Credit : Irrawaddy
By : PARINYAPORN PAJEE
A Thai documentary maker turns her attention to the Rohingya
Like many Thais, Thananuch Sanguansak saw CNN's report in early 2009 that the Thai military had been systematically towing boat-loads of Rohingya refugees far out to sea and setting them adrift. Her curiosity was aroused and the director and editor of the Nation Channel's documentary section decided to explore further with a documentary of her own.
"That was really the first time I'd heard about the Rohingya. They are part of our daily lives but we don't really notice them," says Thananuch, who set about tracing the Rohingya in Thailand from Ranong to Samut Sakhon - the provinces that are home to the largest concentrations of Burmese immigrant labour.
"I asked Burmese labourers where I could find Rohingya people and the answer was ‘any roti vendor'. I was surprised because I'd always thought that the roti vendors came from India or Bangladesh. In fact, they are Rohingya," says Thananuch.
After interviewing a Rohingya man in Ranong, she learned that he and his family had been evicted from their rented house and asked by government officials from not to give any more information. Thananuch was incensed and decided to develop her documentary and get to know more about the ethnic group.
Most of 50-minute documentary was researched, shot, edited and narrated by Thananuch on her own. Rather than focusing on the obvious human rights abuses, she presents the lives and an overview of these little known people in "My Roghingya" and lets the viewer draw their own conclusions.
"The documentary is from my point of view. I want to share their lives and tell their stories, not just what happened in news," she says.
After showing on the Nation Channel and Modernine as well as at the World Film Festival of Bangkok last year, the documentary is being screened today and on Saturday at the UNHCR's Refugee Film Festival in Tokyo.
It doesn't try to dramatise the hardships of these stateless people or the discrimination in their homeland. In fact Thananuch tries to paint an honest picture of the people who live humbly in Thailand and as well as in the Rohingya refugee camp at Cox's Bazar in Bangladesh.
Unlike those in Thailand, the Rohingya in Bangladesh face a real struggle to survive. They have to stay in the refugee camp and while they can go out to work, they have to return to the camp at night. Thananuch discovered that it was not easy to interview Rohingya people in Bangladesh because they were terrified of getting into trouble with the Bangladesh people and the government.
"We interviewed them in the van so they'd feel safer," she says.
"But whether they are relatively free in Thailand or in a camp in Bangladesh, they really don't want to live abroad. They want to live in Burma," says Thananuch.
"They want Burmese citizenship and to be able to return home."
Many Rohingya people have lived in Thailand for decades, can speak Thai fluently and some have married Thais and are raising families. Aside from selling roti or grilled squid, some are waiting further endorsement of their legal refugee status through UNHCR.
The Rohingya are a predominantly Muslim people from Arakan state in western Burma near the Bangladesh border. Long denied Burmese citizenship, they were chased from their homes by the junta and forced to flee to Bangladesh, Thailand, Indonesia or Malaysia, none of which wants them.
Burma is an ethnically diverse country. Not only the Rohingya, all ethnic people including the Karen or Mon have problems with the government. The Rohingya people still in Arakan State are forbidden from marrying or travelling without permission and have no legal right to own land or property.
Thananuch says she sees no way out for the Rohingya.
"When their problem started getting more public attention, they hoped that their citizenship situation would be resolved because Asean and the UN were aware of their existence. But nothing is happening: it's not easy for any international organisations to interfere with Burma's internal policies."
ON THE WEB
Watch "My Rohingya" at
www.YouTube.com/user/Sthananuch.
"That was really the first time I'd heard about the Rohingya. They are part of our daily lives but we don't really notice them," says Thananuch, who set about tracing the Rohingya in Thailand from Ranong to Samut Sakhon - the provinces that are home to the largest concentrations of Burmese immigrant labour.
"I asked Burmese labourers where I could find Rohingya people and the answer was ‘any roti vendor'. I was surprised because I'd always thought that the roti vendors came from India or Bangladesh. In fact, they are Rohingya," says Thananuch.
After interviewing a Rohingya man in Ranong, she learned that he and his family had been evicted from their rented house and asked by government officials from not to give any more information. Thananuch was incensed and decided to develop her documentary and get to know more about the ethnic group.
Most of 50-minute documentary was researched, shot, edited and narrated by Thananuch on her own. Rather than focusing on the obvious human rights abuses, she presents the lives and an overview of these little known people in "My Roghingya" and lets the viewer draw their own conclusions.
"The documentary is from my point of view. I want to share their lives and tell their stories, not just what happened in news," she says.
After showing on the Nation Channel and Modernine as well as at the World Film Festival of Bangkok last year, the documentary is being screened today and on Saturday at the UNHCR's Refugee Film Festival in Tokyo.
It doesn't try to dramatise the hardships of these stateless people or the discrimination in their homeland. In fact Thananuch tries to paint an honest picture of the people who live humbly in Thailand and as well as in the Rohingya refugee camp at Cox's Bazar in Bangladesh.
Unlike those in Thailand, the Rohingya in Bangladesh face a real struggle to survive. They have to stay in the refugee camp and while they can go out to work, they have to return to the camp at night. Thananuch discovered that it was not easy to interview Rohingya people in Bangladesh because they were terrified of getting into trouble with the Bangladesh people and the government.
"We interviewed them in the van so they'd feel safer," she says.
"But whether they are relatively free in Thailand or in a camp in Bangladesh, they really don't want to live abroad. They want to live in Burma," says Thananuch.
"They want Burmese citizenship and to be able to return home."
Many Rohingya people have lived in Thailand for decades, can speak Thai fluently and some have married Thais and are raising families. Aside from selling roti or grilled squid, some are waiting further endorsement of their legal refugee status through UNHCR.
The Rohingya are a predominantly Muslim people from Arakan state in western Burma near the Bangladesh border. Long denied Burmese citizenship, they were chased from their homes by the junta and forced to flee to Bangladesh, Thailand, Indonesia or Malaysia, none of which wants them.
Burma is an ethnically diverse country. Not only the Rohingya, all ethnic people including the Karen or Mon have problems with the government. The Rohingya people still in Arakan State are forbidden from marrying or travelling without permission and have no legal right to own land or property.
Thananuch says she sees no way out for the Rohingya.
"When their problem started getting more public attention, they hoped that their citizenship situation would be resolved because Asean and the UN were aware of their existence. But nothing is happening: it's not easy for any international organisations to interfere with Burma's internal policies."
ON THE WEB
Watch "My Rohingya" at
www.YouTube.com/user/Sthananuch.
Credit : The Nation
Quest for Integration and Contribution
By Soe Myint
Rohingyas are abject orphans of Burma’s political landscape. They have had tried to integrate into the country’s mainstream democracy movement as well as to work in solidarity with the ethnic nationalities, with commitment to liberate Burma from the yoke of the military dictatorship and to rebuild it a genuine Federal Union that will ensure equality, federal democracy and human rights. Unfortunately, the majority members of the Buddhist Rakhine Arakanese, who include Rakhine racist politicians, intellectuals and activists, living both inside and outside Burma, are hostile to the Rohingyas.
Although most of the Rakhine politicians and activists stanchly oppose the Burmese military rule, they are readily reinforcing the ‘Rohingya extermination policy’ of the regime, providing it with planned disinformation and necessary cooperation. Some of their intellectuals are busy inventing regular make-believe stories, distorting Rohingya historicity and vilifying them as aliens or British-time settlers. Notwithstanding division among them, most of the Rakhine political or armed separatist groups who dream of ‘independent Arakan’ are in hallucination to rid Arakan of the Muslim population.
Rohingyas in Burma are under constant tyranny and persecution living in sub-human condition, worse than apartheid era of South Africa. Those who left the homeland to escape persecution are, sometimes, caught in a more terrible situation. In 2009, about 500 Rohingya boat people, who were intercepted by the Thai navy, were pushed out in engineless rickety boats without water and provision to be drowned in the high seas. From mid 2009 to early 2010 the self-settled Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh were victim to unprecedented levels of violence and attempts at forced repatriation. Without official recognition, they were prevented from supporting themselves, and were not permitted to receive official relief. Some died of starvation. More than 1,000 have been arrested, pushed back across the border, or jailed in Bangladesh. However, with these developments, the Rohingyas stood in the international spotlight that invited the attention of the international community, including European Union. Although ASEAN recognized it as a problem that warranted a regional solution, regrettably the case has been subsided.
Arakan is inhabited by two major indigenous people of Rohingyas and Rakhines, with small tribal and ethnic races distributed among Dinet (Chakma), Sak, Mro, Kamei, Chin, Kaman (Muslim). The total population of Arakan is estimated to be 5 millions including those about 1.5 million Rohingyas in Diasporas as follows:
1. Rakhine 1.6 million (approx.)
2. Rohingya 1.4 million “
3. Rohingya Diasporas 1.5 million “
4. Burman 0.2 million “
5. Others (Kaman, Mro,
Mramagyi, Hindu, SaK, Chin) 0.3 million
The Rohingyas are natural citizens of Burma with a glaring history of more than one thousand years. They have had exercised their right of franchise, and voted their representatives to Constituent Assembly and Parliament in all elections held in Burma from 1936 to 2010, including SPDC’s constitutional referendum in 2008. In spite of that the SPDC and recently military back parliament has rejected the existence of Rohingyas as an ethnic group in Burma. The Buddhist Rakhines of Arakan, the sister community of Rohingyas, also reject them as an ethnic group in Arakan. This unjust view has influenced the Burmese democracy movement and ethnic peoples greatly, and they are reluctant to accommodate the Rohingyas in numerous opposition alliances. Thus they have been excluded from the country’s political and democratic process.
In addition, the Rohingyas are not included amongst 135 ethnic groups that the SPDC defined as Burmese nationals. This declaration of Rohingya as non-nationals and 1982 Burma Citizenship Law, which was enacted in violation of the customary international law, have rendered them “defacto stateless” in Burma.
Arakan, also known as Rohang was an independent monarchy ruled by the Hindus, Buddhists and Muslims. The Buddhist Rakhine Arakanese, who are also known as Maghs and the Muslim Rohingya Arakanese had ruled it in perfect amity. The heyday of Arakan began with the Muslim’s influence and civilization. The Muslims played a phenomenal rule of kingmaker for a considerable period of time until it was invaded and occupied by Burman King Bodawpaya on 15th December 1784 at the invitation of the Rakhine royal chieftains.
The Burman tyrannical rule over Arakan lasted for about 40 years. This invaded country was again colonized by the British in 1824 and put it under British-India administration, as a part of Bengal, until 1937. Burma gained her independence from British on 4th January 1948 and Arakan became a part of it. When Union of Burma emerged consisting of semi-federal states, Arakan remained as a division without statehood despite being an independent country for many centuries, essentially on the ground of Rakhine-Rohingya dichotomy on one hand, and the government then could not ignore the Rohingya people on the other. But on 14the December 1975, in an attempt to appease Rakhines, Ne Win’s Burma Socialist Programme Party (BSPP) regime granted unitary statehood of Arakan under the name of “Rakhine State” thus attributing it to Buddhist Rakhine only at the exclusion of Muslim Rohingya.
Under the unitary system, all states which are equal to divisions in status and functions, are dominated by the military or Burmans. But the Rakhine officials in Arakan State have had played an influential role particularly in matters of Rohingya extermination, which in fact is a boomerang on them when the Rakhines themselves are knowingly or unknowingly getting themselves Burmanized in Burman-melting-pot.
Since 1942 Muslim massacre, series of drive operations have been conducted resulting in the massive destructions of Rohingyas’ lives, properties and settlements causing influxes of refugees into Bangladesh and other countries. The Nagamin or King Dragon Operation of 1978 and Sabe Operation of 1991-92 are unprecedented. In these two operations, each time nearly 300,000 Rohingyas crossed into Bangladesh with the memories of forced labour, rape, extra judicial killing, arbitrary arrest, massive destruction of their properties and crimes against humanity.
Over and above, the Rakhines are actively launching organized onslaughts jointly and severally. These activities have increased since military rule in 1962. Followings are some of the well-known xenophobes.
Inside Burma: The Rakhine officials and elites misguide and influence the administration with disinformation, make-believe accounts and strategic plans to eliminate Rohingyas. For example,
(a) On 9th October1988, Rakhine National Protection Organization, Maungdaw, had submitted a 12-paged strategic paper to State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC), with copies to all important departments, giving the process of Rohingya extermination.
(b) In 1988 Col. Tha Kyaw, who is a Rakhine and Chairman of the National Unity Party (NUP), had submitted an 11-point plan to the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC), detailing the method how to eliminate the Rohingya people in phases. From time to time, the regime used to apply these methodologies in its Rohingya extermination policy.
Out side Burma: With the exception of a few, all Rakhine political parties or armed groups, media groups, woman organizations, youth groups, academics and individuals living outside Burma or on the border are actively engaged in damaging activities against the Rohingyas, For example,
(a) Arakan League for Democracy (ALD), Arakan Liberation
Party (ALP), Democratic Party of Arakan (DPA), Rakhine Women Union (RWU), All Arakan Student and Youth Council (AASYC) and Dhaka based Narinjara News Agency are hostile to Rohingyas. Similarly The Rakhine civil society organizations worldwide and some intellectuals, including those based in Japan, Malaysia, USA, UK and other western and European countries, are antagonistic to Rohingyas. They are unhesitatingly opposing the Rohingya’s existence in Arakan. As it appeared in the numerous news reports, ALP and DPA are well-known to have been involved in robbery, murder, kidnapping, tax collection, poppy cultivation, deforestation and gun running and other crimes in Bandarban area of Chittagong Hill Tracts.
By Soe Myint
Rohingyas are abject orphans of Burma’s political landscape. They have had tried to integrate into the country’s mainstream democracy movement as well as to work in solidarity with the ethnic nationalities, with commitment to liberate Burma from the yoke of the military dictatorship and to rebuild it a genuine Federal Union that will ensure equality, federal democracy and human rights. Unfortunately, the majority members of the Buddhist Rakhine Arakanese, who include Rakhine racist politicians, intellectuals and activists, living both inside and outside Burma, are hostile to the Rohingyas.
Although most of the Rakhine politicians and activists stanchly oppose the Burmese military rule, they are readily reinforcing the ‘Rohingya extermination policy’ of the regime, providing it with planned disinformation and necessary cooperation. Some of their intellectuals are busy inventing regular make-believe stories, distorting Rohingya historicity and vilifying them as aliens or British-time settlers. Notwithstanding division among them, most of the Rakhine political or armed separatist groups who dream of ‘independent Arakan’ are in hallucination to rid Arakan of the Muslim population.
Rohingyas in Burma are under constant tyranny and persecution living in sub-human condition, worse than apartheid era of South Africa. Those who left the homeland to escape persecution are, sometimes, caught in a more terrible situation. In 2009, about 500 Rohingya boat people, who were intercepted by the Thai navy, were pushed out in engineless rickety boats without water and provision to be drowned in the high seas. From mid 2009 to early 2010 the self-settled Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh were victim to unprecedented levels of violence and attempts at forced repatriation. Without official recognition, they were prevented from supporting themselves, and were not permitted to receive official relief. Some died of starvation. More than 1,000 have been arrested, pushed back across the border, or jailed in Bangladesh. However, with these developments, the Rohingyas stood in the international spotlight that invited the attention of the international community, including European Union. Although ASEAN recognized it as a problem that warranted a regional solution, regrettably the case has been subsided.
Arakan is inhabited by two major indigenous people of Rohingyas and Rakhines, with small tribal and ethnic races distributed among Dinet (Chakma), Sak, Mro, Kamei, Chin, Kaman (Muslim). The total population of Arakan is estimated to be 5 millions including those about 1.5 million Rohingyas in Diasporas as follows:
1. Rakhine 1.6 million (approx.)
2. Rohingya 1.4 million “
3. Rohingya Diasporas 1.5 million “
4. Burman 0.2 million “
5. Others (Kaman, Mro,
Mramagyi, Hindu, SaK, Chin) 0.3 million
The Rohingyas are natural citizens of Burma with a glaring history of more than one thousand years. They have had exercised their right of franchise, and voted their representatives to Constituent Assembly and Parliament in all elections held in Burma from 1936 to 2010, including SPDC’s constitutional referendum in 2008. In spite of that the SPDC and recently military back parliament has rejected the existence of Rohingyas as an ethnic group in Burma. The Buddhist Rakhines of Arakan, the sister community of Rohingyas, also reject them as an ethnic group in Arakan. This unjust view has influenced the Burmese democracy movement and ethnic peoples greatly, and they are reluctant to accommodate the Rohingyas in numerous opposition alliances. Thus they have been excluded from the country’s political and democratic process.
In addition, the Rohingyas are not included amongst 135 ethnic groups that the SPDC defined as Burmese nationals. This declaration of Rohingya as non-nationals and 1982 Burma Citizenship Law, which was enacted in violation of the customary international law, have rendered them “defacto stateless” in Burma.
Arakan, also known as Rohang was an independent monarchy ruled by the Hindus, Buddhists and Muslims. The Buddhist Rakhine Arakanese, who are also known as Maghs and the Muslim Rohingya Arakanese had ruled it in perfect amity. The heyday of Arakan began with the Muslim’s influence and civilization. The Muslims played a phenomenal rule of kingmaker for a considerable period of time until it was invaded and occupied by Burman King Bodawpaya on 15th December 1784 at the invitation of the Rakhine royal chieftains.
The Burman tyrannical rule over Arakan lasted for about 40 years. This invaded country was again colonized by the British in 1824 and put it under British-India administration, as a part of Bengal, until 1937. Burma gained her independence from British on 4th January 1948 and Arakan became a part of it. When Union of Burma emerged consisting of semi-federal states, Arakan remained as a division without statehood despite being an independent country for many centuries, essentially on the ground of Rakhine-Rohingya dichotomy on one hand, and the government then could not ignore the Rohingya people on the other. But on 14the December 1975, in an attempt to appease Rakhines, Ne Win’s Burma Socialist Programme Party (BSPP) regime granted unitary statehood of Arakan under the name of “Rakhine State” thus attributing it to Buddhist Rakhine only at the exclusion of Muslim Rohingya.
Under the unitary system, all states which are equal to divisions in status and functions, are dominated by the military or Burmans. But the Rakhine officials in Arakan State have had played an influential role particularly in matters of Rohingya extermination, which in fact is a boomerang on them when the Rakhines themselves are knowingly or unknowingly getting themselves Burmanized in Burman-melting-pot.
Since 1942 Muslim massacre, series of drive operations have been conducted resulting in the massive destructions of Rohingyas’ lives, properties and settlements causing influxes of refugees into Bangladesh and other countries. The Nagamin or King Dragon Operation of 1978 and Sabe Operation of 1991-92 are unprecedented. In these two operations, each time nearly 300,000 Rohingyas crossed into Bangladesh with the memories of forced labour, rape, extra judicial killing, arbitrary arrest, massive destruction of their properties and crimes against humanity.
Over and above, the Rakhines are actively launching organized onslaughts jointly and severally. These activities have increased since military rule in 1962. Followings are some of the well-known xenophobes.
Inside Burma: The Rakhine officials and elites misguide and influence the administration with disinformation, make-believe accounts and strategic plans to eliminate Rohingyas. For example,
(a) On 9th October1988, Rakhine National Protection Organization, Maungdaw, had submitted a 12-paged strategic paper to State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC), with copies to all important departments, giving the process of Rohingya extermination.
(b) In 1988 Col. Tha Kyaw, who is a Rakhine and Chairman of the National Unity Party (NUP), had submitted an 11-point plan to the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC), detailing the method how to eliminate the Rohingya people in phases. From time to time, the regime used to apply these methodologies in its Rohingya extermination policy.
Out side Burma: With the exception of a few, all Rakhine political parties or armed groups, media groups, woman organizations, youth groups, academics and individuals living outside Burma or on the border are actively engaged in damaging activities against the Rohingyas, For example,
(a) Arakan League for Democracy (ALD), Arakan Liberation
Party (ALP), Democratic Party of Arakan (DPA), Rakhine Women Union (RWU), All Arakan Student and Youth Council (AASYC) and Dhaka based Narinjara News Agency are hostile to Rohingyas. Similarly The Rakhine civil society organizations worldwide and some intellectuals, including those based in Japan, Malaysia, USA, UK and other western and European countries, are antagonistic to Rohingyas. They are unhesitatingly opposing the Rohingya’s existence in Arakan. As it appeared in the numerous news reports, ALP and DPA are well-known to have been involved in robbery, murder, kidnapping, tax collection, poppy cultivation, deforestation and gun running and other crimes in Bandarban area of Chittagong Hill Tracts.
(b) Arakan National Council (ANC), an umbrella organization of the Rakhines, in its policy declaration, rejects the Rohingya ethnicity and labels them as illegal Bengali immigrants from Bangladesh.
(c) Saw Mra Raza Linn, President of the Dhaka based RWU is the foreign Secretary and Secretary General of ALP using the nickname Zeya Myo Line. She does not recognize the Rohingya’s existence in Arakan, and started injuring the Rohingya through false statements. On 4th April 2007, in an interview with BBC Burmese Service, Saw Mra Raza Linn, who married to a Bangladeshi, baselessly stated, “still Bangladeshi people are stealthily entering into Arakan. They committed rape of many Rakhine women.” Not to speak of committing crimes by Rohingyas against Rakhines, it is quite impossible for Rohingyas even to speak out against the wrongs and injustice done by Rakhines for fear of further victimization by the law enforcement agencies. In 2007 Saw Mra Raza Linn was designated for Yawari Human Rights Award from Japan but the prize was later withdrawn when the awarding committee found that she was a racist. In 2009 she failed to get Democracy and Human Rights award from Taiwan Foundation for Democracy Human Rights. From February this year, she is trying for Gwangju Prize for Human Rights Award from Korea It will be an insult to the universalism of human rights if any organization confers human rights award on her. It was absolutely improper that she was chosen to represent Burma Democracy icon Nobel Peace Laureate Daw Aung San Suu Kyi to receive an honorary doctorate degree, on 7th July 2009, awarded by the University of Ulster in Northern Ireland.
(d) Khine Mrat Kyaw, the editor of Narinjara electronic media, who is also BBC Burmese reporter based in Dhaka, is a moderate revolutionary turned racist journalist. He used to send confusing news report regarding Rohingyas. Whereas he was one of the signatories of the Agreement of Political Alliance, singed on 16th September 2000, between the National United Party of Arakan (NUPA) and Arakan Rohingya National Organization (ARNO), now he is reluctant to accept the existence of Rohingya in Arakan. His Narinjara news agency is a member of Burma News International (BNI) receiving financial support from Open Society Institute (OSI) and other sources for the promotion of democracy in Burma. Narinjara as a news media is welcomed, but it should not be manned with a prejudiced editor like Khine Mrat Kyaw.
(e) The Rakhine xenophobic academics are engaged in intellectual abuses against the Rohingya people. They are preaching hatred in the minds of fellow citizens to get rid of the Rohingyas. Dr. Aye Chan (Japan), Dr. Aye Kyaw (USA), Dr. Ashin Nayaka (USA), U Maung Tha Hla (USA) U Khin Maung Saw (Germany) U Nyi Nyi Lwin (Malaysia) and U Ran Naung Soe (Netherland) are some of the xenophobes. Dr. Aye Chan in his book called the Rohingya “Influx Viruses in Arakan”. In June 2003, In Collaboration with Arakan National Association Japan, he organized an anti-Rohingya seminar in Tokyo and published a book in Burmese of provocation. In 2009 he tried to hold a seminar at the School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS) in London with an agenda to link Rohingya with terrorism. But, the university authorities withdrew permission when they found that it was a racist agenda. Dr. Aye Kyaw, who was an active collaborator of Ne Win’s BSPP regime, did harm to the Rohingyas. He said Arakan and Buddhism are synonymous, and called the Rohingya a floating people. Some of his writings and his interview of 7th October, 2009 with Irrawaddy, are full of animosity. U Mauung Tha Hla wrote two booklets, “The Rakhaine and Rohingya Hoax”, consisting of false and fabricated facts. U Khin Maung Saw in his works -- sometime quoting false references-- stated that the Rohingyas are Chittagonian infiltrators having no rights in Burma. He has also suggested that the Rohingyas may be at best considered for associate or naturalized citizens. His writings are full of xenophobia. In his article of 20th February 2001, U Nyi Nyi Lwin tried in vain to link Rohingyas with Taliban and Al-Qaeda, for being Muslims, with intention to injure them in an atmosphere of global Muslim phobia. U Ran Ni Soe used to bark at anyone -- Rohingya or non-Rohingya-- who supports the cause and case of Rohingyas. His jungle behaviors have been widely condemned.
HH
1942 was the turning point in the history of Rohingyas when Rakhine communalists in collaboration with Burma Independence Army (BIA) then under the command of Ne Win (later Gen. Ne Win/President Ne Win) massacred about 100,000 Rohingyas and destroyed hundreds of villages in the townships of Kyawktaw, Mrohaung and Minbya. More than 50,000 Rohingyas who fled to Bengal were sheltered in refugee camps in Bangladesh. Still their descendants are found in Denajpur and Rangpur districts.
During Burma independence struggle, the Rohingyas were left out from the political process that prompted them to embark on freedom movement, like Karen and others, in 1948. Rohingyas are peace loving. In 1960, they exchanged arms for peace, on the categorical assurance by the government of treating them on par with other national groups of the country. The then parliamentary government of U Nu recognized Rohingyas as one of the ethnic races of Burma. As such they took part in all national activities, including participation in Union Day celebrations held every year on 12th February. Mayu Frontier Administration was created for Rohingya development in a part of their Traditional Homeland in North Arakan. It was later abolished in 1962, when the military generals seized power from parliamentary government and abolished the democratic constitution. General Ne Win took extreme measures of persecution against the Rohingyas and were left with no option except to resume resistance movement for their inalienable rights and freedom.
Despite Rohingya’s all out efforts to identify themselves with the main stream democracy movement and ethnic politics of the country, they have been denied accommodation. Many a time Rohingya organizations applied for due membership of the numerous democracy and ethnic nationalities alliances, such as National Council of the Union of Burma (NCUB), the Democratic Alliance of Burma (DAB), Ethnic Nationalities Council (ENC),National Democratic Front(NDF) etc. but to no avail. The Rakhine groups -- the serious of all, for example, Arakan Liberation Party/ALP -- have had blocked any such attempts made by the Rohingya parties by influencing other component members of the alliances, who continue to prefer not hurt the sentiment of the Rakhines.
The people of Burma are passing a very critical period now. As the Burma democracy leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi had urged upon her release from the house arrest on 13th November 2010, we the people of the country are required ‘to work in unison to reach the goal’, which is to rebuild a genuine Federal Union of Burma. In this 21st century, the world becomes like a global village. The people are changing in their idea, thinking and social conduct. There is no place for xenophobia, racism, imperialism, terrorism, colonialism and fascist militarism. It is a futile exercise to continue harping on the tune of ‘Rohingya extermination’. It needs to stop fighting this losing battle right now. It is mandatory for the two sister communities of Rohingya and Rakhine to rationally resolve their differences, hold in their arms, and work together in order to charter their own future and the future of their children in Arakan within Burma Federation.
(c) Saw Mra Raza Linn, President of the Dhaka based RWU is the foreign Secretary and Secretary General of ALP using the nickname Zeya Myo Line. She does not recognize the Rohingya’s existence in Arakan, and started injuring the Rohingya through false statements. On 4th April 2007, in an interview with BBC Burmese Service, Saw Mra Raza Linn, who married to a Bangladeshi, baselessly stated, “still Bangladeshi people are stealthily entering into Arakan. They committed rape of many Rakhine women.” Not to speak of committing crimes by Rohingyas against Rakhines, it is quite impossible for Rohingyas even to speak out against the wrongs and injustice done by Rakhines for fear of further victimization by the law enforcement agencies. In 2007 Saw Mra Raza Linn was designated for Yawari Human Rights Award from Japan but the prize was later withdrawn when the awarding committee found that she was a racist. In 2009 she failed to get Democracy and Human Rights award from Taiwan Foundation for Democracy Human Rights. From February this year, she is trying for Gwangju Prize for Human Rights Award from Korea It will be an insult to the universalism of human rights if any organization confers human rights award on her. It was absolutely improper that she was chosen to represent Burma Democracy icon Nobel Peace Laureate Daw Aung San Suu Kyi to receive an honorary doctorate degree, on 7th July 2009, awarded by the University of Ulster in Northern Ireland.
(d) Khine Mrat Kyaw, the editor of Narinjara electronic media, who is also BBC Burmese reporter based in Dhaka, is a moderate revolutionary turned racist journalist. He used to send confusing news report regarding Rohingyas. Whereas he was one of the signatories of the Agreement of Political Alliance, singed on 16th September 2000, between the National United Party of Arakan (NUPA) and Arakan Rohingya National Organization (ARNO), now he is reluctant to accept the existence of Rohingya in Arakan. His Narinjara news agency is a member of Burma News International (BNI) receiving financial support from Open Society Institute (OSI) and other sources for the promotion of democracy in Burma. Narinjara as a news media is welcomed, but it should not be manned with a prejudiced editor like Khine Mrat Kyaw.
(e) The Rakhine xenophobic academics are engaged in intellectual abuses against the Rohingya people. They are preaching hatred in the minds of fellow citizens to get rid of the Rohingyas. Dr. Aye Chan (Japan), Dr. Aye Kyaw (USA), Dr. Ashin Nayaka (USA), U Maung Tha Hla (USA) U Khin Maung Saw (Germany) U Nyi Nyi Lwin (Malaysia) and U Ran Naung Soe (Netherland) are some of the xenophobes. Dr. Aye Chan in his book called the Rohingya “Influx Viruses in Arakan”. In June 2003, In Collaboration with Arakan National Association Japan, he organized an anti-Rohingya seminar in Tokyo and published a book in Burmese of provocation. In 2009 he tried to hold a seminar at the School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS) in London with an agenda to link Rohingya with terrorism. But, the university authorities withdrew permission when they found that it was a racist agenda. Dr. Aye Kyaw, who was an active collaborator of Ne Win’s BSPP regime, did harm to the Rohingyas. He said Arakan and Buddhism are synonymous, and called the Rohingya a floating people. Some of his writings and his interview of 7th October, 2009 with Irrawaddy, are full of animosity. U Mauung Tha Hla wrote two booklets, “The Rakhaine and Rohingya Hoax”, consisting of false and fabricated facts. U Khin Maung Saw in his works -- sometime quoting false references-- stated that the Rohingyas are Chittagonian infiltrators having no rights in Burma. He has also suggested that the Rohingyas may be at best considered for associate or naturalized citizens. His writings are full of xenophobia. In his article of 20th February 2001, U Nyi Nyi Lwin tried in vain to link Rohingyas with Taliban and Al-Qaeda, for being Muslims, with intention to injure them in an atmosphere of global Muslim phobia. U Ran Ni Soe used to bark at anyone -- Rohingya or non-Rohingya-- who supports the cause and case of Rohingyas. His jungle behaviors have been widely condemned.
HH
1942 was the turning point in the history of Rohingyas when Rakhine communalists in collaboration with Burma Independence Army (BIA) then under the command of Ne Win (later Gen. Ne Win/President Ne Win) massacred about 100,000 Rohingyas and destroyed hundreds of villages in the townships of Kyawktaw, Mrohaung and Minbya. More than 50,000 Rohingyas who fled to Bengal were sheltered in refugee camps in Bangladesh. Still their descendants are found in Denajpur and Rangpur districts.
During Burma independence struggle, the Rohingyas were left out from the political process that prompted them to embark on freedom movement, like Karen and others, in 1948. Rohingyas are peace loving. In 1960, they exchanged arms for peace, on the categorical assurance by the government of treating them on par with other national groups of the country. The then parliamentary government of U Nu recognized Rohingyas as one of the ethnic races of Burma. As such they took part in all national activities, including participation in Union Day celebrations held every year on 12th February. Mayu Frontier Administration was created for Rohingya development in a part of their Traditional Homeland in North Arakan. It was later abolished in 1962, when the military generals seized power from parliamentary government and abolished the democratic constitution. General Ne Win took extreme measures of persecution against the Rohingyas and were left with no option except to resume resistance movement for their inalienable rights and freedom.
Despite Rohingya’s all out efforts to identify themselves with the main stream democracy movement and ethnic politics of the country, they have been denied accommodation. Many a time Rohingya organizations applied for due membership of the numerous democracy and ethnic nationalities alliances, such as National Council of the Union of Burma (NCUB), the Democratic Alliance of Burma (DAB), Ethnic Nationalities Council (ENC),National Democratic Front(NDF) etc. but to no avail. The Rakhine groups -- the serious of all, for example, Arakan Liberation Party/ALP -- have had blocked any such attempts made by the Rohingya parties by influencing other component members of the alliances, who continue to prefer not hurt the sentiment of the Rakhines.
The people of Burma are passing a very critical period now. As the Burma democracy leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi had urged upon her release from the house arrest on 13th November 2010, we the people of the country are required ‘to work in unison to reach the goal’, which is to rebuild a genuine Federal Union of Burma. In this 21st century, the world becomes like a global village. The people are changing in their idea, thinking and social conduct. There is no place for xenophobia, racism, imperialism, terrorism, colonialism and fascist militarism. It is a futile exercise to continue harping on the tune of ‘Rohingya extermination’. It needs to stop fighting this losing battle right now. It is mandatory for the two sister communities of Rohingya and Rakhine to rationally resolve their differences, hold in their arms, and work together in order to charter their own future and the future of their children in Arakan within Burma Federation.
Irrawaddy News interviewed with Wai Hnin Pwin Thon
By A WSJ Staff Reporter
Myanmar's surprise decision to halt a controversial Chinese-backed dam project last Friday has set off yet another round of debate over who truly is in charge of the secretive Southeast Asia nation.
Since last year's national election, which Western observers said was a fraud designed to cement military rule in Myanmar, analysts have argued over which faction of the government seemed to be running the show.
Some assumed that former paramount leader Senior Gen. Than Shwe, who ruled with an iron fist for most of the past 20 years before retiring this year, was continuing to call the shots behind the scenes. Others thought that powerful figures, such as Thura Shwe Mann, a former third-ranking member of Myanmar's military junta, who now serves as speaker of the lower house, or other senior military leaders would assert themselves.
Few expected President Thein Sein, a former military commander and Than Shwe loyalist who represented Myanmar abroad in previous years as prime minister and was widely seen as something of a mystery, would emerge as a forceful figure in the new administration.
Yet that seems to be what's happening, analysts are increasingly concluding. Dissident media and advocacy groups have reported that Mr. Thein Sein has played an important role in promoting economic reforms in the new government, and has pressed to rein in corruption.
His decision on the dam, meanwhile, appeared to directly contradict other senior government leaders, who had promised to stick with the $3.6 billion Myitsone project, which was designed to provide power for Myanmar's most important strategic partner, China. Last month, for example, Electric Power Minister Zaw Min vowed the Myitsone project would definitely go ahead despite rising opposition from residents in the area and the country's fledgling environmental lobby.
Western diplomats say they've been surprised by the number of changes that have occurred under Mr. Thein Sein's watch, though they caution that the changes so far are mostly incremental and could easily be reversed. They include loosened restrictions on the press and Internet and an expanding dialogue between the government and famed dissident Aung San Suu Kyi.
Meanwhile, even some of the harshest critics within Myanmar's dissident community applauded Mr. Thein Sein's move to suspend the dam, which was deeply unpopular. The move also appears to have upset China.
"Even for someone as critical as I, I would say this kind of governmental action needs to be encouraged and welcomed publicly," said Maung Zarni, a Myanmar research fellow at the London School of Economics.
The dam decision "is good news that President Thein Sein shows his respect to the will of the people of Burma," added Aung Din, executive director for the U.S. Campaign for Burma, a dissident group in Washington that uses Myanmar's former name. The step was only a beginning, though, he said, with other key moves—such as releasing all political prisoners and ceasing military campaigns against ethnic minorities—as yet undone.
One argument being made by more optimistic dissidents and advocates is that Mr. Thein Sein—who has more experience in dealing with the outside world than other Myanmar leaders—is one of the key driving forces for moderation within Myanmar's new government, and with each passing week is consolidating his power. Others say his standing is less certain, but that he is using the dam issue to curry favor with the public so he can strengthen his position and potentially focus on other reforms.
Since taking office, "Thein Sein has moved quickly to begin implementing his ambitious reform agenda," researchers at the International Crisis Group wrote in a report released last month. The group said Mr. Thein Sein appeared to have made a breakthrough sometime in July, when the pace of change accelerated, possibly after he asserted his authority over more reactionary factions in the government. It cited interviews with "several well-placed individuals" for those conclusions.
More skeptical dissidents—of which there are many—quickly dismissed the report, given Myanmar's past history of flirting with reform and then backtracking.
A government official in a series of recent email exchanges with The Wall Street Journal dismissed any rumors of power struggles or factional splits.
"Since he took office, the President has always expressed a desire to build a democratic Myanmar," said Ye Htut, director general of the Information and Public Relations Department of the Ministry of Information in Myanmar. As for the dam suspension, Mr. Thein Sein "was elected by the people and therefore has to act according to the desire of the people," he said.
Of course, there's still the ultimate conspiracy theory to consider: that everything happening now was planned by Mr. Than Shwe all along. That seems far-fetched to many Myanmar observers, but then again, the man formerly known simply as "Number 1" surprised a lot of people in his time. Written off as a lightweight when he assumed power in the early 1990s, he guided Myanmar through a series of his own economic reforms a few years later, clamped down hard on opponents and ruled with only occasional challenges for two decades.
ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံမွာေတာ့ ဦးသိန္းစိန္က အခုလိုဆံုးျဖတ္လိုက္တာဟာ သူ မေျဖရွင္းေပးႏိုင္တဲ့ ႏိုင္ငံေရး အက်ဥ္းသားလြတ္ေျမာက္ေရးကိစၥလို ကိစၥမ်ိဳး အမ်ားႀကီးရွိေနတာမို႔ အခုလို သူ႔အေပၚ အက်ိဳးသက္ေရာက္မႈနည္းမယ့္ ျမစ္ဆံုကိစၥမ်ိဳးကို လိုက္ေလ်ာ ဆံုးျဖတ္လိုက္တာ ျဖစ္ႏုိင္တယ္ (တ႐ုတ္ႏုိင္ငံ ေပၚလစီ သံုးသပ္သူ -ေဒါက္တာလွေက်ာ္ေဇာ)
President U THEIN SEIN Myanmar has announced in Parliament to respect the wishes of the people of Myanmar, a joint venture with the Chinese side suspended the secret Pine Dam hydroelectric power station construction program. Chinese Foreign Ministry on Oct. 1 to respond the first time, hope and Myanmar through consultations.
Wu Dengsheng statement read out in Parliament, said Myitsone hydropower project in violation of the wishes of the people of Myanmar, in his term of office will suspend the project.
He said: "The Myanmar government is democratically elected government, so we must pay attention to the people's will, we have an obligation to focus on solving people's fears and concerns."
Chinese Foreign Ministry initially said to verify the message, and the lapse of 24 hours for the first time responses, dense pine plant is a joint venture between China and Myanmar, the project implementation process in the matter should be handled through consultations.
Myitsone is Myanmar's largest hydropower dam project cost $ 3.6 billion. Tengchong County, Yunnan Power distance of about 200 kilometers, is located in the mountains in northern Myanmar's Kachin, Irrawaddy River is the river level on the first power plant to be developed, with a total installed capacity of 600 million kilowatts.
Myitsone dam is also the largest overseas Chinese business and transfer of hydropower construction projects, equivalent to China's Three Gorges Power Station. China and Myanmar signed a contract in 2006, the Central China Power Investment Group-owned enterprises unilaterally fund the construction of electricity after the completion of 90% will be exported to mainland China.
Myitsone the end of 2009 the dam began. Construction of more than a year ago, Myanmar's environmentalists, academics, Kachin and other ethnic leaders and politicians, are trying to protest against this project, including the famous Burmese pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi. They protest, the project has led to living along the Yangtze River in the Irrawaddy, Kachin ethnic minority residents forced thousands to migrate, will seriously damage the ecological environment of the Irrawaddy.
Yi Nuowa Myanmar Irrawaddy's mother, gave birth to Myanmar culture and history. Myanmar, a commentator said: "Every Burmese people and have emotional ties to this river, which is why so many people oppose the dam project."
Harvey BBC correspondent in Southeast Asia Affairs, said that although China Electric Power Group Corporation invite experts to Myanmar to assess the project, but the assessment is not made public.
In addition, BBC also said there is news that Chinese partners in the dam started only after the impact assessment of research. Critics say this is "cart before the horse."
"China and India intersection: the intersection of Burma and the new Asia," Wu Tan Min author of the book said that if the opaque Chinese investment projects, the impact will not be considered local, it would be counterproductive.
Some observers believe that Wu Dengsheng's decision shows the change in the attitude of the new government of Myanmar. They are increasingly willing to listen to the voice of the people, to try to get international recognition.
However, according to "Voice of America" report, Myanmar's river network organization reminded by the China Power Investment Group, responsible for power plant projects Myitsone not yet stopped. Environmental groups called on the Chinese engineers and equipment to withdraw from power plant construction area, and so were forced to move the Kachin people to return home, cease to protect the power station.
Currently living in Germany, King of Verona to water experts, "Deutsche Welle" said Myanmar should stop Myitsone dam will have some impact on China. China's hydropower development are some of the crazy momentum, Wang Vero think this is the Chinese authorities to "develop more than anything else" as the basis for making the wrong decision.
Verona King said: "China's understanding of ecological and environmental protection are a lot different when talking about the construction of the Three Gorges Dam on the ecological hazards, the Government stressed the dam project is to improve the quality of human life, meet people needs, Beijing is always regarded as the master of nature. "
NTDTV reporter Liming Fei
ျမန္မာလူထုရဲ႕ ႏွလုံးသည္းပြတ္ျဖစ္တဲ႔ ဧရာ၀တီကုိ အဖတ္ဆယ္ဘုိ႔ လူထုရဲ႕ဆႏၵေတြ ပြင္႔အန္ထြက္လာႀကတာ အားလုံးအသိပါပဲ။ ျပည္တင္းလွ်င္ မင္းမခံႏုိင္ဆုိသလုိ…. လူထုဆႏၵကုိ အထုိက္အား ေလွ်ာ္စြာမ်က္ေၿခမၿပတ္ဘူးလုိ႔ ဆုိႏုိင္တဲ႔လက္ရွိ အစုိးရသစ္ သမၼတဦးသိန္းစိန္ကေတာ႔… ဒီကိစၥအေပၚ ရပ္ဆုိင္းလုိက္ဆုိင္းလုိက္ၿခင္းကုိ.. အားလုံးနီးပါးေသာ ၿပည္သူလူထုႀကီးကလည္း ႀကိဳဆုိခဲ႔ႀကတယ္။ တတုိင္းၿပည္လုံးနီးပါး ဝမ္းေၿမာက္ခဲ႔ႀကရတယ္။
သုိ႔ေသာ္ ၀မ္းေၿမာက္မႈ႔ေတြက သိပ္မႀကာလုိက္ဘူး…။ စိတ္ပ်က္စရာ၊ ၀မ္းနည္းစရာ၊ ေဒါသထြက္စရာ ေတြက ေနာက္ဆက္တြဲ ပါလာေတာ႔တယ္….။ ကခ်င္လြတ္ေၿမာက္ေရး တပ္မေတာ္နဲ႔ တုိက္ပြဲေတြက.. စိတ္အစဥ္ကုိ ခါးသီးေစခဲ႔တယ္။ ႏုိင္ငံေရးအက်ဥ္းသားေတြ မလြတ္ေၿမာက္ေသးတာက.. မခ်င္႔မရဲၿဖစ္ေစခဲ႔တယ္…။ တရုတ္အစုိးရရဲ႕ ေဒါသနဲ႔တုန္႔ၿပန္သံေတြဟာ… တမ်ိဳးသားလုံးကုိ သတိရွိဘုိ႔ လႈံ႔ေဆာ္ေနတယ္။ ဒါေတြကုိ ဦးသိန္းစိန္အစုိးရအေနနဲ႔ ကုိင္တြယ္တတ္ဘုိ႔လုိပါတယ္…။ မိမိႏုိင္ငံတြင္း ၿပသနာေတြက အေရးႀကီးသလုိ.. ၿပည္ပရန္ကလည္း အထူးကုိ သတိႀကီးႀကီး ထားရမွာပါ။
ဦးစြာပထမ.. ျပည္တြင္းမွာ အဓိကက်တဲ႔ ၿပသနာေတြကုိ အၿမန္ဆုံး ေၿဖရွင္းႏုိင္ဘုိ႔ လုိပါလိမ္႔မယ္။
- ႏုိင္ငံေရးအက်ဥ္းသားမ်ားကုိ အၿမန္ဆုံးလႊတ္ေပးလုိက္ရင္...
- ၿပည္တြင္းမွာ ၿဖစ္ပြားေနတဲ႔ ၿပည္တြင္းစစ္မီးကုိ အၿမန္ဆုံး ၿငိမ္းသတ္ႏုိင္မယ္ဆုိရင္….
- အမ်ိဳးသားၿပန္လည္သင္႔ၿမတ္ေရးကုိ အစြမ္းကုန္ ေဆာင္ရြက္မယ္ဆုိရင္
- လူ႔အခြင္႔အေရး ခ်ိဳးေဖာက္ေနမႈမ်ားကုိ အၿမန္ဆုံးရပ္တန္႔လုိက္မယ္ဆုိရင္…..
တမ်ိဳးသားလုံးရဲ႕ေသြးစည္းညီညြတ္မႈ အားဟာ…ေတာ္ေတာ္ ခုိင္မာလာႏုိင္မယ္လုိ႔ ယုံႀကည္ပါတယ္။ ဒါေတြဟာ လုံး၀ကိုအခ်ိန္ဆြဲလုိ႔ မရတဲ့ အေႀကာင္းအရာေတြ ျဖစ္ေနပါတယ္။ ဘာၿဖစ္လုိ႔လည္းဆုိေတာ႔ လတ္တေလာမွာ… ၿပည္ပရန္က အေရးႀကီးေနၿပီ မဟုတ္ပါလား…။ ယခုဆုိလွ်င္… တရုတ္အစုိးရရဲ႕ တုန္႔ၿပန္ခ်က္မွာ ၿမန္မာကုိ မွတ္ေလာက္ေအာင္ သင္ခန္းစာေပးရမယ္ဆုိတာ.. ဘာကုိဆုိလုိပါသလည္း… ဘယ္လုိေတြနဲ႔ သင္ခန္းစာ ေပးခ်င္တာပါလည္း…. သင္တုိ႔သင္ခန္းစာေပးတုိင္း ၿမန္မာေတြက ေခါင္းငုံ႔ခံမယ္လူမ်ိဳးေတြလုိ႔ ယုံႀကည္ေနပါသလား….။ ျမန္မာေတြဟာ အမ်ိဳးသားေရးနဲ႔ ပတ္သက္လာရင္… ဆတ္ဆတ္ထိ မခံတတ္တဲ႔ လူမ်ိဳးေတြဆုိတာ သင္တုိ႔သိပါေလစြ….။
သမၼတဦးသိန္းစိန္ အစုိးရအေနၿဖင္႔ ယင္းကိစၥအေပၚ… တရုတ္အား အေလွ်ာ႔ေပး ဆက္ဆံေနမည္ဆုိပါ လွ်င္ ရရွိၿပီးသား လူထုထံမွ အမွတ္မ်ား ေလွ်ာက်သြားမည္ ၿဖစ္ယုံမက… မယုံမႀကည္မႈ႔မ်ားသည္။ ယခင္ကထက္ ပုိမုိဆုိး၀ါးသြားႏုိင္ပါသည္။ လက္ရွိအေၿခေနတြင္ အစုိးရအေနၿဖင္႔ လမ္းေႀကာင္းႏွစ္ေႀကာင္း အနက္တခုခုကုိ ေရြးခ်ယ္ရေပေတာ႔မည္။ ၿမန္မာလူထုအက်ိဳးစီးပြားနဲ႔ ေထာက္ခံမႈ႔ကုိယူမလား……။ တရုတ္အစုိးရ၏ အၿပဳံးစတခ်က္ကုိ ရင္၀ယ္ပုိက္မည္လား။ ႏွစ္ခုစလုံးၿပိဳင္ေရြးလုိ႔ မရစေကာင္းပါ။ ကမၻာေပၚတြင္ တရုတ္အစုိးရ၏ အေထာက္အပံ႔ေႀကာင္႔ တုိင္းၿပည္ထူေထာင္လာေသာ ႏုိင္ငံမေတြ႔ဘူးေသးပါ။
တၿခားတဘက္တြင္ သတိထားသင္႔သည္မွာ… ယခုကိစၥသည္.. တရုတ္အစုိးရ၏ မႏွစ္ၿမိဳ႔စရာေသာ ႏုိင္ငံတကာ ဆက္ဆံေရး ေပၚလစီကုိ ကန္႔ကြက္ၿခင္းၿဖစ္သည္…။ လူမ်ိဳးေရးဆန္႔က်င္မႈ႔မဟုတ္ပါ… ဒါကုိသဲသဲကြဲကြဲ ခြဲၿမင္ေစလုိပါတယ္…။ တရုတ္အစုိးရနဲ႔ တရုတ္လူထုကုိ ခြဲၿမင္တတ္ဘုိ႔ လုိပါလိမ္႔မယ္။ တကယ္တန္းက တရုတ္ႏုိင္ငံႀကီးသည္ တုိးတက္ပါသည္လုိ႔ဆုိေပမဲ႔… သန္းေပါင္းမ်ားစြာေသာ လူထုႀကီးက… ဆင္းရဲဒုကၡေတြနဲ႔ ရင္ဆုိင္ေနရဆဲပါ…။ ခါးသီးလွတဲ႔ ကြန္ၿမဴနစ္အစုိးရရဲ႕ရက္စက္မႈေတြကုိ ေန႔တဓူ၀ ႀကဳံေနဆဲပါ။ ယခုကိစၥသည္ တရုတ္လူမ်ိဳး ဆန္႔က်င္႔ေရးမဟုတ္…။ တရုတ္ကြန္ၿမဴနစ္အစုိးရ၏ ၿမန္မာႏုိင္ငံအမ်ဳိးသား အက်ိဳးစီးပြားကုိ ထိခုိက္ေစေသာ လုပ္ရပ္အား မႏွစ္ၿမိဳ႕ၿခင္းသာၿဖစ္သည္။ ထုိ႔အၿပင္တရုတ္ႏုိင္ငံ၏ ၿမန္မာႏုိင္ငံအေပၚ စီးပြားရင္းႏွီးၿမႈတ္ႏွံမႈမ်ားကုိ ဆန္႔က်င္ၿခင္းလည္းမဟုတ္။ ႏုိင္ငံတနုိင္ငံအေနၿဖင္႔ ေစ်းကြက္စီးပြားေရးကုိ အေကာင္ထည္ ေဖာ္ရာတြင္ ၿပည္ပရင္းႏွီးျမဳပ္ႏွံမႈ႔မ်ားသည္ လြန္စြာမွအေရးပါ…ပါသည္။ ေစ်းကြက္စီးပြားေရးစံနစ္ကုိ အေကာင္ထည္ေဖာ္ ေဆာင္ရြက္ေနေသာေႀကာင့္ ၿပည္ပရင္းႏွီးမႈ႕မ်ားကုိ လက္ခံရမည္ ဆုိေသာ္ၿငားလည္း….. မိမိတုိ႔ႏုိင္ငံ၏ အမ်ိဳးသားအက်ိဳးစီးပြားႏွင္႔ အေမြအႏွစ္မ်ားကုိ ထိပါးလာမည္ဆုိလွ်င္ မည္မွ်ပင္အက်ိဳးၿမတ္ရွိေနပါေစ……လက္မခံသင္႔ပါ။
တရုတ္မုိ႔ ဆန္႔က်င္ၿခင္းလည္းမဟုတ္၊ အကယ္၍ .အေမရိကန္ႏိုင္ငံမွ…. ပုဂံေရွးေဟာင္း အေမြအႏွစ္ေနရာမ်ားကုိ ေဟာ္တည္ေတြ ကစားကြင္းေတြ တည္ေဆာက္မည္ဟု ႀကံရြယ္ခဲ႔လွ်င္လည္း လက္ခံလိမ္႔မည္မဟုတ္ပါ။ (ျပင္သစ္ ေရနံကုမၸဏီႀကီးကုိ ဆန္႔က်င္ခဲ႔ၿခင္းက သက္ေသရွိပါသည္)။ မိမိတုိ႔လူထုသာလွ်င္မက အစုိးရကုိယ္တုိင္က မူအရဆန္႔က်င္ၿခင္းအေပၚ….. တရုတ္အစုိးရမွ ၿမန္မာအားေကာင္းေကာင္း သင္ခန္းစာေပးရ မည္ဟု မ်က္မာန္ရွၿခင္းသည္…. လက္ခံႏုိင္စရာ အေႀကာင္းမရွိပါ……။ အမ်ိဳးသားေရး ဂုဏ္သိကၡာအရ တြန္းလွန္ သြားမည္ၿဖစ္သည္။
အားလုံးကိုေလးစားစြာၿဖင္႔
(ေမာင္ေမာင္၀မ္း )
ေအာက္တုိဘာလ ၁ ရက္ေန႔တြင္ ဒီမုိကရက္တစ္ျမန္မာ့အသံ၏ အဂၤလိပ္ဘာသာျဖင့္ ထုတ္ေဝသည့္ အင္တာနက္စာမ်က္ႏွာတြင္ ဒီဗီြဘီျဖင့္ ဆက္စပ္လုပ္ကုိင္ေနေသာ ျပည္တြင္းလႈပ္ရွားမႈလုပ္ငန္းမ်ား၏ ဦးေဆာင္မႈမွ ၂၀၁၀ ခုႏွစ္အတြင္းအေမရိကန္ ေဒၚလာ ၃ သိန္းခန္႔ အလြဲသုံးစားမႈ လုပ္ထားႏုိင္ေၾကာင္း သတင္းထုတ္ၿပန္ခဲ့ၿပီး၊ တီဗြီအစီအစဥ္တြင္လည္းထုိအေၾကာင္းကုိ ယာယီဒါရုိက္တာအၿဖစ္ တာ၀န္ယူထားသည္ဟု ဆုိသည့္ ဦးဟန္ေညာင္ေရြ ႏွင့္ ေမးၿမန္းသူသန္း၀င္းထြ႗္ တုိ ့က လုိသလုိ တဖက္သတ္ ေမးၿမန္း စြပ္စဲြ ေျပာၾကားခဲ့သည္ကုိ ေတြ႕ရွိခဲ့ရပါသည္။ ထုိကိစၥအတြက္ ဒီဗြီဘီဦးေဆာင္ တာ၀န္ရွိသူႏွစ္ဦးျဖစ္သည့္ ဦးေအးခ်မ္းႏုိင္ႏွင့္ ဦးခင္ေမာင္၀င္းတုိ႔မွ ၎တုိ႔ရဲ႕ လက္ရွိရာထူးမ်ားမွ ယာယီႏႈတ္ထြက္ ေပးထားေၾကာင္းကုိ အသားေပးေဖာ္ျပထားၿပီး ျပည္တြင္းနက္၀က္ အၾကီးအကဲကုိေတာ့ ဘုတ္အဖြဲ႕ညြန္ၾကားခ်က္ျဖင့္ စက္တင္ဘာ ၃၀ ရက္ေန႔တြင္ ရာထူးမွ ရား၀င္ဖယ္ရွားလိုက္ၿပီျဖစ္ေၾကာင္းကုိ လုံး၀ေဖာ္ျပခဲ့ျခင္းမရွိပါ။
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The Nation, Bangkok Post & Asian Wall Street Journal တို႔၏ ပင္တုိင္ေဆာင္းပါးရႇင္၊ နယ္သာလန္အေျခစုိက္ Prince Claus Fund ၂၀၁၀ ျပည္႕ႏႇစ္အတြက္ Prince Claus Award ဆု ခ်ီးျမႇင္႕ျခင္းခံထားရသူ ျပည္ပအေျခစိုက္ ဧရာ၀တီမဂၢဇင္း၏ အယ္ဒီတာ ကုိေအာင္ေဇာ္အား ျမစ္ဆံုစီမံကိန္း ရပ္ဆိုင္းထားျခင္းအပါအ၀င္ လက္ရႇိျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံ၏ အေနအထားအေပၚ Online မႇတစ္ဆင့္ ေမးျမန္းထားမႈမ်ားကုိ ျပန္လည္ေဖာ္ျပအပ္ပါသည္။
ေမး - သမၼတႀကီးရဲ႕ ျမစ္ဆံုစီမံကိန္း ရပ္ဆိုင္းလိုက္တဲ့ ဆံုးျဖတ္ခ်က္အေပၚ သေဘာထားအျမင္ကို သိလိုပါတယ္။
ေျဖ - အဲဒီနယ္က ကခ်င္တိုင္းရင္းသားေတြကေတာ့ ဒီသတင္းကို ႀကိဳဆိုတယ္လို႔ သိရပါတယ္။ ဒါဟာ ကခ်င္ျပည္နယ္က ပေရာဂ်က္တစ္ခု ျဖစ္လို႔ပါပဲ။ သမၼတႀကီးရဲ႕ ဆံုးျဖတ္ခ်က္ အေပၚမႇာျပည္တြင္းမႇာေရာ ျပည္ပ မႇာပါ ၀မ္းသာအားရ ႀကိဳဆိုတာေတြ႕ရပါတယ္။ ဒါဟာသတင္းေကာင္း တစ္ပုဒ္ပါ။ ဧရာ၀တီဆိုတာ ျမန္မာျပည္မႇာ မႇီတင္းေနထိုင္ၾကတဲ့သူေတြရဲ႕ အသက္ေသြးေၾကာျဖစ္သလို ျမန္မာျပည္သူျပည္သားေတြရဲ႕ ထိန္းသိမ္းကာကြယ္ရမယ့္ ယဥ္ေက်းမႈ သမိုင္းတစ္ခု ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ဒီသဘာ၀ပတ္၀န္းက်င္ကို ထိန္းသိမ္းကာကြယ္ေစာင့္ေရႇာက္မႇ ဧရာ၀တီရဲ႕ က်န္းမာေရးေကာင္းမႇာ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ တိုင္းျပည္ေခါင္းေဆာင္ေတြက ျပည္သူလူထုရဲ႕အသံကို နားေထာင္တယ္ဆိုတာ သတင္းေကာင္းပါ။ ဧရာ၀တီျမစ္ဆံုကို ယခုလက္ရႇိ အစိုးရ သက္တမ္းမႇာ ရပ္ဆိုင္းတယ္ ဆိုေပမယ့္ ေနာင္အနာဂတ္မႇာ ဘာေတြျဖစ္မလဲဆိုတာ အတိအက်ေျပာဖို့ခက္ပါတယ္။ ဒါေပမယ့္ အရင္ န၀တ၊ နအဖ လက္ထက္မႇာတုန္းက လက္မႇတ္ထိုးခဲ့တဲ့ ဒီလိုေရအားလႇ်ပ္စစ္စီမံကိန္းေတြ အမ်ားႀကီးက်န္ပါေသးတယ္။ အဲဒါေတြကေတာ့ ဆက္ၿပီးေဆာက္လုပ္ဆဲျဖစ္ေနတာ ေတြ႔ရပါတယ္။ ဒါ့အျပင္ ရခိုင္ျပည္နယ္ကေန သြယ္တန္းေဖာက္လုပ္ၿပီး တ႐ုတ္ျပည္ကို ေရာင္းခ်မယ့္ ေရနံသဘာ၀ဓာတ္ေငြ႔ ပိုက္လိုင္းကိစၥ၊ မီးရထားလမ္း ေဖာက္လုပ္မယ့္ကိစၥ ဒါေတြဟာ ရႇမ္းျပည္နယ္၊ ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံအလယ္ပိုင္း၊ ရခိုင္ျပည္နယ္ကို သြယ္တန္း ေဖာက္လုပ္ေနတာ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ဒီစီမံကိန္းေတြနဲ႔ ပတ္သက္ၿပီး ျပည္သူလူထုမႇာ ဘယ္လို သတင္းအင္ေဖာ္ေမးရႇင္း ဘယ္လိုသေဘာထားေတြ ရႇိေနသလဲ။ ဒါေတြကိုလဲ နားေထာင္ဖို႔ လိုပါတယ္။
ေမး - ျမစ္ဆံုစီမံကိန္း ရပ္ဆိုင္းလိုက္ျခင္း ဆံုးျဖတ္ခ်က္အေပၚ တ႐ုတ္ႏိုင္ငံရဲ႕ တံု႔ျပန္ခ်က္နဲ႔ပတ္သက္တဲ့ အျမင္ကိုလည္း သိလိုပါတယ္။
ေျဖ - ဒီကိစၥအေပၚမႇာ တ႐ုတ္အစိုးရနဲ႔ လက္ရႇိျမန္မာအစိုးရ စကားေျပာရမႇာ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ တ႐ုတ္ဟာ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံကို ၁၉၈၈ ေနာက္ပိုင္းကစၿပီး စီးပြားေရး ကုန္သြယ္ေရး အႀကီးအက်ယ္လုပ္ခဲ့တဲ့ ႏိုင္ငံျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ျမန္မာျပည္မႇာ ႏႇစ္ရႇည္ စီမံကိန္းနဲ႔ ရင္းႏႇီးျမႇဳပ္ႏႇံထားတာ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ႏိုင္ငံေရးသုေတသီေတြကေတာ့ တ႐ုတ္ႏိုင္ငံဟာ ျမန္မာ ႏိုင္ငံရဲ႕သဘာ၀သံယံဇာတအရင္းအျမစ္ေတြအျပင္ ဘဂၤလားပင္လယ္ေအာ္နဲ႔ အိႏၵိယသမုဒၵရာအထိ မဟာဗ်ဴဟာအရ ထိုးေဖာက္ႏိုင္ဖို႔အတြက္ စီမံကိန္း ဆြဲထားတယ္လို႔ သံုးသပ္ၾကတာ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ တ႐ုတ္ႏိုင္ငံဟာ အရင္က အစိုးရကို ႏိုင္ငံေရး သံတမန္ေရး စစ္ေရးအရ အမ်ားႀကီး ႏိုင္ငံတကာစာမ်က္ႏႇာမႇာေရာ အမ်ားႀကီး အေထာက္အပံ့ေပးခဲ့တာ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ဒါေပမယ့္ ေဆြမ်ဳိးေပါက္ေဖာ္ ခ်စ္ၾကည္ေရးမႇာလည္း အျမဲတမ္း ေျဖာင့္ျဖဴးေနတာမဟုတ္ဘဲ အဖုအထစ္ေတြ ရႇိခဲ့တာျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ တ႐ုတ္-ျမန္မာသမိုင္းကို ၾကည့္မယ္ဆိုရင္ ေတြ႕ရပါလိမ့္မယ္။ ဒါေၾကာင့္ တ႐ုတ္ျမန္မာဆက္ဆံေရးဟာ ကြၽန္ေတာ္ တို႔ထင္တာထားသလို အေပၚယံအျမင္နဲ႔ ၾကည့္လို႔မရဘဲ ဒီထက္ပိုၿပီး complex ျဖစ္တယ္လို႔ ျမင္ပါတယ္။
ေမး - သမၼတႀကီးရဲ့ ျမစ္ဆံုစီမံကိန္း ရပ္ဆိုင္းလိုက္ျခင္း ဆံုးျဖတ္ခ်က္နဲ႔ ပတ္သက္တဲ့ တ႐ုတ္ႏိုင္ငံ၏ သေဘာထားအျမင္ ေပၚေပါက္လာၿပီးေနာက္ တိုင္းျပည္၏ စီးပြားေရး ပိုမိုက်ပ္တည္းလာႏိုင္မႈ အေျခအေနမႇာ အေမရိကန္ရဲ႕ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံအေပၚ ထားရႇိတဲ့ sanction ကုိေရာ ဘယ္လိုျမင္ပါသလဲ သိလိုပါတယ္။
ေျဖ - ဆင္းရဲတဲ့ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံဟာ sanction နဲ႔ အျမဲတမ္းေနသြားဖို႔ မျဖစ္ႏိုင္ဘူး။ ကြၽန္ေတာ္တို႔ဟာ အိမ္နီးခ်င္းႏိုင္ငံနဲ႔ ႏႈိင္းယႇဥ္ၾကည့္မယ္ဆိုရင္ အမီလိုက္ႏိုင္ဖို႔ အမ်ားႀကီး လိုပါေသးတယ္။ တကယ္ေတာ့ sanction ဆိုတာ ႏိုင္ငံေရးအရ Symbolic ျဖစ္တယ္။ ႏိုင္ငံတစ္ႏိုင္ငံေပၚမႇာ အေရးယူ ပိတ္ဆို႔တယ္ဆိုတာ အဲဒီႏိုင္ငံက အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္သူအာဏာပိုင္ေတြ အေကာင္းဘက္ကို ျပဳျပင္ေျပာင္းလဲမႈေတြ ျဖစ္လာေအာင္ လုပ္ဖို႕ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ တခ်ဳိ႕ကေတာ့ sanction ဆိုတာ moderate the regime’s behavior လို႔ ေျပာၾကပါတယ္။ ဒါေၾကာင့္ sanction policy ေၾကာင့္ ေအာင္ျမင္တာေတြရႇိသလို မေအာင္ျမင္တာလဲရႇိတာ ႏိုင္ငံတကာမႇာ ေတြ႕ရပါတယ္။ မၾကာေသးခင္က ျမန္မာျပည္ကို လာေရာက္လည္ပတ္ခဲ့တဲ့ အေမရိကန္အစိုးရခန္႔ထားတဲ့ ျမန္မာ ျပည္အထူးကိုယ္စားလႇယ္ Derek Mitchell က sanction နဲ႔ပတ္သက္ၿပီး ေျပာခဲ့တာရႇိပါတယ္။ အဲဒီအထဲမႇာ ႏိုင္ငံေရးအက်ဥ္းသားေတြ လႊတ္ေပးဖို႔၊ အမ်ဳိးသားျပန္လည္သင့္ျမတ္ေရးကို လုပ္ေဆာင္ဖို႔၊ အတိုက္အခံ တိုင္းရင္း သားေတြနဲ႔ အစိုးရၾကားမႇာ ေလးနက္ၿပီး အဓိပၸာယ္ရႇိတဲ့ ေတြ႕ဆံုေဆြးေႏြးမႈေတြ ျပဳလုပ္ဖို႔ စတဲ့အခ်က္ေတြ ပါပါတယ္။ Sanction ကို႐ုပ္ပါလို႔ အတိုက္အခံေတြေရာ ျမန္မာျပည္သူေတြကပါ ေျပာလို႔ရပါတယ္။ ဒါေပမယ့္ သူတို႔မႇာ ႐ုပ္ပိုင္ခြင့္ အာဏာမရႇိပါဘူး။ ဒီဟာကို ႐ုပ္ပိုင္ခြင့္ရႇိတာက US အပါအ၀င္ အေနာက္ႏိုင္ငံေတြကပဲ ႐ုပ္ပိုင္ခြင့္ ရႇိတာျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံဟာ အေရႇ႕ေတာင္အာရႇမႇာ သံယံဇာတႂကြယ္၀ၿပီး အရမ္းလႇပတဲ့ ႏိုင္ငံတစ္ခုျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ အေနာက္အပါအ၀င္ ႏိုင္ငံ တကာက ရင္းႏႇီးျမႇဳပ္ႏႇံမႈေတြ လုပ္ခ်င္ေနတာ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ အဲဒီႏိုင္ငံေတြကေန ရင္းႏႇီးျမႇဳပ္ႏႇံမႈေတြေၾကာင့္ ဆင္းရဲမြဲေတေနတဲ့ ျပည္သူျပည္သားေတြ အက်ဳိးခံစားခြင့္ရႇိႏိုင္သလို လူသားအရင္းအျမစ္ေတြကို ကြၽန္ေတာ္တို႔ ပိုၿပီးတည္ေဆာက္ တိုးခ်ဲ႕ႏိုင္မႇာ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ တရုတ္နိုင္ငံတစ္ခုတည္းကို အားကိုးစရာ မလိုပါဘူး။ Technology know-how ေတြကို ကြၽန္ေတာ္တို႔ ရႏိုင္ပါတယ္။ လြန္ခဲ့တဲ့ ႏႇစ္ေပါင္း ၂၀ အတြင္းမႇာေတာ့ ကြၽန္ေတာ္တို႔ဟာ ခုနကေျပာခဲ့တဲ့ မိမိရဲ႕သဘာ၀ အရင္းအျမစ္ေတြကို အတင္းေရာင္းခ်ေနခဲ့ရတာ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ဒါေၾကာင့္ ျမန္မာျပည္ တကယ္တံခါး ဖြင့္ခဲ့ၿပီဆိုရင္ sanction လည္း မရႇိေတာ့ဘူးဆိုရင္ ျမန္မာျပည္ဟာလည္း တကယ္ေအးခ်မ္းခဲ့ၿပီဆိုရင္ ကြၽန္ေတာ္တို႔ဟာ အိမ္နီးခ်င္း ႏိုင္ငံေတြနဲ႔တင္မဟုတ္ဘဲ ႏိုင္ငံတကာ၊ အေနာက္ႏိုင္ငံေတြနဲ႔ပါ ဟိုးအရင္ကလိုမ်ဳိး ကူးလူး ဆက္ဆံမႈေတြ ျပဳလုပ္ရမႇာ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ အဲဒီအခ်ိန္ကို အျမန္ဆံုးေရာက္ဖို႔လိုၿပီလို႔ ကြၽန္ေတာ္ထင္ပါတယ္။ ဒါ့အျပင္ အဲဒီအခ်ိန္ေရာက္ခါမႇ တိုင္းျပည္ထဲမႇာ အခြံပဲက်န္ခဲ့မယ္ဆိုရင္လည္း ဘယ္သူကမႇ ရင္းႏႇီးျမႇဳပ္ႏႇံၾကမႇာ မဟုတ္ပါဘူး။ ဒါေၾကာင့္ တိုင္းျပည္ရဲ႕ သဘာ၀ေတာေတာင္ေတြအျပင္ သံယံဇာတေတြကို အက်ဳိးရႇိရႇိ ထိန္းသိမ္းကာကြယ္ ေစာင့္ေရႇာက္တတ္ဖို႔လည္း လိုပါတယ္။ က်ေနာ္တို႔ႏိုင္ငံဟာ အေျပာင္းအလဲေတြျဖစ္ခဲ့ၿပီဆိုရင္ အေရႇ႕ေတာင္အာရႇမႇာ the most promising country ထဲမႇာ ပါပါတယ္။
ေမး ျပည္တြင္း မီဒီယာမ်ား လြတ္လပ္မႈ တျဖည္းျဖည္းခ်င္း ရလာတဲ့ အေနအထားမႇာ ျပည္တြင္းကုိျပန္လာၿပီး မီဒီယာလုပ္ငန္း လုပ္ကိုင္ဖို႔ အစီအစဥ္ ရႇိ မရႇိ သိလိုပါတယ္။
ေျဖ - ျပည္ပမီဒီယာေတြက ေနာက္ဆံုးေတာ့ ျပည္တြင္းကို ျပန္ရမႇာပဲ။ ျပည္ပမႇာရႇိေနရတယ္ဆိုတာက ျပည္တြင္းမႇာ ေနလို႔မရလို႔ ရႇိေနရတာ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ကြၽန္ေတာ္တို႔ ျပည္ပမႇာမေနေတာ့ဘဲ ျပည္တြင္းကို ျပန္ၿပီဆိုရင္ ျမန္မာျပည္မႇာ သတင္းစာလြတ္လပ္ခြင့္ အတိုင္းအတာတစ္ခုအထိ ေတာ္ေတာ္ေလးရႇိေနၿပီလို႔ ေျပာလို႔ရပါတယ္။ ဒါေပမယ့္ ျပည္တြင္းမႇာပဲေနေန၊ ျပည္ပမႇာပဲေနေန၊ ဘယ္မႇာပဲေနေန အဓိကက အလုပ္လုပ္ဖို႔၊ အလုပ္လုပ္ေနတဲ့သူက အေရးႀကီးတယ္လို႔ ထင္တယ္။ ကြၽန္ေတာ္တို႔ website ေတြ အပါအ၀င္ ျပည္ပက အျခား website ေတြ အေတာ္မ်ားမ်ားကို ပိတ္ဆို႔ထားတာ ဖြင့္ေပးလိုက္ၿပီလို႔ သိရပါတယ္။ အဲဒီသတင္းကို ႀကိဳဆိုပါတယ္။ ကြၽန္ေတာ္ေျပာခ်င္တာကေတာ့ ျပည္တြင္း မီဒီယာေတြ လြတ္လြတ္လပ္လပ္ ေျပာဆိုေရးသားခြင့္ လိုပါတယ္။ အရင္ကထက္ဆိုရင္ လြတ္လြတ္လပ္လပ္ ပိုေရးခြင့္ရလာတာကို ေတြ႕ရပါတယ္။ ဒါေပမယ့္ official censorship အျပင္ self censorship ကလည္း အေရးႀကီးတာကို ေတြ႕ရပါတယ္။ ျပည္သူေတြ သတင္းမႇန္ေတြ သိဖို႔ လိုပါတယ္။ သတင္းစာေတြဆိုတာ တိုင္းျပည္ရဲ႕ နား မ်က္စိ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ တိုင္းျပည္ တစ္ျပည္ကထုတ္တဲ့ ေန႔စဥ္ထုတ္တဲ့ သတင္းစာကိုဖတ္ၿပီး အဲဒီတိုင္းျပည္ရဲ႕ စီးပြားေရး၊ ႏိုင္ငံေရး၊ လူမႈေရး၊ ယဥ္ေက်းမႈ၊ အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ေနတဲ့ အစိုးရကို တစ္ခ်က္တည္း အကဲျဖတ္လို႔ရတာ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံဟာ ၁၉ ရာစုမႇာ မင္းတုန္းမင္းဟာ reform minded မင္းတစ္ပါးလို႔ ေျပာလို႔ရပါတယ္။ သူ႕ရဲ႕ေခတ္မႇာ အေနာက္ႏိုင္ငံကို ပညာေတာ္သင္ေတြ ေစလႊတ္ခဲ့သလို မ်က္စိပြင့္ နားပြင့္ဖို႔အတြက္ ျမန္မာျပည္ရဲ႕ ပထမဆံုး indigenous သတင္းစာ ဥပေဒကို ထုတ္ေပးခဲ့တာ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ အဲဒီမႇာ မင္းတုန္းမင္း ကိုယ္တိုင္က သတင္းစာ အေျခခံဥပေဒကို ထုတ္ေပးခဲ့တာျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ဒါေၾကာင့္ ရတနာပံုေနျပည္ေတာ္ သတင္းစာကို ထူေထာင္ခြင့္ ေပးခဲ့သလို ျမန္မာ့သမိုင္းမႇာ ဂုဏ္ယူ၀င့္ႂကြားစြာ အခုထိ ေျပာေနရတဲ့ (ငါ မေကာင္းရင္ ငါ့ကိုေရး၊ ငါ့ မိဖုရား မေကာင္းရင္ မိဖုရားကိုေရး၊ ငါ့ သားသမီးမေကာင္းရင္ သားသမီးကို ေရး၊ လႊတ္တရားသူႀကီး မေကာင္းရင္ တရားသူႀကီးကိုေရး၊ ၿမိဳ႕၀န္မေကာင္းရင္ ၿမိဳ႕၀န္သတင္းကိုေရး၊ မင္းတို႔ သတင္းစာ၌ အျပစ္မရႇိေစရ၊ နန္းေတာ္တြင္းသို႔ သတင္းစာတိုက္က မည္သူမဆို အဆီးအတားမရႇိ ၀င္ေစထြက္ေစ) လို႔ လြတ္လပ္ခြင့္ ေပးခဲ့တာျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံဟာ ၁၉၅၀-၆၀ ကာလေတြအထိ အေရႇ႕ေတာင္အာရႇမႇာ အဆင့္အတန္းရႇိတဲ့ သတင္းစာေတြ ထုတ္ေ၀ခဲ့သလို အဆင့္အတန္းရႇိတဲ့ စာနယ္ဇင္းသမားေတြလည္း ရႇိခဲ့ပါ တယ္။ ဒီလို စာနယ္ဇင္းေတြရႇိခဲ့ဖူးတဲ့ ဂုဏ္သိကၡာေတြကို ျပန္လည္ေဖာ္ေဆာင္ တည္ေဆာက္ဖို႔ အခ်ိန္တန္ၿပီလို႔ ကြၽန္ေတာ္ထင္ပါတယ္။ ဒါကို လက္ရႇိအစိုးရက အားေပးသင့္ပါတယ္။ က်ေနာ္တို႔ဘက္ကလည္း ကူညီဖို႔ အသင့္ပါ။ ဘာေၾကာင့္လဲဆိုေတာ့ ျမန္မာျပည္မႇာ စတုတၴမ႑ိဳင္ရဲ႕ အခန္းက႑ကို သမၼတ ကိုယ္တိုင္က သူ႕ရဲ႕မိန္႔ခြန္းမႇာ ထည့္သြင္းေျပာၾကားခဲ့တာ ေတြ႕ရပါတယ္။ စတုတၴမ႑ိဳင္ က်န္းမာေရးေကာင္းမႇ တိုင္းျပည္ က်န္းမာေရးေကာင္းမႇာ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။
မီဒီယာသမားဆိုတာ အမႇန္တရားကို ရႇာေဖြေဖာ္ထုတ္ ေရးသားရတာ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ကြၽန္ေတာ္တို႔ အလုပ္ကို ကြၽန္ေတာ္တို႔ မီဒီယာက်င့္၀တ္ေတြနဲ႔အညီ ျပည္တြင္းမႇာ လြတ္လြတ္လပ္လပ္ လုပ္ခ်င္ပါတယ္ . . .
ေမး ျပည္တြင္းျပန္လာၿပီး မီဒီယာ လုပ္ကိုင္မည္ဟု သတင္းမ်ား ၾကားသိေနရၿပီး ဘယ္လိုအေျခအေန ဘယ္လို အေနအထားတစ္ရပ္ေရာက္မႇ ျပန္လာၿပီး ဘယ္လိုမီဒီယာလုပ္ငန္းမ်ဳိး လုပ္ကိုင္မယ္လို႔ စိတ္ကူးထားလဲ သိလိုပါတယ္။
ေျဖ - ျပည္တြင္းမႇာ လုပ္ပိုင္ခြင့္ ရမယ္ဆိုရင္ သတင္းစာ ဂ်ာနယ္ ထုတ္ခ်င္တယ္၊ အဂၤလိပ္ဘာသာနဲ႔ေရာ ျမန္မာဘာသာနဲ႔ေရာ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ အခ်ိန္တန္ရင္ေတာ့ အိမ္ျပန္ၾကရမႇာျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ဂုဏ္သိကၡာရႇိရႇိနဲ႔ ျပန္ရဖို႔ အေရးႀကီးပါတယ္။ အခုထိ standard procedure မရႇိေသးပါဘူး။ ျပည္ပမႇာ ျမန္မာျပည္ ေကာင္းက်ဳိးအတြက္ အလုပ္လုပ္ေနတဲ့ လူငယ္ေတြ လူလတ္ပိုင္းေတြ အမ်ားႀကီးရႇိပါတယ္။ အဲဒီထိပ္ပိုင္းက အလုပ္လုပ္ေနသူေတြက ေစာင့္ၾကည့္ၿပီး မျပန္ေသးတာ ေတြ႔ရပါတယ္။ ကြၽန္ေတာ္တို႔ရဲ႕ society ကိုျပန္ၿပီးေတာ့ ကူညီခ်င္တာေတြ ရႇိပါတယ္။ ကြၽန္ေတာ္တို႔ရဲ႕ မီဒီယာအခန္းက႑ကို public servant လို႔ ျမင္ပါတယ္။ မီဒီယာသမားဆိုတာ အမႇန္တရားကို ရႇာေဖြေဖာ္ထုတ္ ေရးသားရတာ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ကြၽန္ေတာ္တို႔ အလုပ္ကို ကြၽန္ေတာ္တို႔မီဒီယာ က်င့္၀တ္ေတြနဲ႔အညီ ျပည္တြင္းမႇာ လြတ္လြတ္လပ္လပ္ လုပ္ခ်င္ပါတယ္။ လြတ္လြတ္လပ္လပ္ ေ၀ဖန္ေျပာဆို ေရးသားႏိုင္တဲ့တစ္ေန႔မႇာ ကြၽန္ေတာ္တို႔ ျပန္လာမႇာျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ေလာေလာဆယ္ ယံုၾကည္ခ်က္ေၾကာင့္ အက်ဥ္းက်ေနတဲ့ သတင္းစာဆရာေတြ၊ ဓာတ္ပံုဆရာေတြ၊ သတင္းေထာက္ေတြ၊ ဘေလာ့ဂ္ဂါေတြ သူတို႔ေတြရဲ႕ လြတ္ေျမာက္ေရးကလည္း အေရးႀကီးတယ္လို႔ ကြၽန္ေတာ္ထင္ပါတယ္။
ေမး အခုလက္ရႇိ ျဖစ္ေပၚေနတဲ့ ႏိုင္ငံေရးအေျခအေနကို ဘယ္လိုျမင္ပါသလဲ၊ အေကာင္းျမင္ပါသလား။ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္နဲ႔ သမၼတႀကီး ဦးသိန္းစိန္ ေတြ႕ဆံုခဲ့ၿပီး ၿဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ၿပီးခဲ့တဲ့ ေသာၾကာေန႔က အစိုးရ ဆက္ဆံေရး၀န္ႀကီး ဦးေအာင္ၾကည္နဲ႔ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ ထပ္မံေတြ႕ဆံုခဲ့ပါတယ္။ ဒါေတြ အားလံုးကို ဘယ္လိုျမင္ပါသလဲ။
ေျဖ - ျမန္မာျပည္ဟာ political transition ကို သြားေနၿပီလို႔ ထင္ပါတယ္။ အဲဒီ transition ဟာ peaceful transition ျဖစ္ဖို႔ လိုပါတယ္။ ဒီဘက္ကေန ျမန္မာျပည္ကိုၾကည့္ရင္ ဒီမိုကေရစီေရးအျပင္ က်ေနာ္ျမင္တာကေတာ့ တိုင္းရင္းသားအေရးနဲ႔ ျပည္တြင္းစစ္ဟာ အရမ္းအေရးႀကီးတယ္လို႔ ျမင္ပါတယ္။ သူတို႔ေတြ transition ထဲ မပါရင္ တိုင္းျပည္တည္ၿငိမ္မႈ ေအးခ်မ္းမႈရမယ္လို႔ က်ေနာ္ မထင္ပါဘူး။ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္နဲ႔ အစိုးရ စကားေျပာေနတာဟာ ေကာင္းတဲ့အလားအလာ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ တိုင္းသူျပည္သားေတြအတြက္ အဓိပၸာယ္ရႇိမယ့္ အက်ဳိးရလဒ္ရႇိမယ္လို႔ ေမွ်ာ္လင့္ပါတယ္။ အမ်ားစုက အဲလိုပဲ ေမွ်ာ္လင့္တာ ေတြ႕ရပါတယ္။ တခ်ဳိ႕ကေတာ့ ဒီအခ်ိန္ဟာ ညီအစ္ကို မသိတသိအခ်ိန္လို႔ သံုးသပ္ၾကတာ ေတြ႕ရပါတယ္။ ဒါေၾကာင့္ အဲဒီအခ်ိန္ကို ေက်ာ္သြားရင္ေတာ့ တစ္ဘက္နဲ႔တစ္ဘက္ ပိုၿပီး ရႇင္းရႇင္းလင္းလင္းျမင္ရမယ္လို႔ ထင္ပါတယ္။ ၂၀၀၈ အေျခခံဥပေဒထဲက အခ်က္အလက္တခ်ဳိ႕ကို ျပင္ႏိုင္ မျပင္ႏိုင္၊ NLD ပါတီရဲ႕တရား၀င္ ရပ္တည္ေရး၊ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္း စုၾကည္ရဲ႕ အခန္းက႑၊ လႊတ္ေတာ္နဲ႔အစိုးရၾကား ဆက္ဆံေရး၊ ၿပီးေတာ့ တပ္မေတာ္ရဲ႕ အခန္းက႑၊ ဒါေတြ အားလံုးဟာ transition တခုကို ျဖတ္သန္းေနရတယ္လို႔ သံုးသပ္မိပါတယ္။ အရင္က ႏိုင္ငံေရးဟာ idealism ဘက္ကို ပို ေရာက္တယ္လို႔ ထင္ပါတယ္။ ဒီေန႔မႇာေတာ့ pragmatism ဘက္ကို ပိုေရာက္လာသလားလို႔ ထင္မိပါတယ္။ ၂၀၁၀ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲ ကို credible မျဖစ္ဘူးလို႔ ေ၀ဖန္သံေတြ ညံခဲ့ပါတယ္။ ဒါေပမယ့္ လက္ရႇိသမၼတႀကီး ဦးသိန္းစိန္အစိုးရက တကယ္ျပည္သူေတြရဲ႕ လိုခ်င္ေနတဲ့ reform ကို အခ်ိန္တိုတိုနဲ႔ ေဖာ္ေဆာင္ေပးမယ္ဆိုရင္ ျပည္သူေတြ အသိအမႇတ္ျပဳတဲ့ အစိုးရတစ္ခု ျဖစ္လာႏိုင္ပါတယ္။ ဒါေၾကာင့္ က်ေနာ္ျမင္တာက credible ျဖစ္တဲ့ အစိုးရ လိုသလို credible ျဖစ္တဲ့ အတိုက္အခံလည္း ျမန္မာျပည္မႇာ လိုပါတယ္။ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံနဲ႔ ျမန္မာျပည္သူေတြရဲ႕ ကံၾကမၼာကို ျမန္မာျပည္သူျပည္သားေတြကပဲ ဆံုးျဖတ္ရမႇာ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။
Credit :Weekly media
FBR REPORT: Seven-year-old child killed, a mother and other villagers wounded in ongoing Burma Army attacks in Karen State
Karen State, Burma
This report contains a compilation of information gathered by Free Burma Ranger teams in Karen State.
Dooplaya District (Southern Central Karen State): Civilians hit by mortars, increased military presence in the area.
Nyaunglebin District (Northwestern Karen State): Civilians used for security and shot at by Burma Army.
Map showing area of report
Dooplaya District, Central Karen State
The following is an update on a village that was hit with Burma Army mortar fire in June during fighting between the Democratic Karen Buddhist Army (DKBA), and Burma Army Infantry Battalion (IB) 283 (see previous report). On 7 June 2011, Burma Army mortar fire killed a seven-year-old child and wounded two other villagers when it landed in Mae Ta Ler Village in Kaw Taw Ri (Kawkareik) Township, Dooplaya District.
Pictured below is the deceased 7-year-old Saw Kaw Buh. He died that day (7 June 2011) from head injuries which he sustained due to mortar fire.
7 year old Saw Kaw Buh, died from injuries sustained in a mortar attack
Saw Lar, 17, was placed in the hospital with injuries to the left cheek and shoulder. The wounds are visible in the below picture and he is now in recovery.
Saw Lar, 17, injured in Burma Army mortar attack
Naw Ku Kyi, a 25-year-old mother of three, originally sustained injuries to her forehead, back and fingers. She is pictured below in her condition immediately after the attack. She survived and is recovering.
Naw Ku Kyi, a 25-year-old mother of three, injured in Burma Army mortar attack
July 2011 - The Burma Army increased its presence in Win Ye Township throughout the month of July.
Below are the units that have been added to the area.
Burma Army Unit
| LIB 583 | Second column patrol between Yel Tagon and Anankwin. |
| IB 61 | Activities between Anankwin to Taungzon |
| LIB 566 | First column patrolling between Aplone and Taungzon; Second Column patrolling between Chongzon and Aplone |
| LIB 563 | First Column patrolling between Mae Ka to Three Pagodas; Second Column patrolling between Chongzon and Three Pagodas |
| Division 44- LIB 1 | Patrolling Tagontine, Lakazine, and Chongnakwa. |
| LIB 586 | Activities in Ye area |
| MOC 19 | Activities in Ye area |
| TOC 1 | Activities in Ye area |
| IB 106 | Activities in Ye area |
Nyaunglebin District, Northwestern Karen State
In June 2011, the Nyaunglebin District FBR team visited six villages with at least 800 families and 1800 people; they were able to provide medical assistance to over 400 patients.
Villagers stated in interviews that though the Burma Army has been less active in the area since the beginning of the year, Light Infantry Battalion (LIB) 264 is still present with three camps - Kyauk Kyi, Bawgata, and Toe Ta Dah Camp. LIB 264 has been using civilians and village headmen for security, forcing them to report any Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA -- pro-democracy ethnic resistance) movement within their villages every two days.
On 12 June 2011 in Ler Doh Township, the Burma Army opened fire on two Muthey villagers who were searching for their buffaloes at Ee Tha Plaw. The troops shot at them with rifles and fired seven mortar rounds, though neither person was injured. The two villagers escaped the attack and were able to return to their homes.
The Free Burma Rangers’ (FBR) mission is to provide hope, help and love to internally displaced people inside Burma, regardless of ethnicity or religion. Using a network of indigenous field teams, FBR reports on human rights abuses, casualties and the humanitarian needs of people who are under the oppression of the Burma Army. FBR provides medical, spiritual and educational resources for IDP communities as they struggle to survive Burmese military attacks.
For more information, please visit www.freeburmarangers.org
Written by လူထုစိန္၀င္း >>
ဦးသိန္းစိန္အစိုးရသစ္ တာ၀န္ယူခ်ိန္ကစၿပီး ေထာက္ခံသလား၊ မေထာက္ခံဘူးလားဆိုတဲ့ ေမးခြန္းက လူတိုင္းကေမးၾကတယ္။ သတင္းမီ ဒီယာသမားမ်ားကလည္း ေမးၾကတယ္။ အထူးသျဖင့္ ျပည္ပမီဒီယာေတြက ပိုေမးၾကတယ္။
မူကိုင္စြဲသူျဖစ္လို႔
ကိုယ္တိုင္က ဒီနယ္ပယ္သား ျဖစ္တဲ့အတြက္ ကိုယ္ခ်င္းစာစိတ္နဲ႔ ေမးသမွ်ေျဖပါတယ္။ မူတစ္ခု အခိုင္အမာ ကိုင္စြဲရပ္တည္တဲ့ စာနယ္ဇင္းသမားတစ္ေယာက္ျဖစ္တာေၾကာင့္ ပိုၿပီး သိခ်င္ၾကတဲ့သေဘာ ျဖစ္လိမ့္မယ္ ယူဆတယ္။ ဘာစာေရးေရး ကိုင္စြဲထားတဲ့ မူအတိုင္းပဲေရးတယ္။ သတင္းသမားမို႔ သတင္းေရးသလို 'လိုတိုရႇင္း' ေရးတယ္။ စကားေျပာတဲ့ အခါမႇာလည္း ရႇင္းရႇင္းျပတ္ျပတ္ပဲ ေျပာတယ္။ ေ၀့လည္ေခ်ာင္ပတ္ ဘယ္ေတာ့မႇ မလုပ္ဘူး။ ဘယ္သူ့ မ်က္ႏႇာမႇလည္း ၾကည့္မေနဘူး။ ႏိုင္ငံေရးသမားေတြလို အလိမၼာ ဖက္မေျပာတတ္လို႔ စိုးရိမ္တဲ့ စာဖတ္ပရိသတ္မ်ားကေတာင္ မၾကာခဏလႇမ္းၿပီး သတိေပးၾကတယ္။
ေခါင္းမာသူ
သတိေပးသူေတြကို ေက်းဇူးတင္ေပမယ့္ မူနဲ႔ပတ္သက္ရင္ေတာ့ နည္းနည္းမႇအထိမခံဘူး။ ဒါေၾကာင့္ လူအေတာ္မ်ားမ်ားက'ေခါင္းမာသူ'လို႔သတ္မႇတ္ၾကတယ္။တကယ္ေတာ့ ေခါင္းမာတာမဟုတ္ဘူး။ ေရာယိမ္းလိုက္ ဘသားယိမ္းလိုက္ မလုပ္တာပါ။
မူကိုင္စြဲသူျဖစ္လို႔
ကိုယ္တိုင္က ဒီနယ္ပယ္သား ျဖစ္တဲ့အတြက္ ကိုယ္ခ်င္းစာစိတ္နဲ႔ ေမးသမွ်ေျဖပါတယ္။ မူတစ္ခု အခိုင္အမာ ကိုင္စြဲရပ္တည္တဲ့ စာနယ္ဇင္းသမားတစ္ေယာက္ျဖစ္တာေၾကာင့္ ပိုၿပီး သိခ်င္ၾကတဲ့သေဘာ ျဖစ္လိမ့္မယ္ ယူဆတယ္။ ဘာစာေရးေရး ကိုင္စြဲထားတဲ့ မူအတိုင္းပဲေရးတယ္။ သတင္းသမားမို႔ သတင္းေရးသလို 'လိုတိုရႇင္း' ေရးတယ္။ စကားေျပာတဲ့ အခါမႇာလည္း ရႇင္းရႇင္းျပတ္ျပတ္ပဲ ေျပာတယ္။ ေ၀့လည္ေခ်ာင္ပတ္ ဘယ္ေတာ့မႇ မလုပ္ဘူး။ ဘယ္သူ့ မ်က္ႏႇာမႇလည္း ၾကည့္မေနဘူး။ ႏိုင္ငံေရးသမားေတြလို အလိမၼာ ဖက္မေျပာတတ္လို႔ စိုးရိမ္တဲ့ စာဖတ္ပရိသတ္မ်ားကေတာင္ မၾကာခဏလႇမ္းၿပီး သတိေပးၾကတယ္။
ေခါင္းမာသူ
သတိေပးသူေတြကို ေက်းဇူးတင္ေပမယ့္ မူနဲ႔ပတ္သက္ရင္ေတာ့ နည္းနည္းမႇအထိမခံဘူး။ ဒါေၾကာင့္ လူအေတာ္မ်ားမ်ားက'ေခါင္းမာသူ'လို႔သတ္မႇတ္ၾကတယ္။တကယ္ေတာ့ ေခါင္းမာတာမဟုတ္ဘူး။ ေရာယိမ္းလိုက္ ဘသားယိမ္းလိုက္ မလုပ္တာပါ။
အစိုးရက ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲလုပ္မယ္လို႔ ေၾကညာလိုက္ခ်ိန္ကစၿပီး ျဖည္းျဖည္းခ်င္း ေလ်ာ့ခ်သြားတာေပါ့တို႔ ၊ မရႇိတာနဲ႔စာရင္ ရႇိတာက ေကာင္းတာေပါ့တို႔ ဆိုတဲ့အသံေတြ က်ယ္ေလာင္လာခဲ့တယ္။ ေနာက္ေတာ့ အားလံုး ယိမ္း၀င္ကၾကတယ္။ အဲဒီအခ်ိန္မႇာ'ယိမ္းကတဲ့ထဲ ၀င္မပါဘူး'ဆိုတဲ့ ေခါင္းစဥ္နဲ႔ အတိအလင္း ေရးခဲ့တယ္။တကယ္လည္း ဘာမႇမေရးခဲ့ဘူး။ ကိုယ့္မူအတိုင္းရပ္ခဲ့တယ္။
သတင္းသမားမူနဲ႔ ႏိုင္ငံေရးသမားမူ
သတင္းသမားရဲ႕မူက ႏိုင္ငံေရး သမားရဲ႕ မူနဲ့ မတူဘူး။ ႏိုင္ငံေရးသမားရဲ႕ မူဆိုတာက သူ႔ပါတီက ခ်မႇတ္ေပးတာျဖစ္တယ္။ ပါတီကို အျမဲနာခံရတယ္။ ပါတီကျဖဴရင္ လိုက္ျဖဴရၿပီး ပါတီကမည္းရင္ လိုက္မည္းရတယ္။ မလိုက္နာႏိုင္ရင္ ပါတီက ထြက္ၿပီး အျပင္မႇာ ကိုယ့္သေဘာနဲ႔ကိုယ္လုပ္ ႏုိင္တယ္။ ပါတီထဲမႇာရႇိေနသမွ် ပါတီကို နာခံရတယ္။ ဒါႏုိင္ငံေရးပါတီတိုင္း ခ်မႇတ္ထားရျမဲ စည္းကမ္းျဖစ္တယ္။ ဒီလိုစည္းကမ္း မ်ဳိးမရႇိရင္ ပါတီပ်က္မႇာပဲ။ တစ္ေယာက္တစ္မ်ဳိး ထင္ရာေတြလုပ္ ကုန္ၾကမႇာေပါ့။
အတြင္းစိတ္က သတ္မႇတ္တာ
သတင္းသမားမူဆိုတာက ပါတီအဖြဲ႕အစည္းတစ္ခုက ခ်မႇတ္တာမဟုတ္ဘူး။ ဘယ္ျပင္ပပုဂၢိဳလ္ကမႇ ညႊန္ၾကားတာလည္းမဟုတ္ဘူး။ သတင္းသမားကိုယ္တိုင္ရဲ႕အတြင္း အဇၩတၲစိတ္ကေလးက သတ္မႇတ္တာျဖစ္တယ္။ အဲဒီ အဇၩတၲစိတ္ကေလး (Conscience) ကပဲ သူ႔ကို တည္ေဆာက္ေပးတယ္။ သူ႔အတြက္ အမႇားအမႇန္ အေကာင္းအဆုိးကို ညႊန္ျပေပးတယ္။ ေလာကလူသားမႇန္သမွ် သူတို႔ရဲ႕ အဇၩတၲစိတ္ကေလးက ဖန္တီးေပးလုိက္တဲ့အတိုင္း လိုက္ပါလုပ္ ေဆာင္ေနၾကရတာ ျဖစ္တယ္။
ျပည္သူက ျပ႒ာန္းေပးလိမ့္မယ္
သတင္းသမားဟာ သူ႔အဇၩတၲ ကလြဲၿပီး ဘယ္သူ႔အမိန္႔ကိုမ ႇမနာခံဘူး။ ဘယ္သူ႔ ညႊန္ၾကားခ်က္ကိုမႇလည္း ေစာင့္ဆိုင္းေနစရာ မလိုဘူး။ သူ့အတြင္းစိတ္ကေလးက ဖန္တီးေပးတဲ့မူကို ကိုင္စြဲၿပီး လုပ္စရာရႇိတာ လုပ္ရတယ္။ ဘယ္အခ်ိန္မႇာ ဘာလုပ္သင့္တယ္ဆိုတဲ့အခ်က္ကို သူ႔ျပည္သူလူထုက ျပ႒ာန္းသတ္မႇတ္လိမ့္မယ္။ သတင္းသမားဟာ သူ႔အဇၩတၲနဲ႔ သူ႔ျပည္သူလူထုကလြဲၿပီး ဘယ္သူ႔ကိုမႇ နာခံစရာမလိုဘူး။ ဘယ္သူ႔မ်က္ႏႇာမႇလည္း ေထာက္စရာမလိုဘူး။ ေရးစ ရာရႇိရင္ ရဲရဲေရးၿပီးေျပာဖို႔ လိုအပ္ရင္ ျပတ္ျပတ္သားသားေျပာရမယ္။
ျပည္သူ႔စြမ္းအား (People Power) ကို အႂကြင္းမဲ့ ယံုတယ္။ အခုေတာ့ ခဏေလး ေစာင့္လိုက္ပါ။ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္နဲ႔ သမၼတဦးသိန္းစိန္တို႔ကို နည္းနည္းေလး အခ်ိန္ေပးလိုက္ပါ။ ခဏႀကီး မဟုတ္ပါဘူး။ ခဏေလးပါ . . .
ဘယ္အာဏာရႇင္မႇမႀကိဳက္
သိခ်င္လို႔ ေမးလာၾကသူအားလံုးကို ရႇင္းရႇင္းျပတ္ျပတ္ပဲ ေျဖပါမယ္။ အာဏာရႇင္စနစ္ မႇန္သမွ် တစ္ပါတီ အာဏာရႇင္စနစ္ကိုလည္း မေထာက္ခံ ဘူး။ စစ္အာဏာရႇင္စနစ္ကိုလည္း မေထာက္ခံဘူး။ ကလိတိတိ၊ ရိတိ တိေမးခ်င္သူေတြကိုလည္း ဒီကေန အတိအလင္းေျဖလိုက္ပါမယ္။ ကြန္ျမဴနစ္အာဏာရႇင္စနစ္ကိုလည္း မႀကိဳက္ပါဘူး။ ဒါေပမဲ့ ေအာက္ေျခက ဆင္းရဲသားလူတန္းစားေတြေသြး စုပ္မခံရေအာင္ အကာအကြယ္ေပးတဲ့ ကားလမတ္စ္ရဲ႕ အေတြးအေခၚ အယူအဆေတြကိုေတာ့ ဒီေန႔အထိ ႏႇစ္ႏႇစ္ကာကာ ယံုၾကည္ေနဆဲျဖစ္တယ္။
ေစာင့္ၾကည့္ဆဲ
ကိုယ့္အဇၩတၲက ျပ႒ာန္းေပးလိုက္တဲ့ မူအတိုင္း ျမန္မာ့ဆိုရႇယ္လစ္ အစိုးရကို မေထာက္ခံခဲ့သလို သူ႔ကိုဆက္ခံတဲ့ အစိုးရေတြကိုလည္း မေထာက္ခံဘူး။ အမ်ဳိးသားညီလာခံနဲ႔ ဖြဲ႕စည္းပံုအေျခခံဥပေဒကို မေထာက္ခံဘူး ဆိုတာလည္း သတင္း မီဒီယာေတြကတစ္ဆင့္ အတိအလင္းေျပာခဲ့တယ္။ ဦးသိန္းစိန္အစိုးရကိုလည္း မေထာက္ခံေသးဘူး။ ေစာင့္ၾကည့္ဆဲ အဆင့္ပဲရႇိေသးတယ္။
ပထမဆံုးမိန္႔ခြန္း
သမၼတျဖစ္လာတဲ့ ဦးသိန္းစိန္က ပထမဆံုးက်င္းပတဲ့ ျပည္သူ႔လႊတ္ေတာ္ အစည္းအေ၀းမႇာ ျပည္သူက ေရြးေကာက္တင္ေျမႇာက္တဲ့ ျပည္သူ႔ကိုယ္စားလႇယ္မ်ား ျဖစ္တဲ့အတြက္ ျပည္သူ႕ဆႏၵကို ေလးစားရမယ္။ ျပည္သူေတြ လိုခ်င္တဲ့ ဒီမိုကေရစီစနစ္ကို မျဖစ္မေန အေကာင္အထည္ေဖာ္ ေဆာင္ရြက္သြားမယ္။ ျပည္တြင္းၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးရေအာင္ အျမန္ဆံုး ေဆာင္ရြက္မယ္။ ဒီမိုကေရစီလိုလား သူအားလံုးနဲ႔လည္း ပူးေပါင္း ေဆာင္ရြက္ႏိုင္ေအာင္ လုပ္ေဆာင္မယ္။ ႏိုင္ငံတည္ေဆာက္ေရးမႇာ အေရးပါတဲ့ စတုတၴမ႑ိဳင္ သတင္းမီဒီယာလုပ္ငန္းမ်ားကို ဖြံ႕ၿဖိဳးတိုးတက္ေအာင္ ကူညီမယ္စတဲ့ စကားမ်ားကို ေျပာသြားခဲ့တယ္။ ဒီစကားေတြဟာ အေပါင္းလကၡဏာေဆာင္တယ္လို႔ ခ်က္ခ်င္းစိတ္ထဲမႇာ မႇတ္သားထား လိုက္တယ္။
ႀကိဳဆိုေၾကာင္းေရးခဲ့ေျပာခဲ့
အဲဒီေနာက္ ဆက္တုိက္ဆိုသလို ၀န္ႀကီးဦးေအာင္ၾကည္နဲ႔ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ ေတြ႕ဆံုတယ္။ မတူတာေတြအသာထားၿပီး တူတာေတြပူးေပါင္းေဆာင္ရြက္ၾကဖို႔ သေဘာတူခဲ့ၾကတယ္။ တုိင္းရင္းသားလက္ နက္ကိုင္အဖြဲ႕အစည္းမ်ားကို ၿငိမ္း ခ်မ္းေရး ကမ္းလႇမ္းခ်က္ ထုတ္ျပန္တယ္။ ျပည္ပေရာက္သြားသူေတြ ျပန္လာႏိုင္ေအာင္ ေဆာင္ရြက္ေပးမယ္လို႔ အတိအလင္း ေၾကညာတယ္။ ဒါတင္မက ဖြဲ႕စည္းပံုအေျခခံဥပေဒကို လက္မခံႏုိင္ေသးသူေတြနဲ႔ပါ လက္တြဲေဆာင္ရြက္ႏိုင္ေအာင္ ညိွႏိႈင္းေဆြးေႏြးဖို႔ တံခါးဖြင့္ထားတယ္လို႔ သမၼတကိုယ္တိုင္က ေျပာၾကားခဲ့တယ္။ ကိုယ္တိုင္က အဲဒီဖြဲ႕စည္းပံုအေျခခံဥပေဒကို လက္မခံႏုိင္ေသးသူေတြထဲက တစ္ေယာက္ျဖစ္ေလေတာ့ ဒီစကားကို ႀကိဳဆိုတယ္။ႀကိဳဆိုေၾကာင္း အတိအလင္း ေရးခဲ့ေျပာခဲ့တယ္။
တိုးတက္မႈလို႔ ေျပာႏိုင္
အေပါင္းလကၡဏာ ေဆာင္႐ံုမက တိုးတက္မႈလို႔ပါေျပာႏုိင္တဲ့ အခ်က္ကေတာ့ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္နဲ႔ သမၼတဦးသိန္းစိန္တို႔ရဲ႕ ေတြ႕ဆံုမႈျဖစ္တယ္။ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေအာင္ဆန္းရဲ႕ ဓာတ္ပံုႀကီးေရႇ႕မႇာ ေခါင္းေဆာင္ႏႇစ္ဦး ယႇဥ္တြဲရပ္ေနတဲ့ပံုကို ႐ုပ္ျမင္သံ ၾကားမႇာ ဖ်တ္ကနဲျမင္ေတြ႕လိုက္ရေတာ့ ျပည္သူေတြအားလံုး အံ့အားသင့္ၿပီး ပါးစပ္ေဟာင္းေလာင္း ျဖစ္သြားၾကတယ္။ ေနာက္ေန႔မနက္ထြက္တဲ့ သတင္းစာေတြေရာ၊ ဂ်ာနယ္ေတြပါ ၀ယ္မရတဲ့အထိျဖစ္သြားတယ္။ ျပည္ သူအားလံုး ၀မ္းသာႀကိဳဆိုၾကတယ္။
အရႇိကိုအရႇိအတိုင္း
အဲဒီေနာက္ေတာ့ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ရဲ႕ သတင္းနဲ႔ဓာတ္ပံုေတြကို ဂ်ာနယ္ေတြမႇာ ေဖာ္ျပခြင့္ရလာတယ္။ ဦး၀င္းတင္ရဲ႕စာအုပ္ေတြ တစ္အုပ္ၿပီးတစ္အုပ္ ထုတ္ေ၀ခြင့္ရလာလို႔ လူေတြက အလုအယက္ ၀ယ္ဖတ္ၾကတယ္။ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္နဲ႔ အင္တာဗ်ဴးေတြ ထည့္ခြင့္သာမက ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ရဲ႕ေဆာင္းပါးကို ေဖာ္ျပခြင့္ရလာတယ္။ ဒါေတြ အားလံုးဟာ လြန္ခဲ့တဲ့ေျခာက္လေက်ာ္ ကအိပ္မက္ေတာင္ မမက္ႏိုင္တဲ့ အရာေတြ ျဖစ္တယ္။ အေပါင္းလကၡဏာ ေဆာင္တာေတြခ်ည္းျဖစ္တယ္။ သတင္းသမားဆိုတာ အရႇိကိုအရႇိ အတိုင္းတင္ျပရတယ္။ ဒါေတြဟာ လက္ေတြ႕ျမင္ေတြ႕ေနရတဲ့ အရႇိတရားေတြျဖစ္ၿပီး အေကာင္းဘက္ကိုဦး တည္ေနၾကတယ္။
အႏႈတ္လကၡဏာေဆာင္တာေတြ
အေကာင္းဘက္ကို ဦးတည္ေနတာျဖစ္တယ္။ အေကာင္းဘက္ကို ေရာက္သြားတာေတာ့ မဟုတ္ေသးဘူး။ မဖယ္ရႇားေသးတဲ့ အႏႈတ္လကၡဏာေဆာင္တာေတြ ရႇိေနေသးတယ္။ တုိင္းရင္းသားေဒသေတြမႇာ တုိက္ပြဲေတြ ျပန္ျဖစ္ေနတဲ့ကိစၥ၊ ၈၈ လူငယ္ ေတြနဲ႔ တုိင္းရင္းသားေခါင္းေဆာင္ေတြအပါအ၀င္ လူေပါင္းမ်ားစြာကို ျပန္မလႊတ္ေပးေသးတဲ့ကိစၥ၊ ေတာင္သူလယ္သမားေတြရဲ႕ စိုက္ပ်ဳိးလယ္ယာေျမေတြကို အေၾကာင္းအမ်ဳိးမ်ဳိးနဲ႔ သိမ္းယူၾကတဲ့ကိစၥ၊ တိုင္းျပည္ရဲ႕ အဖိုးတန္သယံဇာတေတြကို ပံုစံ အမ်ဳိးမ်ဳိးနဲ႔ 'ေအးဓားျပ' တိုက္ယူေနတာေတြကို ကာကြယ္တားဆီး မလုပ္ႏိုင္ေသးတဲ့ကိစၥ စတဲ့ ကိစၥေတြအေတာ္မ်ားမ်ား က်န္ရႇိေနေသးတယ္။
အကဲခတ္ဆဲ
ဒီကိစၥေတြကို အျမန္ေဆာင္ရြက္ဖို႔ တုိက္တြန္းႏိႈးေဆာ္ရမယ္။ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္နဲ႔ သမၼတဦးသိန္းစိန္တို႔ဟာ ဒီအေရးကိစၥေတြကို ေဆြးေႏြးညႇိႏိႈင္းေနၾကတယ္လို႔ ယူဆတယ္။ တစ္ဖက္နဲ႔တစ္ဖက္ အျပန္အလႇန္ အကဲခတ္ေနၾကပံုရတယ္။ အကဲ ခတ္ဖို႔ လိုအပ္ပါတယ္။ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္အေနနဲ႔ကလည္း အႏႇစ္ ႏႇစ္ဆယ္လံုးလံုး ဆန္႔က်င္ဘက္မႇာ ရႇိေနတဲ့သူေတြက ႐ုတ္တရက္ခ်က္ခ်င္းႀကီး ေျပာင္းလဲလာတယ္ဆိုတာ သံသယျဖစ္မႇာပဲ။ ဒါ သဘာ၀က်တယ္ဆို တာကို တစ္ဖက္က နားလည္ေပးသင့္တယ္။ အလားတူပဲ သမၼတဦးသိန္းစိန္အစိုးရဟာ အရပ္သားအစိုးရအျဖစ္ အသြင္သဏၭာန္ေျပာင္းလာေပမယ့္ သူတို႔ရဲ႕ မူလဇစ္ျမစ္က ႏႇစ္ေပါင္း ငါးဆယ္လံုးလံုး အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္လာခဲ့တဲ့ စစ္အစိုးရဆိုတာ သေဘာေပါက္ထားၾကရမယ္။
သံသယစိတ္နဲ႔
ဦးသိန္းစိန္ကိုယ္တိုင္က အရင္ အစိုးရအဖြဲ႕မႇာ ၀န္ႀကီးခ်ဳပ္ျဖစ္ခဲ့တဲ့ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ႀကီးျဖစ္တယ္။ စစ္တပ္မ်ားရဲ႕ သေဘာသဘာ၀ကိုလည္း နားလည္ထားၾကဖို႔ လိုတယ္။ စစ္တပ္ရဲ႕ သဘာ၀က လံုျခံဳေရးကိုအဓိက ဦးစားေပးတယ္။ ဘယ္ကိစၥမ်ဳိးမဆို လံုျခံဳေရး မ်က္စိနဲ႔ၾကည့္တယ္။ ခ်ဥ္းကပ္လာသူ မႇန္သမွ်ကို မသကၤာတဲ့ အၾကည့္နဲ႔ ၾကည့္တယ္။ ရန္သူ ျဖစ္ေနမလားဆိုတဲ့ သံသယစိတ္နဲ႔ စစ္ေဆးစမ္းသပ္တယ္။ ရာႏႈန္းျပည့္စိတ္ခ်ရမႇ သူတို႔နား အကပ္ခံတယ္။ ဒါ သူတို႔ရဲ႕ သဘာ၀ပဲ။ စစ္ေျမျပင္မႇာ ဒီလိုမလုပ္ရင္ ေခ်မႈန္းခံရမႇာျဖစ္တယ္။ စစ္တပ္က ျပည္သူေတြၾကားထဲ ၀င္ေရာက္ေနထိုင္ၿပီး ျပည္သူေတြရဲ႕အေရးကို ေဆာင္ရြက္ရာမႇာ စစ္ေျမျပင္မႇာ က်င့္သံုးသလို က်င့္သံုးလို႔မရဘူးဆိုတာ အခုမႇ နားလည္စျပဳလာခ်ိန္ျဖစ္တယ္။
ထိလြယ္ ရႇလြယ္
ဒီလိုနားလည္စျပဳလာတာကို ႀကိဳဆိုၿပီး ပိုနားလည္လာေအာင္ ျပည္သူလူထုက ကူညီရမႇာျဖစ္တယ္။ သမၼတဦးသိန္းစိန္နဲ႔ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္တို႔ ေတြ႕ဆံုေဆြးႏြးမႈကို အခ်ိန္နည္းနည္းယူၿပီး ေစာင့္ၾကည့္ရမယ္။ ခုအခ်ိန္ဟာ အင္မတန္မႇ ႏူးညံ့သိမ္ ေမြ႕တဲ့ ထိလြယ္ရႇလြယ္ အေျခအေနျဖစ္တယ္။ အေကာင္းဘက္ကို ေရာက္သြားႏုိင္သလို ႐ုတ္တရက္ခ်က္ခ်င္း အဆိုးဘက္ေရာက္ၿပီး ဒံုရင္းျပန္ျဖစ္သြားႏုိင္တယ္။ ႏႇစ္ဖက္စလံုးက ေျခလႇမ္း မမႇားေအာင္ သတိႀကီးစြာထား ၿပီးေဆာင္ရြက္ၾကဖို႔လိုတယ္။ ဒံုရင္းျပန္ေရာက္သြားရင္ ထိခိုက္နစ္နာမႇာက ျပည္သူေတြျဖစ္တယ္။
ခဏေစာင့္ၾကည့္
ဒံုရင္းျပန္မေရာက္ေအာင္ တားႏိုင္တာလည္း ျပည္သူေတြျဖစ္တယ္။ ဒီမိုကေရစီစနစ္ႀကီး ေအာင္ျမင္ေအာင္ တည္ေဆာက္ႏိုင္တာကလည္း ျပည္သူေတြျဖစ္တယ္။ ျပည္သူေတြရဲ႕ ျပ႒ာန္းခ်က္ကို အေကာင္အထည္ေဖာ္ဖို႔ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္နဲ႔ ဦးသိန္းစိန္တို႔က ႀကိဳးစားေနၾကတာျဖစ္တယ္။ သူတို႔ႏႇစ္ေယာက္ အခုမႇတစ္ႀကိမ္ပဲ ေတြ႕ရေသးတယ္။ တစ္ႀကိမ္ေတြ႕႐ံုနဲ႔ 'ဟပ္ခ်ေလာင္း'ဆိုၿပီး ခ်က္ခ်င္းေျပာင္းမသြားႏိုင္ဘူးဆိုတာ နားလည္ ေပးသင့္တယ္။ သူတို႔ကို အခ်ိန္ နည္းနည္း ေပးသင့္တယ္။ ခဏေလး ေစာင့္ၾကည့္သင့္တယ္။
ခဏႀကီး၊ ခဏေလး
ခဏေလးဆိုတာက ႏႇစ္ငါးဆယ္ၾကာတဲ့ ခဏႀကီးကိုေျပာတာမဟုတ္ပါဘူး။ ခဏႀကီးကေတာ့ ရႇည္ၾကာလြန္းၿပီး ခါးသီးလႇပါတယ္။ ေရႇ႕တိုးမလား၊ ေနာက္ဆုတ္မလား၊ ေျပာင္းမလား၊ မေျပာင္းဘူးလားဆိုတာကို 'စံႏႇစ္ခု' နဲ႔ ခ်ိန္ထိုးၾကည့္ႏုိင္တယ္။ (၁) ေထာင္ထဲကလူေတြ လႊတ္၊ မလႊတ္ဆိုတဲ့ စံ။ (၂)တိုင္းရင္းသားေတြနဲ႔ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရး ရေအာင္လုပ္မယ္ဆိုတဲ့ စံ။
ႏႇစ္ခ်က္စလံုးေဆာင္ရြက္ဆဲ
ဒီစံႏႇစ္ခုအနက္ ပထမအခ်က္ လြတ္ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းသာခြင့္ကိစၥကို လႊတ္ေတာ္က ေထာက္ခံထားၿပီးျဖစ္တယ္။ တပ္မေတာ္သား ကိုယ္စားလႇယ္မ်ားကပါ ေထာက္ခံတယ္။ တပ္မေတာ္သားဆိုတာ အထက္အမိန္႔အတိုင္း တစ္သေ၀မတိမ္း လိုက္နာရတာျဖစ္တဲ့အတြက္ တပ္မေတာ္သား ကိုယ္စားလႇယ္က ေထာက္ခံတယ္ဆိုတာဟာ တပ္မေတာ္တစ္ခုလံုးက ေထာက္ခံတယ္လို႔ပဲ မႇတ္ယူႏိုင္တယ္။ ဒုတိယအခ်က္ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးစံ လည္း ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရး ကမ္းလႇမ္းခ်က္ ထုတ္ျပန္ၿပီး ေဆာင္ရြက္ေနတာ ေတြ႕ရတယ္။
နည္းနည္းအခ်ိန္ေပးပါ
ဒီအခ်က္ ႏႇစ္ခ်က္လုပ္၊ မလုပ္ မၾကာမီမႇာပဲ အေျဖသိရမယ္လို႔ ယူဆတယ္။ ျပည္သူ႔ဆႏၵကို လ်စ္လ်ဴ႐ႈၿပီး ဒီအခ်က္ႏႇစ္ခ်က္စလံုးကို ျငင္းပယ္မယ္ဆိုရင္ေတာ့ ျပည္သူေတြက ေကာင္းေကာင္းႀကီး ဒဏ္ခတ္မႇာ ေသခ်ာပါတယ္။ ျပည္သူ႕စြမ္းအား (People Power) ကို အႂကြင္းမဲ့ ယံုတယ္။ အခုေတာ့ ခဏေလး ေစာင့္လိုက္ပါ။ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္နဲ႔ သမၼတဦးသိန္းစိန္တို႔ကို နည္းနည္းေလး အခ်ိန္ေပးလိုက္ပါ။ ခဏႀကီး မဟုတ္ပါဘူး။ ခဏေလးပါ။
သတင္းသမားမူနဲ႔ ႏိုင္ငံေရးသမားမူ
သတင္းသမားရဲ႕မူက ႏိုင္ငံေရး သမားရဲ႕ မူနဲ့ မတူဘူး။ ႏိုင္ငံေရးသမားရဲ႕ မူဆိုတာက သူ႔ပါတီက ခ်မႇတ္ေပးတာျဖစ္တယ္။ ပါတီကို အျမဲနာခံရတယ္။ ပါတီကျဖဴရင္ လိုက္ျဖဴရၿပီး ပါတီကမည္းရင္ လိုက္မည္းရတယ္။ မလိုက္နာႏိုင္ရင္ ပါတီက ထြက္ၿပီး အျပင္မႇာ ကိုယ့္သေဘာနဲ႔ကိုယ္လုပ္ ႏုိင္တယ္။ ပါတီထဲမႇာရႇိေနသမွ် ပါတီကို နာခံရတယ္။ ဒါႏုိင္ငံေရးပါတီတိုင္း ခ်မႇတ္ထားရျမဲ စည္းကမ္းျဖစ္တယ္။ ဒီလိုစည္းကမ္း မ်ဳိးမရႇိရင္ ပါတီပ်က္မႇာပဲ။ တစ္ေယာက္တစ္မ်ဳိး ထင္ရာေတြလုပ္ ကုန္ၾကမႇာေပါ့။
အတြင္းစိတ္က သတ္မႇတ္တာ
သတင္းသမားမူဆိုတာက ပါတီအဖြဲ႕အစည္းတစ္ခုက ခ်မႇတ္တာမဟုတ္ဘူး။ ဘယ္ျပင္ပပုဂၢိဳလ္ကမႇ ညႊန္ၾကားတာလည္းမဟုတ္ဘူး။ သတင္းသမားကိုယ္တိုင္ရဲ႕အတြင္း အဇၩတၲစိတ္ကေလးက သတ္မႇတ္တာျဖစ္တယ္။ အဲဒီ အဇၩတၲစိတ္ကေလး (Conscience) ကပဲ သူ႔ကို တည္ေဆာက္ေပးတယ္။ သူ႔အတြက္ အမႇားအမႇန္ အေကာင္းအဆုိးကို ညႊန္ျပေပးတယ္။ ေလာကလူသားမႇန္သမွ် သူတို႔ရဲ႕ အဇၩတၲစိတ္ကေလးက ဖန္တီးေပးလုိက္တဲ့အတိုင္း လိုက္ပါလုပ္ ေဆာင္ေနၾကရတာ ျဖစ္တယ္။
ျပည္သူက ျပ႒ာန္းေပးလိမ့္မယ္
သတင္းသမားဟာ သူ႔အဇၩတၲ ကလြဲၿပီး ဘယ္သူ႔အမိန္႔ကိုမ ႇမနာခံဘူး။ ဘယ္သူ႔ ညႊန္ၾကားခ်က္ကိုမႇလည္း ေစာင့္ဆိုင္းေနစရာ မလိုဘူး။ သူ့အတြင္းစိတ္ကေလးက ဖန္တီးေပးတဲ့မူကို ကိုင္စြဲၿပီး လုပ္စရာရႇိတာ လုပ္ရတယ္။ ဘယ္အခ်ိန္မႇာ ဘာလုပ္သင့္တယ္ဆိုတဲ့အခ်က္ကို သူ႔ျပည္သူလူထုက ျပ႒ာန္းသတ္မႇတ္လိမ့္မယ္။ သတင္းသမားဟာ သူ႔အဇၩတၲနဲ႔ သူ႔ျပည္သူလူထုကလြဲၿပီး ဘယ္သူ႔ကိုမႇ နာခံစရာမလိုဘူး။ ဘယ္သူ႔မ်က္ႏႇာမႇလည္း ေထာက္စရာမလိုဘူး။ ေရးစ ရာရႇိရင္ ရဲရဲေရးၿပီးေျပာဖို႔ လိုအပ္ရင္ ျပတ္ျပတ္သားသားေျပာရမယ္။
ျပည္သူ႔စြမ္းအား (People Power) ကို အႂကြင္းမဲ့ ယံုတယ္။ အခုေတာ့ ခဏေလး ေစာင့္လိုက္ပါ။ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္နဲ႔ သမၼတဦးသိန္းစိန္တို႔ကို နည္းနည္းေလး အခ်ိန္ေပးလိုက္ပါ။ ခဏႀကီး မဟုတ္ပါဘူး။ ခဏေလးပါ . . .
ဘယ္အာဏာရႇင္မႇမႀကိဳက္
သိခ်င္လို႔ ေမးလာၾကသူအားလံုးကို ရႇင္းရႇင္းျပတ္ျပတ္ပဲ ေျဖပါမယ္။ အာဏာရႇင္စနစ္ မႇန္သမွ် တစ္ပါတီ အာဏာရႇင္စနစ္ကိုလည္း မေထာက္ခံ ဘူး။ စစ္အာဏာရႇင္စနစ္ကိုလည္း မေထာက္ခံဘူး။ ကလိတိတိ၊ ရိတိ တိေမးခ်င္သူေတြကိုလည္း ဒီကေန အတိအလင္းေျဖလိုက္ပါမယ္။ ကြန္ျမဴနစ္အာဏာရႇင္စနစ္ကိုလည္း မႀကိဳက္ပါဘူး။ ဒါေပမဲ့ ေအာက္ေျခက ဆင္းရဲသားလူတန္းစားေတြေသြး စုပ္မခံရေအာင္ အကာအကြယ္ေပးတဲ့ ကားလမတ္စ္ရဲ႕ အေတြးအေခၚ အယူအဆေတြကိုေတာ့ ဒီေန႔အထိ ႏႇစ္ႏႇစ္ကာကာ ယံုၾကည္ေနဆဲျဖစ္တယ္။
ေစာင့္ၾကည့္ဆဲ
ကိုယ့္အဇၩတၲက ျပ႒ာန္းေပးလိုက္တဲ့ မူအတိုင္း ျမန္မာ့ဆိုရႇယ္လစ္ အစိုးရကို မေထာက္ခံခဲ့သလို သူ႔ကိုဆက္ခံတဲ့ အစိုးရေတြကိုလည္း မေထာက္ခံဘူး။ အမ်ဳိးသားညီလာခံနဲ႔ ဖြဲ႕စည္းပံုအေျခခံဥပေဒကို မေထာက္ခံဘူး ဆိုတာလည္း သတင္း မီဒီယာေတြကတစ္ဆင့္ အတိအလင္းေျပာခဲ့တယ္။ ဦးသိန္းစိန္အစိုးရကိုလည္း မေထာက္ခံေသးဘူး။ ေစာင့္ၾကည့္ဆဲ အဆင့္ပဲရႇိေသးတယ္။
ပထမဆံုးမိန္႔ခြန္း
သမၼတျဖစ္လာတဲ့ ဦးသိန္းစိန္က ပထမဆံုးက်င္းပတဲ့ ျပည္သူ႔လႊတ္ေတာ္ အစည္းအေ၀းမႇာ ျပည္သူက ေရြးေကာက္တင္ေျမႇာက္တဲ့ ျပည္သူ႔ကိုယ္စားလႇယ္မ်ား ျဖစ္တဲ့အတြက္ ျပည္သူ႕ဆႏၵကို ေလးစားရမယ္။ ျပည္သူေတြ လိုခ်င္တဲ့ ဒီမိုကေရစီစနစ္ကို မျဖစ္မေန အေကာင္အထည္ေဖာ္ ေဆာင္ရြက္သြားမယ္။ ျပည္တြင္းၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးရေအာင္ အျမန္ဆံုး ေဆာင္ရြက္မယ္။ ဒီမိုကေရစီလိုလား သူအားလံုးနဲ႔လည္း ပူးေပါင္း ေဆာင္ရြက္ႏိုင္ေအာင္ လုပ္ေဆာင္မယ္။ ႏိုင္ငံတည္ေဆာက္ေရးမႇာ အေရးပါတဲ့ စတုတၴမ႑ိဳင္ သတင္းမီဒီယာလုပ္ငန္းမ်ားကို ဖြံ႕ၿဖိဳးတိုးတက္ေအာင္ ကူညီမယ္စတဲ့ စကားမ်ားကို ေျပာသြားခဲ့တယ္။ ဒီစကားေတြဟာ အေပါင္းလကၡဏာေဆာင္တယ္လို႔ ခ်က္ခ်င္းစိတ္ထဲမႇာ မႇတ္သားထား လိုက္တယ္။
ႀကိဳဆိုေၾကာင္းေရးခဲ့ေျပာခဲ့
အဲဒီေနာက္ ဆက္တုိက္ဆိုသလို ၀န္ႀကီးဦးေအာင္ၾကည္နဲ႔ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ ေတြ႕ဆံုတယ္။ မတူတာေတြအသာထားၿပီး တူတာေတြပူးေပါင္းေဆာင္ရြက္ၾကဖို႔ သေဘာတူခဲ့ၾကတယ္။ တုိင္းရင္းသားလက္ နက္ကိုင္အဖြဲ႕အစည္းမ်ားကို ၿငိမ္း ခ်မ္းေရး ကမ္းလႇမ္းခ်က္ ထုတ္ျပန္တယ္။ ျပည္ပေရာက္သြားသူေတြ ျပန္လာႏိုင္ေအာင္ ေဆာင္ရြက္ေပးမယ္လို႔ အတိအလင္း ေၾကညာတယ္။ ဒါတင္မက ဖြဲ႕စည္းပံုအေျခခံဥပေဒကို လက္မခံႏုိင္ေသးသူေတြနဲ႔ပါ လက္တြဲေဆာင္ရြက္ႏိုင္ေအာင္ ညိွႏိႈင္းေဆြးေႏြးဖို႔ တံခါးဖြင့္ထားတယ္လို႔ သမၼတကိုယ္တိုင္က ေျပာၾကားခဲ့တယ္။ ကိုယ္တိုင္က အဲဒီဖြဲ႕စည္းပံုအေျခခံဥပေဒကို လက္မခံႏုိင္ေသးသူေတြထဲက တစ္ေယာက္ျဖစ္ေလေတာ့ ဒီစကားကို ႀကိဳဆိုတယ္။ႀကိဳဆိုေၾကာင္း အတိအလင္း ေရးခဲ့ေျပာခဲ့တယ္။
တိုးတက္မႈလို႔ ေျပာႏိုင္
အေပါင္းလကၡဏာ ေဆာင္႐ံုမက တိုးတက္မႈလို႔ပါေျပာႏုိင္တဲ့ အခ်က္ကေတာ့ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္နဲ႔ သမၼတဦးသိန္းစိန္တို႔ရဲ႕ ေတြ႕ဆံုမႈျဖစ္တယ္။ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေအာင္ဆန္းရဲ႕ ဓာတ္ပံုႀကီးေရႇ႕မႇာ ေခါင္းေဆာင္ႏႇစ္ဦး ယႇဥ္တြဲရပ္ေနတဲ့ပံုကို ႐ုပ္ျမင္သံ ၾကားမႇာ ဖ်တ္ကနဲျမင္ေတြ႕လိုက္ရေတာ့ ျပည္သူေတြအားလံုး အံ့အားသင့္ၿပီး ပါးစပ္ေဟာင္းေလာင္း ျဖစ္သြားၾကတယ္။ ေနာက္ေန႔မနက္ထြက္တဲ့ သတင္းစာေတြေရာ၊ ဂ်ာနယ္ေတြပါ ၀ယ္မရတဲ့အထိျဖစ္သြားတယ္။ ျပည္ သူအားလံုး ၀မ္းသာႀကိဳဆိုၾကတယ္။
အရႇိကိုအရႇိအတိုင္း
အဲဒီေနာက္ေတာ့ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ရဲ႕ သတင္းနဲ႔ဓာတ္ပံုေတြကို ဂ်ာနယ္ေတြမႇာ ေဖာ္ျပခြင့္ရလာတယ္။ ဦး၀င္းတင္ရဲ႕စာအုပ္ေတြ တစ္အုပ္ၿပီးတစ္အုပ္ ထုတ္ေ၀ခြင့္ရလာလို႔ လူေတြက အလုအယက္ ၀ယ္ဖတ္ၾကတယ္။ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္နဲ႔ အင္တာဗ်ဴးေတြ ထည့္ခြင့္သာမက ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ရဲ႕ေဆာင္းပါးကို ေဖာ္ျပခြင့္ရလာတယ္။ ဒါေတြ အားလံုးဟာ လြန္ခဲ့တဲ့ေျခာက္လေက်ာ္ ကအိပ္မက္ေတာင္ မမက္ႏိုင္တဲ့ အရာေတြ ျဖစ္တယ္။ အေပါင္းလကၡဏာ ေဆာင္တာေတြခ်ည္းျဖစ္တယ္။ သတင္းသမားဆိုတာ အရႇိကိုအရႇိ အတိုင္းတင္ျပရတယ္။ ဒါေတြဟာ လက္ေတြ႕ျမင္ေတြ႕ေနရတဲ့ အရႇိတရားေတြျဖစ္ၿပီး အေကာင္းဘက္ကိုဦး တည္ေနၾကတယ္။
အႏႈတ္လကၡဏာေဆာင္တာေတြ
အေကာင္းဘက္ကို ဦးတည္ေနတာျဖစ္တယ္။ အေကာင္းဘက္ကို ေရာက္သြားတာေတာ့ မဟုတ္ေသးဘူး။ မဖယ္ရႇားေသးတဲ့ အႏႈတ္လကၡဏာေဆာင္တာေတြ ရႇိေနေသးတယ္။ တုိင္းရင္းသားေဒသေတြမႇာ တုိက္ပြဲေတြ ျပန္ျဖစ္ေနတဲ့ကိစၥ၊ ၈၈ လူငယ္ ေတြနဲ႔ တုိင္းရင္းသားေခါင္းေဆာင္ေတြအပါအ၀င္ လူေပါင္းမ်ားစြာကို ျပန္မလႊတ္ေပးေသးတဲ့ကိစၥ၊ ေတာင္သူလယ္သမားေတြရဲ႕ စိုက္ပ်ဳိးလယ္ယာေျမေတြကို အေၾကာင္းအမ်ဳိးမ်ဳိးနဲ႔ သိမ္းယူၾကတဲ့ကိစၥ၊ တိုင္းျပည္ရဲ႕ အဖိုးတန္သယံဇာတေတြကို ပံုစံ အမ်ဳိးမ်ဳိးနဲ႔ 'ေအးဓားျပ' တိုက္ယူေနတာေတြကို ကာကြယ္တားဆီး မလုပ္ႏိုင္ေသးတဲ့ကိစၥ စတဲ့ ကိစၥေတြအေတာ္မ်ားမ်ား က်န္ရႇိေနေသးတယ္။
အကဲခတ္ဆဲ
ဒီကိစၥေတြကို အျမန္ေဆာင္ရြက္ဖို႔ တုိက္တြန္းႏိႈးေဆာ္ရမယ္။ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္နဲ႔ သမၼတဦးသိန္းစိန္တို႔ဟာ ဒီအေရးကိစၥေတြကို ေဆြးေႏြးညႇိႏိႈင္းေနၾကတယ္လို႔ ယူဆတယ္။ တစ္ဖက္နဲ႔တစ္ဖက္ အျပန္အလႇန္ အကဲခတ္ေနၾကပံုရတယ္။ အကဲ ခတ္ဖို႔ လိုအပ္ပါတယ္။ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္အေနနဲ႔ကလည္း အႏႇစ္ ႏႇစ္ဆယ္လံုးလံုး ဆန္႔က်င္ဘက္မႇာ ရႇိေနတဲ့သူေတြက ႐ုတ္တရက္ခ်က္ခ်င္းႀကီး ေျပာင္းလဲလာတယ္ဆိုတာ သံသယျဖစ္မႇာပဲ။ ဒါ သဘာ၀က်တယ္ဆို တာကို တစ္ဖက္က နားလည္ေပးသင့္တယ္။ အလားတူပဲ သမၼတဦးသိန္းစိန္အစိုးရဟာ အရပ္သားအစိုးရအျဖစ္ အသြင္သဏၭာန္ေျပာင္းလာေပမယ့္ သူတို႔ရဲ႕ မူလဇစ္ျမစ္က ႏႇစ္ေပါင္း ငါးဆယ္လံုးလံုး အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္လာခဲ့တဲ့ စစ္အစိုးရဆိုတာ သေဘာေပါက္ထားၾကရမယ္။
သံသယစိတ္နဲ႔
ဦးသိန္းစိန္ကိုယ္တိုင္က အရင္ အစိုးရအဖြဲ႕မႇာ ၀န္ႀကီးခ်ဳပ္ျဖစ္ခဲ့တဲ့ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ႀကီးျဖစ္တယ္။ စစ္တပ္မ်ားရဲ႕ သေဘာသဘာ၀ကိုလည္း နားလည္ထားၾကဖို႔ လိုတယ္။ စစ္တပ္ရဲ႕ သဘာ၀က လံုျခံဳေရးကိုအဓိက ဦးစားေပးတယ္။ ဘယ္ကိစၥမ်ဳိးမဆို လံုျခံဳေရး မ်က္စိနဲ႔ၾကည့္တယ္။ ခ်ဥ္းကပ္လာသူ မႇန္သမွ်ကို မသကၤာတဲ့ အၾကည့္နဲ႔ ၾကည့္တယ္။ ရန္သူ ျဖစ္ေနမလားဆိုတဲ့ သံသယစိတ္နဲ႔ စစ္ေဆးစမ္းသပ္တယ္။ ရာႏႈန္းျပည့္စိတ္ခ်ရမႇ သူတို႔နား အကပ္ခံတယ္။ ဒါ သူတို႔ရဲ႕ သဘာ၀ပဲ။ စစ္ေျမျပင္မႇာ ဒီလိုမလုပ္ရင္ ေခ်မႈန္းခံရမႇာျဖစ္တယ္။ စစ္တပ္က ျပည္သူေတြၾကားထဲ ၀င္ေရာက္ေနထိုင္ၿပီး ျပည္သူေတြရဲ႕အေရးကို ေဆာင္ရြက္ရာမႇာ စစ္ေျမျပင္မႇာ က်င့္သံုးသလို က်င့္သံုးလို႔မရဘူးဆိုတာ အခုမႇ နားလည္စျပဳလာခ်ိန္ျဖစ္တယ္။
ထိလြယ္ ရႇလြယ္
ဒီလိုနားလည္စျပဳလာတာကို ႀကိဳဆိုၿပီး ပိုနားလည္လာေအာင္ ျပည္သူလူထုက ကူညီရမႇာျဖစ္တယ္။ သမၼတဦးသိန္းစိန္နဲ႔ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္တို႔ ေတြ႕ဆံုေဆြးႏြးမႈကို အခ်ိန္နည္းနည္းယူၿပီး ေစာင့္ၾကည့္ရမယ္။ ခုအခ်ိန္ဟာ အင္မတန္မႇ ႏူးညံ့သိမ္ ေမြ႕တဲ့ ထိလြယ္ရႇလြယ္ အေျခအေနျဖစ္တယ္။ အေကာင္းဘက္ကို ေရာက္သြားႏုိင္သလို ႐ုတ္တရက္ခ်က္ခ်င္း အဆိုးဘက္ေရာက္ၿပီး ဒံုရင္းျပန္ျဖစ္သြားႏုိင္တယ္။ ႏႇစ္ဖက္စလံုးက ေျခလႇမ္း မမႇားေအာင္ သတိႀကီးစြာထား ၿပီးေဆာင္ရြက္ၾကဖို႔လိုတယ္။ ဒံုရင္းျပန္ေရာက္သြားရင္ ထိခိုက္နစ္နာမႇာက ျပည္သူေတြျဖစ္တယ္။
ခဏေစာင့္ၾကည့္
ဒံုရင္းျပန္မေရာက္ေအာင္ တားႏိုင္တာလည္း ျပည္သူေတြျဖစ္တယ္။ ဒီမိုကေရစီစနစ္ႀကီး ေအာင္ျမင္ေအာင္ တည္ေဆာက္ႏိုင္တာကလည္း ျပည္သူေတြျဖစ္တယ္။ ျပည္သူေတြရဲ႕ ျပ႒ာန္းခ်က္ကို အေကာင္အထည္ေဖာ္ဖို႔ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္နဲ႔ ဦးသိန္းစိန္တို႔က ႀကိဳးစားေနၾကတာျဖစ္တယ္။ သူတို႔ႏႇစ္ေယာက္ အခုမႇတစ္ႀကိမ္ပဲ ေတြ႕ရေသးတယ္။ တစ္ႀကိမ္ေတြ႕႐ံုနဲ႔ 'ဟပ္ခ်ေလာင္း'ဆိုၿပီး ခ်က္ခ်င္းေျပာင္းမသြားႏိုင္ဘူးဆိုတာ နားလည္ ေပးသင့္တယ္။ သူတို႔ကို အခ်ိန္ နည္းနည္း ေပးသင့္တယ္။ ခဏေလး ေစာင့္ၾကည့္သင့္တယ္။
ခဏႀကီး၊ ခဏေလး
ခဏေလးဆိုတာက ႏႇစ္ငါးဆယ္ၾကာတဲ့ ခဏႀကီးကိုေျပာတာမဟုတ္ပါဘူး။ ခဏႀကီးကေတာ့ ရႇည္ၾကာလြန္းၿပီး ခါးသီးလႇပါတယ္။ ေရႇ႕တိုးမလား၊ ေနာက္ဆုတ္မလား၊ ေျပာင္းမလား၊ မေျပာင္းဘူးလားဆိုတာကို 'စံႏႇစ္ခု' နဲ႔ ခ်ိန္ထိုးၾကည့္ႏုိင္တယ္။ (၁) ေထာင္ထဲကလူေတြ လႊတ္၊ မလႊတ္ဆိုတဲ့ စံ။ (၂)တိုင္းရင္းသားေတြနဲ႔ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရး ရေအာင္လုပ္မယ္ဆိုတဲ့ စံ။
ႏႇစ္ခ်က္စလံုးေဆာင္ရြက္ဆဲ
ဒီစံႏႇစ္ခုအနက္ ပထမအခ်က္ လြတ္ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းသာခြင့္ကိစၥကို လႊတ္ေတာ္က ေထာက္ခံထားၿပီးျဖစ္တယ္။ တပ္မေတာ္သား ကိုယ္စားလႇယ္မ်ားကပါ ေထာက္ခံတယ္။ တပ္မေတာ္သားဆိုတာ အထက္အမိန္႔အတိုင္း တစ္သေ၀မတိမ္း လိုက္နာရတာျဖစ္တဲ့အတြက္ တပ္မေတာ္သား ကိုယ္စားလႇယ္က ေထာက္ခံတယ္ဆိုတာဟာ တပ္မေတာ္တစ္ခုလံုးက ေထာက္ခံတယ္လို႔ပဲ မႇတ္ယူႏိုင္တယ္။ ဒုတိယအခ်က္ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးစံ လည္း ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရး ကမ္းလႇမ္းခ်က္ ထုတ္ျပန္ၿပီး ေဆာင္ရြက္ေနတာ ေတြ႕ရတယ္။
နည္းနည္းအခ်ိန္ေပးပါ
ဒီအခ်က္ ႏႇစ္ခ်က္လုပ္၊ မလုပ္ မၾကာမီမႇာပဲ အေျဖသိရမယ္လို႔ ယူဆတယ္။ ျပည္သူ႔ဆႏၵကို လ်စ္လ်ဴ႐ႈၿပီး ဒီအခ်က္ႏႇစ္ခ်က္စလံုးကို ျငင္းပယ္မယ္ဆိုရင္ေတာ့ ျပည္သူေတြက ေကာင္းေကာင္းႀကီး ဒဏ္ခတ္မႇာ ေသခ်ာပါတယ္။ ျပည္သူ႕စြမ္းအား (People Power) ကို အႂကြင္းမဲ့ ယံုတယ္။ အခုေတာ့ ခဏေလး ေစာင့္လိုက္ပါ။ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္နဲ႔ သမၼတဦးသိန္းစိန္တို႔ကို နည္းနည္းေလး အခ်ိန္ေပးလိုက္ပါ။ ခဏႀကီး မဟုတ္ပါဘူး။ ခဏေလးပါ။
Credit : weekly media
By: Sai Wansai>>
The latest move of President Thein Sein shelving the construction of the $3.6 billion Myitsone dam project in Kachin state is the right decision and hopefully would expand to other problem areas, leading to reconciliation and conflict resolution.
President Thein Sein’s note was read out in parliament by lower house speaker Thura Shwe Mann, on Friday, for a halt to the construction.
According to Reuters, "The president sent a message comprising 10 points to the parliament this morning. One of them said that the construction of the dam on the Irrawaddy will be shelved during the term of his government."
President Thein Sein’s note was read out in parliament by lower house speaker Thura Shwe Mann, on Friday, for a halt to the construction.
According to Reuters, "The president sent a message comprising 10 points to the parliament this morning. One of them said that the construction of the dam on the Irrawaddy will be shelved during the term of his government."
"He said that his government, being born out of people's desire, has to act according to the desire of the people," said the official, who declined to be named because he was not authorised to speak to the media.
The suspension will satisfy the people of Kachin state and downstream populace and not to mention the environmentalists and opposition parties. But Thein Sein still needs to work out the details with China on how to terminate the contract with state-run Chinese companies that are funding and building the dam.
Meanwhile, the Chinese foreign ministry spokesman Hong Lei, in reply to question of shelving Myitsone Dam by Thein Sein spelled out China’s position, on Saturday, as follows:-
“The Chinese Government always supports Chinese enterprises cooperating with enterprises of other countries based on the principle of mutual respect, mutual benefit and equality, requires them to perform duties and fulfill obligations in strict accordance with laws and regulations of the host country and urges relevant government to protect the legal and legitimate rights and interests of Chinese enterprises. The Myitsone Dam is a jointly invested project between China and Myanmar that has gone through scientific verification and strict examination of both sides. Relevant matters arising from the implementation of the project should be handled appropriately through bilateral friendly consultation.”(Source: Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the People's Republic of China)Prior to this, on 27 September, Burma’s foreign minister, Wunna Maung Lwin, told the UN General Assembly (UNGA) that an amnesty for prisoners is being considered, but gave no date for a possible release. He said that the President Thein Sein would grant the amnesty “at an appropriate time in the near future”.
Again, on Friday, Aung San Suu Kyi and Minister U Aung Kyi met for the third time, since Thein Sein came to power, and spelled out three issue areas – presidential amnesty for political prisoners, preservation and protection of Irrawaddy River, and restoration of eternal peace with the armed ethnic groups - that were discussed.
Indeed, Thein Sein has moved with relative swiftness in trying to deflate the political tension, built over years by confrontation between the ethnic-democratic opposition and the successive military governments. His poverty reduction workshop, a close-door, four eyes meeting with Aung San Suu Kyi, invitation of exiles to return home, peace overtures directed at armed ethnic groups, and easing off the restrictions on the media were conducive to some improvement in political atmosphere.
Thein Sein’s moves, while quite effective in thawing the rigid and polarized political stance of the military and democratic opposition headed by Aung San Suu Kyi, in contrast, his peace initiative directed at the ethnic armed forces is producing more negative than positive results.
True, the regime could book in some success, when signing initial ceasefire agreement with the Untied Wa State Army (UWSA) and National Democratic Alliance Army (NDAA) on the 6th and 7th September respectively, which includes, no hostilities, reopening of liaison offices, advanced notification when entering each side’s territory carrying arms, and a joint coordination team for regional development. But it should be noted that the regime, although on the war footing with both groups, have not entered into open armed conflict like the Shan State Army (SSA) or the Kachin Independence Army (KIA). The SSA likened the regime moves of applying remedy to the wrong location and accused it of driving a wedge between the UNFC members and non-members like UWSA and NDAA.
The UNFC formed in February 2011, is composed of six armed groups as permanent members: the Karen National Union (KNU), the New Mon State Party (NMSP), the Chin National Front (CNF), the Kachin Independence Organization, the Karenni National Progressive Party (KNPP), and the Shan State Progress Party/Shan State Army (SSPP/SSA).
A few weeks after the ceasefire agreement with the UWSA and NDAA, SHAN reported on Friday, that a thousand bags of rice which have been blocked by the Burmese military for 2 years were reportedly returned to the UWSA, in addition to releasing its imprisoned members serving sentences on opium trafficking charges in Buthidaung Prison on the western Burmese border, and allowing domestic airline Yangon Airways, to fly again on 16 October, which is owned by Aik Hauk, son of prominent UWSA leader Bao Youxiang. The airline was refused a new license in November and ceased operations in December last year.
Similarly, on 13 September, SHAN filed a report that pickups and vans have been allowed to ply between Mongla and Kengtung, 80 km, since Sunday (11 September), 4 days after a new ceasefire agreement was signed between Naypyitaw and Mongla-based NDAA.
The immediate economic incentive given back to the two ethnic armed groups is a stark reminder that the regime is ready to apply its old strategy of “divide and rule”, which have worked so well in the past.
Meanwhile, the offensives against the KIA and SSA by the Burma Army are in full swing, making it hard to believe if Thein Sein’s peace initiative is for real or just a public relation stunt to curry international sympathy, in its charm offensive to win legitimacy.
According to BBC, the recent Burma Army’s offensive with 10 battalions on KIA 4 brigade, in northern Shan state, starting last Friday, have suffered at least 60 Burmese soldiers killed, while KIA casualties were said to be 8 killed and 8 wounded.
The Burma Army casualties, in its offensive in central Shan state, which have begun a few months ago, were equally devastating for the Burma Army, estimated to be in hundreds, due to the guerrilla warfare conducted by the SSA.
Likewise, the same situation exists, where Burma Army’s human cost numbered in hundreds, in its war against the Democratic Karen Buddhist Army (DKBA), led by Brig-Gen Saw Lah Pwe, who refused to become Border Guard Force (BGF) under the Burma Army, and Karen National Union (KNU).
On 26 September, VOA reported that Lanyaw Zawng Hra, the chairman of the Kachin Independence Organization, spelled out his terms Monday in a letter to U.N. Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon. Mr. Ban has been seeking negotiations to end fighting between the Burmese government and ethnic rebels, including the KIO's armed wing, the Kachin Independence Army.
He pointed out that the military-backed regime is still using the usual “divide and conquer” tactics, even though it could take another path to reconcile with the ethnic groups, and instead choose to ignore the basic rights of the non-Burman ethnic nationalities.
He also stressed that all recommendations from ethnic groups in drafting Burma's new constitution were not taken into account, and banned the country's 2 million ethnic minority members from voting.
According to the report of The Irrawaddy, on 27 September, the most crucial point spelled out in the letter is that “Despite the fact that Burma achieved independence in 1948 as the Union of Burma, it has been operating as a Unitary System, rather than practicing a true federal system as agreed to by independence leader Gen. Aung San and ethnic leaders.”
The leaders of Shan, Kachin and Chin decided at Panglong, on the 12th of February 1947, to join with U Aung San and the AFPFL (Anti-Fascist People's Freedom League) and leaders of other nationalities, to live together under one flag as co-independent and equal nations. This marks the birth of a nation-state now known as "Union of Burma".
In this way the desire of the leaders of the Frontier Areas to co-operate with Burma to more speedily achieve freedom was initially put into effect. However, it was as yet, merely a temporary union for the transition period.
The establishment of a future Federation, consisting of Burma proper and the Frontier Areas, although prescribed in the decision of 6th February 1947, was not mentioned in the Panglong Agreement as it was understood that the matter should be considered in detail at the Constituent Assembly which was yet to be convened.
The Sub-Committee of the Supreme Executive Council of the United Hill Peoples, headed by the Saohpalong of Mong Pawn and U Kya Bu, negotiated with the Burmese Delegation headed by General Aung San, on the 10th February 1947, at Panglong and the demands tabled by the representatives of the Frontier Areas: - for full internal autonomy, for the establishment of a separate Kachin State, and for the federal organ to deal with only common subjects such as Defence, Foreign Affairs, Railways and Customs etc. – was accepted in principle by General Aung San.
General Aung San, however, requested that the demand for the Right of Secession from Burma at any time after attaining freedom, should be decided at the Constituent Assembly. ( Source: Document containing proposals For the REVISION of the CONSTITUTION OF THE UNION OF BURMA - submitted by THE SHAN STATE - Translated by Sao Singha. This document was ratified by the Convention, attended by delegates from the entire Shan State, which was held in Taunggyi, on Saturday, 25th of February1961.)
It is not an exaggeration to state that without Panglong Agreement or Accord, signifying the intent and willingness of the free peoples and nations of what could be termed British Indochina, there would have not been born the Union of Burma in 1948.
Accordingly, the right of secession was included in 1947 Union of Burma Constitution, where the Shan and Karenni states were accorded with the right to exercise it after ten years.
A careful reading of the Constitution and the documents relating to the formation of the Union, suggests that the framers intended the - secession - right to be a measure of protection for those hill peoples who were dubious about allying themselves with the dominant and politically more advanced state of Burma proper. (Source: Politics in the Shan State: The Question of Secession from the Union of Burma - Josef Silverstein)
As we would witness later, this measure of protection was not even in a position to protect the human rights of the non-Burman ethnic peoples, much less their rights to internal autonomy and rights of self-determination. They were helplessly delivered to the racial supremacy ambition and military occupation onslaught of the Burmese military and its political class, which sought to monopolised the political decision-making power.
Following General Aung San’s assassination in July 1947, the Union Constitution was rushed through to completion without reflecting the spirit of Panglong. The ethnic homelands were recognized as constituent states but all power was concentrated in the central government. In other words, it was federal in name only but unitary in practice.
According to Mr. Tinker, a former Professor of History at the University of Rangoon, the Constitutional Advisor, Chan Htoon, observed much later that “our Constitution, though in theory federal, is in practice unitary.”
In 1958, the right of the Shan and Karenni people to disassociate from the Union after 10 years, guaranteed in the 1947 Union Constitution, was denied them. As a precaution, U Nu invited the Commander-in-Chief, General Ne Win, to form a ‘Caretaker’ government to restore law and order for a period of 2 years as young people took to the jungles to claim their rights.
In 1961, the ethnic nationalities leaders tried to return to the spirit of Panglong by proposing to amend the 1947 Constitution as a means of preventing the nation from disintegrating. This was probably the last legal attempt to ward off the growing political tension, which was about to blow out of proportion, leading to armed conflict between the Burman-dominated government and the non-Burman ethnic peoples.
But General Ne Win launched a coup d’etat in 1962 ‘to save the nation from disintegration’ and suspended the 1947 Constitution. From the ethnic nationalities’ point of view, this act abolished the legal instrument that bound their homelands to the Union. As such, they consider themselves to be independent entities held by force in subjugation by an invading army.
This breaching of contract, from the part of the successive Burman-dominated governments – starting from U Nu, General Ne Win, General Than Shwe to the present ex-general, President Thein Sein - is the main reason for the ongoing armed conflict continuing to these days.
The 1974 Constitution, adopted by General Ne Win’s Burmese Socialist Programme Party and the 2008 Constitution drawn and adopted by the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC), headed by General Than Shwe were both unitary in nature, which do not in anyway address the self-determination and autonomy aspirations of the non-Burman ethnic peoples.
From the perspective of the non-Burman ethnic peoples, the breaching of the Panglong Agreement, which explicitly spelled out the voluntarily participation in forming a new union, with complete autonomy and rights of self-determination in tact, is a non-negotiable position. And the altering of the federal structure to a unitary one amount to blatant dishonouring of the agreement or pure cheating, from the part of the successive Burman-dominated regimes.
The situation is like making a contract on a co-owned acquired piece of land to build a condominium, where involved parties would be allotted one unit each, while sharing the lobby, swimming pool and other facilities among the inhabitants. But a dominant party hijacked the agreed plan, declared its sole ownership and instead, built a house to its liking to suit its own purpose and desire, effectively sidelining all the other originally involved parties, who were also the rightful owners of the land and as well, the previously agreed building plan. This kind of scenario is certainly programmed to produce a heated, open conflict, if the previously agreed plan is not utilised or taken into account.
And as such, the military-backed Thein Sein regime’s unitary presidential system, based on its 2008 Constitution would not be able to accommodate the rights and aspirations of the non-Burman ethnic peoples. Only if the regime is ready to go back to the original federal set up agreement, as promised by the late General Aung San, would the ethnic armed resistance subside and eventual conflict resolution be worked out. But if the regime refuses to undo its breaching of original, federalism agreement contract and in contrary, insists to hold on to its unitary system at all cost, the ethnic armed conflict will continue to rage on unabated.
The contributor is General Secretary of Shan Democratic Union - Editor
(Reuters) - China called on Saturday for talks with Myanmar after the government there suspended a controversial $3.6 billion, Chinese-led dam project.
After weeks of rare public outrage against the Myitsone dam, Myanmar's largest hydropower project, President Thein Sein told parliament his government had to act "according to the desire of the people.
Myanmar's then military government proposed the dam in 2006 and signed a contract in 2009 with the Myanmar military-backed Asia World Company and China Power Investment Corp to build it.
China's Foreign Ministry said "relevant countries should guarantee the legal and legitimate rights of Chinese companies."
"The Myitsone dam is a jointly invested project between China and Myanmar, and has been ... thoroughly examined by both sides," ministry spokesman Hong Lei said in a statement on the ministry's website (www.mfa.gov.cn)
"Both sides should appropriately deal with matters related to the progress of this project through friendly consultations," he added.
Chinese foreign ministry spokesman, Hong Lei
The northern Myanmar dam would have flooded an area about the size of Singapore, creating a 766-square-km (296-square-mile) reservoir, mainly to serve growing energy needs in neighboring China, which would have imported about 90 percent of its power.
In recent years, Myanmar's leaders have embraced investment from China as a deep and lucrative market for the former British colony's energy-related resources and to counterbalance the impact of Western sanctions imposed in response to human rights abuses.
But in recent weeks, the dam had become a symbol of resentment over China's growing influence and revealed a stark divide between cabinet ministers and parliamentary leaders, making it the first real public test over whether reformers or hard-liners had more sway over the country's direction.
While China and Myanmar have close economic and political ties, including the building of oil and gas pipelines into southwestern China, there are also deep mutual suspicions.
China has frequently expressed its concern at instability along their often mountainous and remote border, where rebel groups deeply involved in the narcotics trade have been fighting Myanmar's central government for decades.
Myanmar in turn looks warily at its vast neighbor, and has tried forging closer ties with India to offset China's influence.
(Reporting by Ben Blanchard; Editing by Robert Birsel)
BEIJING
Credit : Reuter
After weeks of rare public outrage against the Myitsone dam, Myanmar's largest hydropower project, President Thein Sein told parliament his government had to act "according to the desire of the people.
Myanmar's then military government proposed the dam in 2006 and signed a contract in 2009 with the Myanmar military-backed Asia World Company and China Power Investment Corp to build it.
China's Foreign Ministry said "relevant countries should guarantee the legal and legitimate rights of Chinese companies."
"The Myitsone dam is a jointly invested project between China and Myanmar, and has been ... thoroughly examined by both sides," ministry spokesman Hong Lei said in a statement on the ministry's website (www.mfa.gov.cn)
"Both sides should appropriately deal with matters related to the progress of this project through friendly consultations," he added.
Chinese foreign ministry spokesman, Hong Lei
The northern Myanmar dam would have flooded an area about the size of Singapore, creating a 766-square-km (296-square-mile) reservoir, mainly to serve growing energy needs in neighboring China, which would have imported about 90 percent of its power.
In recent years, Myanmar's leaders have embraced investment from China as a deep and lucrative market for the former British colony's energy-related resources and to counterbalance the impact of Western sanctions imposed in response to human rights abuses.
But in recent weeks, the dam had become a symbol of resentment over China's growing influence and revealed a stark divide between cabinet ministers and parliamentary leaders, making it the first real public test over whether reformers or hard-liners had more sway over the country's direction.
While China and Myanmar have close economic and political ties, including the building of oil and gas pipelines into southwestern China, there are also deep mutual suspicions.
China has frequently expressed its concern at instability along their often mountainous and remote border, where rebel groups deeply involved in the narcotics trade have been fighting Myanmar's central government for decades.
Myanmar in turn looks warily at its vast neighbor, and has tried forging closer ties with India to offset China's influence.
(Reporting by Ben Blanchard; Editing by Robert Birsel)
BEIJING
Credit : Reuter
ျမ၀တီရုပ္ျမင္သံၾကားမွထုတ္လႊင့္သြားေသာ ျမစ္ဆံုေရကာတာစီမံကိန္းအေၾကာင္း(ရုပ္/သံ) e hydropower projects in Upstream Ayeyawady river (Video)
The hydropower projects in Upstream Ayeyawady river basin are located in Kachin, Myanmar and are adjacent to the China-Myanmar border. The scope of development covers Malikha and Maykha basins and upstream of Ayeyawady-Myitsone. Seven hydropower projects are planned, namely Myitsone, Chipwi, Wutsok, Hpizaw, Kaunglanhpu, Renam and Laza as well as a construction power plant (CPP) for construction power supply to Myitsone and Chipwi projects. The total installed capacity is 19,899 MW in the basins and the total annual energy output is 106.92 billion kW·h. The concession period is 50 years after the construction period of the project, and 8-10% of electric power will be supplied to Myanmar free of charge.
The hydropower projects in Upstream Ayeyawady river basin are located in Kachin, Myanmar and are adjacent to the China-Myanmar border. The scope of development covers Malikha and Maykha basins and upstream of Ayeyawady-Myitsone. Seven hydropower projects are planned, namely Myitsone, Chipwi, Wutsok, Hpizaw, Kaunglanhpu, Renam and Laza as well as a construction power plant (CPP) for construction power supply to Myitsone and Chipwi projects. The total installed capacity is 19,899 MW in the basins and the total annual energy output is 106.92 billion kW·h. The concession period is 50 years after the construction period of the project, and 8-10% of electric power will be supplied to Myanmar free of charge.
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