့ၾသစရာမႇ တ ကယ့္အံ့ၾသစရာ။ စာေပစိစစ္ေရးက အဲဒီမေထာက္ခံဘူးဆိုတာေတြကို ထည့္ခြင့္ေပးလုိက္တယ္။

ဒီအခ်ိန္ဟာ သမုိင္းမႇာ အလႇည့္အေျပာင္းႀကီးတစ္ခုအျဖစ္ ေမာ္ကြန္းတင္ႏိုင္တဲ့အခ်ိန္ ျဖစ္တယ္။ တပ္မေတာ္နဲ႔ျပည္သူ ၾကည္ျဖဴလက္တြဲမႈ ျဖစ္ေပၚလာႏုိင္တဲ့ အခ်ိန္ျဖစ္တယ္။ ဒီအခြင့္အေရးကို လက္လြတ္မခံသင့္ဘူး။ အမိအရ၊ ရေအာင္ယူၾကပါလို႔ တိုက္တြန္း ႏိႈးေဆာ္လိုက္ရပါတယ္ . . .

ေထာက္ခံမဲတစ္မဲေပးလုိက္ၿပီ

အဲဒါေတြပါတဲ့ 'ခဏႀကီး မ ဟုတ္ပါဘူး။ ခဏေလးပါ' ဆိုတဲ့ ေဆာင္းပါးမႇာ သမၼတဦးသိန္းစိန္နဲ႔ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္တို႔ကို အခ်ိန္နည္းနည္း ေပးလိုက္ပါ။ တကယ္ကို ခဏေလးပါလို႔ေရးလိုက္တယ္။ ၿပီးေတာ့ သမၼတဦးသိန္းစိန္အစိုးရကို 'စံသံုးခု' နဲ႔ ေစာင့္ၾကည့္အကဲခတ္ေနမယ္လို႔လည္း ေရးလုိက္တယ္။

၁။ ႏိုင္ငံေရးအက်ဥ္းသားမ်ား လႊတ္၊ မလႊတ္ဆိုတဲ့စံ။

၂။ ျပည္တြင္းစစ္ရပ္စဲေရး အျမန္ လုပ္၊ မလုပ္ဆိုတဲ့စံ။

၃။ ျမစ္ဆံုေရကာတာေဆာက္လုပ္ေရး ရပ္၊ မရပ္ဆိုတဲ့စံ။

အဲဒီသုံးခ်က္ထဲက ျမစ္ဆံုေရကာတာကိစၥ အေျဖေပၚသြားၿပီ။ အစိုးရက ျပည္သူ႔ဆႏၵကို အမႇန္ေလးစားလိုက္နာေၾကာင္း ျပလိုက္ၿပီ။ ေထာက္ခံမဲတစ္မဲေပးလိုက္ၿပီ။


လြတ္ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းသာခြင့္

သီတင္းကြၽတ္လဆန္း ၁၄ ရက္ (အဖိတ္ေန႔) မြန္းလြဲပိုင္းေလာက္မႇာ သမၼတဦးသိန္းစိန္ လက္မႇတ္ေရးထိုးထားတဲ့ လြတ္ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းသာခြင့္ အမိန္႔ထြက္လာတယ္။ အေမွ်ာ္ႀကီး ေမွ်ာ္ရင္း ႏႇစ္ေပါင္းမ်ားစြာ 'ေမွ်ာ္ေမွ်ာ္ သူေမာရရႇာတယ္' ျဖစ္ေနၾကရတဲ့ မိဘေဆြမ်ဳိးေတြ ဧရာ၀တီတုန္းကလိုပဲ ၀မ္းသာရႊင္ျမဴးသြားၾကတယ္။ ဧရာ၀တီကိစၥမႇာ ျပည္သူတစ္ရပ္လံုး စိတ္ခ်မ္းသာေအာင္ ေဆာင္ရြက္ခဲ့တဲ့သမၼတႀကီးကို အျပည့္အ၀ယံုၾကည္ၿပီး အရင္အႀကိမ္ေတြလိုေတာ့ျဖစ္မႇာ မဟုတ္ပါဘူးလို႔ ေသခ်ာေပါက္ တြက္ဆထားၾကတယ္။ တစ္ညလံုး အိပ္မေပ်ာ္ႏိုင္ၾကဘဲ မိုးလင္းေအာင္မနည္းႀကီး သည္းခံေစာင့္ဆိုင္းေနၾကရတယ္။ တခ်ဳိ႕က မေအာင့္ႏိုင္ေတာ့ဘဲ မိုးမလင္းခင္က ေထာင္ဗူး၀က သြားေစာင့္ၾကတယ္။

ေရာင္နီလာၿပီ။ ၿပီးေတာ့ မုိးစင္စင္လင္းၿပီ။ ေထာင္တံခါးႀကီးပြင့္ၿပီ။ အခ်ိန္တန္ေတာ့ သူတုိ႔ျပန္လာၾကၿပီ။ ဒါေပမဲ့ သူတို႔ထဲမႇာ သူတို႔ပါမလာဘူး။ အရင္အႀကိမ္ေတြလိုပဲ ေမွ်ာ္ေမွ်ာ္သူေမာရရႇာတယ္ ျဖစ္ရျပန္ၿပီ။ ဘာေၾကာင့္လဲ။ ဒီမိုကေရစီစနစ္ကို ကူးေျပာင္းဖို႔ဆိုတာ ေခါင္းေဆာင္ႏႇစ္ေယာက္တည္းအားနဲ႔ မရႏိုင္ဘူး။ ပါတီအဖြဲ႕အစည္းႏႇစ္ခုတည္းလည္း မေဆာင္ရြက္ႏိုင္ဘူး။ ျပည္သူလူထု အမ်ားစုႀကီးရဲ႕ေပါင္းစည္းအင္အားနဲ႔ ၀ိုင္း၀န္းလုပ္ေဆာင္ဖို႔ လိုတယ္။ အထူးသျဖင့္ ႏႇစ္ေပါင္းေျခာက္ဆယ္ေက်ာ္ ျပည္တြင္းစစ္တိုက္ခိုက္ေနရတဲ့ တိုင္းျပည္တစ္ျပည္အဖို႔၊ တိုင္းရင္းသားအားလံုးနဲ႔ လက္တြဲႏိုင္ဖို႔ အင္မတန္အေရးႀကီးတယ္။ မျဖစ္မေနကို ရေအာင္လုပ္ဖို႔ လိုတယ္။

ေရႊျပည္ေတာ္ဂိတ္တံခါး

အထဲမႇာက်န္ရႇိေနရစ္တဲ့ ၈၈ မ်ဳိးဆက္ေတြနဲ႔ တုိင္းရင္းသားေခါင္းေဆာင္ေတြဟာ အမ်ဳိးသားျပန္လည္ ရင္ၾကားေစ့ေရး၊ ျပည္တြင္းၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးနဲ႔ ဒီမိုကေရစီ တည္ေဆာက္ေရးအတြက္ အေရးႀကီးဆံုး ေသာ့တစ္ ေခ်ာင္းကိုယ္စီ ကိုင္ေဆာင္ထားသူေတြ ျဖစ္တယ္။ ေရႊျပည္ေတာ္ ဂိတ္တံခါးကေသာ့ေလး ခ်က္ခတ္ထားတယ္။ တစ္ေခ်ာင္းက ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ဆီမႇာရႇိၿပီး၊ ေနာက္တစ္ေခ်ာင္းက သမၼတဦးသိန္းစိန္ကို ေရႇ႕တန္း တင္ထားတဲ့ တပ္မေတာ္လက္ထဲမႇာရႇိတယ္။ ဒီေန႔ တပ္မေတာ္ေခါင္းေဆာင္အားလံုးလိုလိုဟာ လူငယ္ေတြျဖစ္တယ္။ အထဲမႇာရႇိေနတဲ့ ၈၈ မ်ဳိးဆက္ေတြနဲ႔ အရြယ္ခ်င္း မတိမ္းမယိမ္းေတြလို႔ဆိုႏိုင္တယ္။

ေမာ္ကြန္းတင္ႏိုင္တဲ့အခ်ိန္

သူတို႔ရြယ္တူတန္းတူ လူငယ္ေတြခ်င္း အေတြးအေခၚေတြ သိပ္ျခားနားၾကမႇာ မဟုတ္ပါဘူး။ အေရႇ႕ေတာင္အာရႇေဒသမႇာ အခ်မ္းသာဆံုးျဖစ္တဲ့ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံကို ဆင္းရဲတြင္းႀကီးထဲကဆြဲထုတ္ၿပီး ထိုက္တန္တဲ့ေနရာကို အျမန္ဆံုးျပန္လည္ရရႇိ ေအာင္ လုပ္ေဆာင္ခ်င္စိတ္ေတြ လူငယ္တိုင္းမႇာရႇိပါတယ္။ စစ္ေျမျပင္မႇာ လံုျခံဳေရးဦးစားေပး လုပ္ေဆာင္ရတာ သဘာ၀က်တယ္။ ဒါေပမဲ့ ႏုိင္ငံေရးကိစၥမႇာေတာ့ ႏိုင္ငံေရးကိုသာ ဦးစားေပး စဥ္းစားရပါတယ္။ ဒီအခ်ိန္ဟာ သမုိင္းမႇာ အလႇည့္အေျပာင္းႀကီးတစ္ခုအျဖစ္ ေမာ္ကြန္းတင္ႏိုင္တဲ့ အခ်ိန္ျဖစ္တယ္။ တပ္မေတာ္နဲ႔ျပည္သူ ၾကည္ျဖဴလက္တြဲမႈ ျဖစ္ေပၚလာႏုိင္တဲ့ အခ်ိန္ျဖစ္တယ္။ ဒီအခြင့္အေရးကို လက္လြတ္မခံသင့္ဘူး။ အမိအရ၊ ရ ေအာင္ယူၾကပါလို႔ တိုက္တြန္းႏိႈးေဆာ္လိုက္ရပါတယ္။

Credit : Weekly Media