ဒီကေန႔ အေမရိကန္ နယူးေယာက္ၿမိဳ႕မွာတိုက္ရိုက္ထုတ္လႊင့္က်င္းပသြားခဲ့တဲ့ အေမရိကန္ သမၼတေဟာင္း ေဘလ္ ကလင္တန္ (Bill Clinton) ထူေထာင္ထားတဲ့ Clinton Global Initiative (CGI) ရဲ႕ ႏွစ္ပတ္လည္ အစည္းအေ၀းမွာၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရး ႏုိဘယ္လ္ဆုရ ဘုန္းေတာ္ႀကီး ဒက္စမြန္တူးတူးအပါအ၀င္ အေမရိကန္ သမၼတေဟာင္း ေဘလ္ ကလင္တန္နဲ႕အတူ ျမန္မာ့ဒီမုိကေရစီ ေခါင္းေဆာင္ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္က တုိက္႐ုိက္အေမးအေျဖစကားေျပာခဲ့ပါတယ္.
By :ေအာင္ဒင္ (USCB)
Overthepastfewyears,refugees from Burma havebeentargeted in large scale resettlement programs by a number of different countries, such as the US and Australia. In the last four years 65,000 Burmese refugees have been resettled to third countries. (Zetty Brake, newmatilda.com)
Despite this large scale resettlement, the exodus of refugees from Burma continues. In Thailand refugee numbers in the nine refugee camps along the Thai-Burma border remain largely unchanged, even after people have been resettled.
Despite this large scale resettlement, the exodus of refugees from Burma continues. In Thailand refugee numbers in the nine refugee camps along the Thai-Burma border remain largely unchanged, even after people have been resettled.
Burma will continue to be a major source of refugees until the needs of people with no choice but to flee their homeland are addressed. This would require some serious changes in Burma.Ongoing military attacks targeting civilians, in violation of international law, must stop.
The systematic and widespread violation of human rights by the Burmese army and authorities also must stop. These include, but are not limited to: the rape of ethnic women and girls; the use of villagers as slave labour; the destruction or confiscation of land and property; forced evictions; beatings; torture; and extra-judicial killings.
Improvements in Burma’s human rights crisis are unlikely to come while those in power continue to deny that such abuses are occurring. Nor will they come while perpetrators of such crimes have impunity. Article 445 of Burma’s 2008 Constitution states that:
“‘No proceeding shall be instituted against the said Councils (SLORC/SPDC) or any member thereof or any member of the Government, in respect of any act done in the execution of their respective duties”.
This means that any person who has been an official of the regime since 1988 cannot be held legally accountable for any actions they take including the gross and systematic violation of human rights abuses.
Source: newmatilda.com
WASHINGTON — Western countries should reach out to Myanmar to encourage the new leadership's reforms, which are exceeding even the most optimistic hopes, the International Crisis Group said Thursday.
The think-tank, which focuses on conflict resolution, credited the nominally civilian new president, Thein Sein, with taking steps to mend ties with the opposition and ethnic minorities in the nation formerly known as Burma.
"With the political process moving ahead quickly, now is not the time for the West to remain disengaged and skeptical," said Robert Templer, the International Crisis Group's Asia program director.
"It is critical to grasp this unique opportunity to support a process that not even the most optimistic observers saw coming," he said in a statement introducing a study named "Myanmar: Major Reform Underway," by the think-tank.
The upbeat tone contrasts with the stance of many human rights and exile groups who point to continued abuses and charge that Myanmar's changes have been purely for show, with the military still firmly in control.
President Barack Obama's administration has made engagement with Myanmar a key priority and has held a series of talks with the regime, while saying it will not lift sanctions without greater progress on human rights and democracy.
The International Crisis Group called for the West to lift sanctions if parliament grants a general amnesty to political prisoners, saying that such a dramatic step was a real possibility with some military legislators in favor.
"Failure to do so, or to shift the goalposts by replacing old demands with new ones, would undermine the credibility of these policies and diminish what little leverage the West holds," the report said.
The think-tank said that Western nations should at least demonstrate "a less cautious political stance" and encourage international financial institutions' involvement in Myanmar. The regime recently invited an IMF team to advise on currency reform.
Myanmar last year held elections which the United States and the opposition said were unfair. The junta handed over to Thein Sein, who took the new civilian position of president after a nearly 50-year military career.
Myanmar's rulers last year freed opposition icon Aung San Suu Kyi, a Nobel peace prize winner who spent most of the past two decades under house arrest. She met in August with Thein Sein -- a step the study said showed a true willingness by the new president to break with the junta's legacy.
The International Crisis Group also credited Myanmar's rulers with starting talks with ethnic minorities, who have long been in conflict with the army, but it acknowledged that little has changed on the ground.
Fighting flared up in far northern Kachin and Shan states earlier this year, causing thousands to flee. The US State Department has said that the army has carried out major human rights violations in long-running conflicts, including using rape as a weapon of war and forcing minorities into labor.
Myanmar exile groups have led a campaign to set up a UN inquiry into human rights abuses. The International Crisis Group agreed on the need for accountability, but said the commission was unlikely to become reality and could "cause retrenchment" by Myanmar's leadership.
In a recent interview with AFP, Suu Kyi reiterated her support for a UN probe, saying it could help bring reconciliation.
"For the sake of future harmony and forgiveness there is a necessity to establish facts," she said. "It's not a tribunal. It has nothing to do with revenge."
Credit : (AFP)
(Reuters) - A leading British foreign policy think-tank said on Friday it had chosen Myanmar democracy campaigner Aung San Suu Kyi as the winner of its prestigious prize this year.
The Royal Institute of International Affairs awards its Chatham House Prize annually to the person its members believe has made the most significant contribution to the improvement of international relations in the previous year.
It said Suu Kyi, a Nobel peace laureate, had become an international symbol of democracy and peaceful resistance, having spent most of the last two decades in some form of detention because of her efforts to bring democracy to Myanmar (formerly called Burma).
Former U.S. Secretary of State Madeleine Albright will accept the prize on Suu Kyi's behalf at a ceremony in London on December 1.
Suu Kyi, 66, whose British husband Michael Aris died in 1999, has always refused to leave Myanmar for fear of not being allowed back.
"International awareness helps our struggle for democracy in Burma, and our struggle provides us with an insight into the yearnings of all peoples for peace and freedom," Suu Kyi said in a statement released by the think-tank.
Suu Kyi was released last November from 15 years of house arrest for campaigning for democracy in Myanmar, which has been under military rule for five decades.
As a gesture to improved ties from the army-backed government that came to power in March, President Thein Sein and Labour Minister Aung Kyi recently met with Suu Kyi, the leader of the country's democratic opposition.
Speaking by video link to a conference in New York on Wednesday, Suu Kyi said she was hopeful of seeing signs of change "very soon" in her country.
(Reporting by Adrian Croft; Editing by Sophie Hares)
Credit :Reuters
The International Herald Tribune
The Myitsone dam under construction on the Irrawaddy River in northern Myanmar.
By THE INTERNATIONAL HERALD TRIBUNE
MYITSONE, MYANMAR — The massive dam under construction in this remote corner of Myanmar is generating a litany of concerns that are not uncommon to such projects: about the risks of tampering with nature, about damage to wildlife, about the displacement of villagers.
But for many people in Myanmar, also known as Burma, the fears surrounding the Myitsone dam go much deeper. It will be the first dam across the Irrawaddy River, the iconic, even mythic waterway that has given life to centuries of Burmese civilization.
Passions are high. A government minister broke down in tears at a news conference last month when asked about the dam. High-ranking officials are said to be sharply divided over the wisdom of the project.
And in an authoritarian country that has begun to experiment with looser controls on the news media, the controversy has raised the prospect of something exceedingly unusual: that public outrage might actually force the government to reconsider its plans.
The Myitsone dam will flood an area four times the size of Manhattan. Government officials who support the project say it will be an invaluable source of electricity and cash, a milestone in Myanmar’s development. Critics say it will cause irreparable damage to the Irrawaddy, the lifeline of millions of Burmese downstream.
“The people are demanding to stop the project,” said U Ludu Sein Win, a dissident writer who is one of the most outspoken critics of the dam. “If the righteous demands of the people are ignored and they continue the dam project,” he wrote in Weekly Eleven, a popular Yangon-based newspaper, “the people will defend the Irrawaddy with whatever means possible.”
Such strident criticism of a government project in the domestic media, which would have been unheard of just months ago, reflects both the passions surrounding the project and the easing of some restrictions on expression by Myanmar’s new, at least nominally civilian government, which took office in March after decades of overt military dictatorship.
The Myitsone dam, which is being built and financed by a Chinese company, has also become a lightning rod for criticism about China’s power and influence in Myanmar.
Here at the dam site, Chinese workers in orange hard hats have been tunneling, blasting and shoring up riverbanks. The site is a few kilometers downstream from what is considered the “birthplace” of the Irrawaddy — the confluence of two smaller rivers — a place that has mystical value for the Kachin ethnic group that populates the hills of northern Myanmar. (The Kachin have a substantial army that has battled with troops from the central government in recent months, underscoring the instability in the area surrounding the dam site.)
Criticism of the project has been allowed to spread through Facebook, blogs and even local newspapers, suggesting that the government itself may be divided on the issue. Last month the country’s most famous dissident, the Nobel Peace Prize laureate Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, who has otherwise been cautious in her criticisms of the government since her release from house arrest last November, penned an open letter calling for the project to be reassessed.
Critics’ reasons for opposing the Myitsone project vary. Some say they are angry because the decision to begin such a huge project was made without public consultation. Others channel their frustration toward China, which plans to import 90 percent of the electricity the project generates, under financial conditions that have not been fully explained to the public.
“China has colonized Burma without shooting a gun and has sucked the life of the people of Burma with the help of the Burmese regime and its cronies,” wrote U Aung Din , a former democracy advocate who is now in exile in the United States. “Now, they are killing the Irrawaddy River as well.”
In April, four small blasts were reported at the camp in Myitsone where Chinese workers have their sleeping quarters. No one was seriously hurt.
But perhaps the greatest concern among critics of the dam is that it will further degrade a river that has played such a crucial role in Burmese history.
The Irrawaddy draws on glacial waters from the eastern extremities of the Himalayas. As it travels south, the river carries nutrients into Myanmar’s arid central region and ultimately fans out in the Irrawaddy Delta, an area of rice paddies so fertile that it once fed large parts of the British empire in Asia. Like the Mekong or the Mississippi, the river carries enormous symbolism.
“It is the most significant geographical feature of our country,” wrote Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi in her letter, which also aired concerns about the dam being near an earthquake fault zone. The Irrawaddy, she wrote, is “the grand natural highway, a prolific source of food, the home of varied water flora and fauna, the supporter of traditional modes of life, the muse that has inspired countless works of prose and poetry.”
Indeed, leading poets have chimed in on the controversy, including U Maung Sein Win, who wrote a short poem called “Dead River,” which includes this passage:
Whole forests are cleared and mountains laid bare
Sand bars emerge at the narrows
Not so far in the future, Myanmar’s people may disappear
Did we drink our own blood?
This is the frightening thought
That one day the river might be dead.
Unaccustomed to such a barrage of criticism, the government is on the defensive. The information minister, U Kyaw Hsan, wept when questioned about the project at a news conference in August. “We love the Irrawaddy,” said Mr. Kyaw Hsan, who is a retired brigadier general.
“We will protect the Irrawaddy just like other citizens would.”
The government official responsible for the dam, U Zaw Min, was adamant at a meeting this month that it would be completed. “We will never rescind it,” he said at one of the occasional news conferences that appear to be gestures by the government toward openness.
But his staunch defense of the project led to further anger.
On Saturday, at a government-sponsored seminar, Mr. Zaw Min seemed ready to offer concessions to minimize the impact of the dam and “ensure the project poses no danger.” Those words were highlighted in bold in an account of the seminar that appeared in the state-owned newspaper The New Light of Myanmar. The dam would be built to resist a thousand-year flood and an earthquake of magnitude 8, the article said.
That was the official account of the meeting. In the Burmese-exile news media, reports said a “heated argument” over the dam had broken out between officials. Myanmar’s president, U Thein Sein, considered by many to be a moderate force in the government, was said to be against the project, according to The Irrawaddy , an online news service based in Thailand. Hard-liners were said to be pushing ahead. The accounts could not be confirmed.
Critics of the dam say it is significant that skepticism of the project extends even to the scientists who were hired by the Chinese project managers to assess it.
China Power Investment , a state-run Chinese company, signed a deal in 2007 with the Burmese government to build seven dams in northern Myanmar, including the one at Myitsone. Although not required to do so under Myanmar’s laws, China Power Investment hired scientists from China and Myanmar to assess how the dam would affect the environment. In 2009, the scientists submitted a report of nearly 900 pages that seemed to question the dam’s very premise.
“If Myanmar and Chinese sides were really concerned about environmental issues and aimed at sustainable development of the country there is no need for such a big dam,” said the report, which was written in choppy English.
Rather than build the massive Myitsone dam, the scientists’ report suggests constructing two smaller dams farther upstream. It warns ominously that the Myitsone site is “less than 100 kilometers from Myanmar’s earthquake-prone Sagaing fault line,” a distance of a bit more than 60 miles.
The report also predicts “substantial losses” in fish populations downstream, and says that more time is needed to understand how wildlife in the area would be affected. Scientists who fanned out into the nearby jungles found sun bears, leopards, elephants, many types of monkeys and red pandas, an endangered auburn-colored animal that resembles a cross between a raccoon and a bear.
The report also recommends that more research be done on the potential effects on other inhabitants of the region: people. The dam is still several years from completion, but thousands of villagers have already been resettled from their rice paddies and fishing villages into prefabricated homes. They were given, among other compensation, 21-inch television sets.
“We can’t make a living in our new place,” Aung San Myint, a father of three who now mines the riverbanks for flecks of gold, told a reporter. “There’s nothing for us there.”
But for many people in Myanmar, also known as Burma, the fears surrounding the Myitsone dam go much deeper. It will be the first dam across the Irrawaddy River, the iconic, even mythic waterway that has given life to centuries of Burmese civilization.
Passions are high. A government minister broke down in tears at a news conference last month when asked about the dam. High-ranking officials are said to be sharply divided over the wisdom of the project.
And in an authoritarian country that has begun to experiment with looser controls on the news media, the controversy has raised the prospect of something exceedingly unusual: that public outrage might actually force the government to reconsider its plans.
The Myitsone dam will flood an area four times the size of Manhattan. Government officials who support the project say it will be an invaluable source of electricity and cash, a milestone in Myanmar’s development. Critics say it will cause irreparable damage to the Irrawaddy, the lifeline of millions of Burmese downstream.
“The people are demanding to stop the project,” said U Ludu Sein Win, a dissident writer who is one of the most outspoken critics of the dam. “If the righteous demands of the people are ignored and they continue the dam project,” he wrote in Weekly Eleven, a popular Yangon-based newspaper, “the people will defend the Irrawaddy with whatever means possible.”
Such strident criticism of a government project in the domestic media, which would have been unheard of just months ago, reflects both the passions surrounding the project and the easing of some restrictions on expression by Myanmar’s new, at least nominally civilian government, which took office in March after decades of overt military dictatorship.
The Myitsone dam, which is being built and financed by a Chinese company, has also become a lightning rod for criticism about China’s power and influence in Myanmar.
Here at the dam site, Chinese workers in orange hard hats have been tunneling, blasting and shoring up riverbanks. The site is a few kilometers downstream from what is considered the “birthplace” of the Irrawaddy — the confluence of two smaller rivers — a place that has mystical value for the Kachin ethnic group that populates the hills of northern Myanmar. (The Kachin have a substantial army that has battled with troops from the central government in recent months, underscoring the instability in the area surrounding the dam site.)
Criticism of the project has been allowed to spread through Facebook, blogs and even local newspapers, suggesting that the government itself may be divided on the issue. Last month the country’s most famous dissident, the Nobel Peace Prize laureate Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, who has otherwise been cautious in her criticisms of the government since her release from house arrest last November, penned an open letter calling for the project to be reassessed.
Critics’ reasons for opposing the Myitsone project vary. Some say they are angry because the decision to begin such a huge project was made without public consultation. Others channel their frustration toward China, which plans to import 90 percent of the electricity the project generates, under financial conditions that have not been fully explained to the public.
“China has colonized Burma without shooting a gun and has sucked the life of the people of Burma with the help of the Burmese regime and its cronies,” wrote U Aung Din , a former democracy advocate who is now in exile in the United States. “Now, they are killing the Irrawaddy River as well.”
In April, four small blasts were reported at the camp in Myitsone where Chinese workers have their sleeping quarters. No one was seriously hurt.
But perhaps the greatest concern among critics of the dam is that it will further degrade a river that has played such a crucial role in Burmese history.
The Irrawaddy draws on glacial waters from the eastern extremities of the Himalayas. As it travels south, the river carries nutrients into Myanmar’s arid central region and ultimately fans out in the Irrawaddy Delta, an area of rice paddies so fertile that it once fed large parts of the British empire in Asia. Like the Mekong or the Mississippi, the river carries enormous symbolism.
“It is the most significant geographical feature of our country,” wrote Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi in her letter, which also aired concerns about the dam being near an earthquake fault zone. The Irrawaddy, she wrote, is “the grand natural highway, a prolific source of food, the home of varied water flora and fauna, the supporter of traditional modes of life, the muse that has inspired countless works of prose and poetry.”
Indeed, leading poets have chimed in on the controversy, including U Maung Sein Win, who wrote a short poem called “Dead River,” which includes this passage:
Whole forests are cleared and mountains laid bare
Sand bars emerge at the narrows
Not so far in the future, Myanmar’s people may disappear
Did we drink our own blood?
This is the frightening thought
That one day the river might be dead.
Unaccustomed to such a barrage of criticism, the government is on the defensive. The information minister, U Kyaw Hsan, wept when questioned about the project at a news conference in August. “We love the Irrawaddy,” said Mr. Kyaw Hsan, who is a retired brigadier general.
“We will protect the Irrawaddy just like other citizens would.”
The government official responsible for the dam, U Zaw Min, was adamant at a meeting this month that it would be completed. “We will never rescind it,” he said at one of the occasional news conferences that appear to be gestures by the government toward openness.
But his staunch defense of the project led to further anger.
On Saturday, at a government-sponsored seminar, Mr. Zaw Min seemed ready to offer concessions to minimize the impact of the dam and “ensure the project poses no danger.” Those words were highlighted in bold in an account of the seminar that appeared in the state-owned newspaper The New Light of Myanmar. The dam would be built to resist a thousand-year flood and an earthquake of magnitude 8, the article said.
That was the official account of the meeting. In the Burmese-exile news media, reports said a “heated argument” over the dam had broken out between officials. Myanmar’s president, U Thein Sein, considered by many to be a moderate force in the government, was said to be against the project, according to The Irrawaddy , an online news service based in Thailand. Hard-liners were said to be pushing ahead. The accounts could not be confirmed.
Critics of the dam say it is significant that skepticism of the project extends even to the scientists who were hired by the Chinese project managers to assess it.
China Power Investment , a state-run Chinese company, signed a deal in 2007 with the Burmese government to build seven dams in northern Myanmar, including the one at Myitsone. Although not required to do so under Myanmar’s laws, China Power Investment hired scientists from China and Myanmar to assess how the dam would affect the environment. In 2009, the scientists submitted a report of nearly 900 pages that seemed to question the dam’s very premise.
“If Myanmar and Chinese sides were really concerned about environmental issues and aimed at sustainable development of the country there is no need for such a big dam,” said the report, which was written in choppy English.
Rather than build the massive Myitsone dam, the scientists’ report suggests constructing two smaller dams farther upstream. It warns ominously that the Myitsone site is “less than 100 kilometers from Myanmar’s earthquake-prone Sagaing fault line,” a distance of a bit more than 60 miles.
The report also predicts “substantial losses” in fish populations downstream, and says that more time is needed to understand how wildlife in the area would be affected. Scientists who fanned out into the nearby jungles found sun bears, leopards, elephants, many types of monkeys and red pandas, an endangered auburn-colored animal that resembles a cross between a raccoon and a bear.
The report also recommends that more research be done on the potential effects on other inhabitants of the region: people. The dam is still several years from completion, but thousands of villagers have already been resettled from their rice paddies and fishing villages into prefabricated homes. They were given, among other compensation, 21-inch television sets.
“We can’t make a living in our new place,” Aung San Myint, a father of three who now mines the riverbanks for flecks of gold, told a reporter. “There’s nothing for us there.”
Credit : New York Times
By SUPALAK GANJANAKHUNDEE
The United States will continue its assistance to refugees from Burma, both for those who wanted to resettle in the US or to return home, US Ambassador to Thailand Kristie Kenney said yesterday.
The US would take some 10,000 refugees in Thailand for its resettlement programme this year and would continue assistance for those being sheltered in refugee camps until they have somewhere to go, she said.
Kenney visited a refugee camp in Ratchaburi province's Ban Tham Hin yesterday to see their living conditions and consulted with international humanitarian workers who are providing assistance for them in the camp.
Ban Tham Hin has been a long-time shelter for some 7,500-8,000 refugees from Burma. The camp is crowded due to limited space. Thai authorities cannot expand the camp area as it is surrounded by privately owned land and villages.
Thailand is sheltering some 100,000 refugees, who have fled from the conflict in Burma over the past two decades, in nine camps in four border provinces including Ratchaburi.
Conditions in their home country are very bad and they must give up everything to flee to the refugee camps. They are looked after by the international community and by Thailand, she said.
Life is the same every day. They get food distribution once a month but cannot go out of the camp to work. "They are safe but it is not a permanent lifestyle," Kenney said.
Some are eligible and willing to resettle in third countries, including the US and Australia. The US has already taken 60,000 over the past five years, she said.
"Of many refugees I talked to, the vast majority want to go home," she said.
Thailand has a plan to repatriate them home but Ambassador Kenney said Thai authorities have assured her many times the repatriation would be conducted on a voluntary basis only. "They have to go safely and with dignity," she said.
Such a return requires much work and guarantees from Burmese authorities, she said, noting that a political solution to make peace and reconciliation in the country is the first thing to be achieved.
A lot of humanitarian work, such as landmine clearance and construction of infrastructure, must be also done for them before their return. Even if a political solution was reached, they needed school and healthcare facilities, she said.
So far, there have been no signs from Burma guaranteeing the refugees could return home safely with dignity, she said.
The US would take some 10,000 refugees in Thailand for its resettlement programme this year and would continue assistance for those being sheltered in refugee camps until they have somewhere to go, she said.
Kenney visited a refugee camp in Ratchaburi province's Ban Tham Hin yesterday to see their living conditions and consulted with international humanitarian workers who are providing assistance for them in the camp.
Ban Tham Hin has been a long-time shelter for some 7,500-8,000 refugees from Burma. The camp is crowded due to limited space. Thai authorities cannot expand the camp area as it is surrounded by privately owned land and villages.
Thailand is sheltering some 100,000 refugees, who have fled from the conflict in Burma over the past two decades, in nine camps in four border provinces including Ratchaburi.
Conditions in their home country are very bad and they must give up everything to flee to the refugee camps. They are looked after by the international community and by Thailand, she said.
Life is the same every day. They get food distribution once a month but cannot go out of the camp to work. "They are safe but it is not a permanent lifestyle," Kenney said.
Some are eligible and willing to resettle in third countries, including the US and Australia. The US has already taken 60,000 over the past five years, she said.
"Of many refugees I talked to, the vast majority want to go home," she said.
Thailand has a plan to repatriate them home but Ambassador Kenney said Thai authorities have assured her many times the repatriation would be conducted on a voluntary basis only. "They have to go safely and with dignity," she said.
Such a return requires much work and guarantees from Burmese authorities, she said, noting that a political solution to make peace and reconciliation in the country is the first thing to be achieved.
A lot of humanitarian work, such as landmine clearance and construction of infrastructure, must be also done for them before their return. Even if a political solution was reached, they needed school and healthcare facilities, she said.
So far, there have been no signs from Burma guaranteeing the refugees could return home safely with dignity, she said.
Credit : THE NATION,Ratchaburi
By Professor Dr.Abid Bahar>>>
Most of the events of genocides worldwide are committed in totalitarian countries from the fear in the majority population that they would lose their collective ownership over land. The case in point is present Burma, in former Yogoslavia, Nazi Germany, and Rwanda, These countries have similar history in common. These countries give predominance of collective rights over individual rights.
Whereas in democratic countries individual rights are guranteed through state machineries like police, army, and the court, However, in totalitarian countries the same institutions protect the majority by denying the minority's population's individual rights, to own property, right to education, right to movement etc. In Bangladesh Rakhines who migrated during the British period enjoy these individual rights.
Research shows the early signs of genocide begins when some of the leaders of the majority population starts fear mongering campaign about the minority,of the imaginary threat which are seen by its more radical section of the population as being real. The common populace as a collectivity turns into somewhat like mob and takes law into their hands. This is exactly what is happenning in Arakan of Burma at the instigation of its xenophobes..
Burma is so backward in per capita income and in the violation of human rights issues compared to Bangladesh that no Bangladeshi would be willingly opt for settling in Arakan or Burma. Due to the lack of democratic institutions, in Burma leaders of the hollighans,like Aye Chan, Aye Kyaw and others are sucessful in hate-mongers not just against a perceived Bangladeshi migrant threat but of a perceived threat from its own Burmese Rohingya citizens. They were so sucessful that they identified the Rohingyas as even "influx Viruses."
The point is if some people are identified as viruses, like viruses they are perceived as a threat thus requiresd to be extinguished. Not realizing that contrary to the xenophob's perceived threat Bangladesh continued to receive population from Arakan in its Chittagong and Chittagong Hill Tracts areas. Historically speaking, most of the tribes of Chittagong Hill Tracts were originally from Arakan and Burma so are the Rohingyas of Chittagong from Teknaf all the way upto Sanka River of Chittagong due to anarchy in Arakan migrated to Chittagong.. Due to its respect for individual rights all these people originally from Arakan are now considered as Bangladeshis. This is even true about the Rakhines of Bangladesh in Cox's Bazar and in Barisal.
Why then despite the reverse flow of population from Burma to Bangladesh there has been a strong perceived threat of Muslims in Arakan?It is because Arakan and Burma failed to develop democratic institutions and it shows the signs of genocide against its own population.It failed to develop democratic institutions due to the powerful presence of the so-called intellectals who pretends to be democrats but are truly anti democract, and also anti Rohingya.
________________________________________________________________________________
For more details on this issue and more, please read My Book Abid Bahar's Burma's Missing Dots, 2010.
(The author, Dr. Abid Bahar wrote his M. A. thesis, “Dynamics of Ethnic Relations in Burmese Society: A case Study of Inter Ethnic Relations between the Burmese and the Rohingyas in 1981 from Canada and Currently teaching at Dawson College, Montreal,Canada).
CGI will convene separate one-on-one conversations with two of the most visionary peacebuilders of our time, Desmond Tutu and Aung San Suu Kyi. This session will begin with a conversation with Desmond Tutu, who will highlight a wide range of innovative human rights initiatives, including his recent work to end child marriage. Next, this session will feature a live, remote broadcast discussion with Aung San Suu Kyi, the General Secretary of the National League for Democracy. Drawing upon her own struggles for human rights, democratic governance, and ethnic reconciliation, Suu Kyi will highlight strategic actions that CGI members can take on these issues.
ဒီကေန႔ အေမရိကန္ နယူးေယာက္ၿမိဳ႕မွာတိုက္ရိုက္ထုတ္လႊင့္က်င္းပသြားခဲ့တဲ့ အေမရိကန္ သမၼတေဟာင္း ေဘလ္ ကလင္တန္ (Bill Clinton) ထူေထာင္ထားတဲ့ Clinton Global Initiative (CGI) ရဲ႕ ႏွစ္ပတ္လည္ အစည္းအေ၀းမွာၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရး ႏုိဘယ္လ္ဆုရ ဘုန္းေတာ္ႀကီး ဒက္စမြန္တူးတူးအပါအ၀င္ အေမရိကန္ သမၼတေဟာင္း ေဘလ္ ကလင္တန္နဲ႕အတူ ျမန္မာ့ဒီမုိကေရစီ ေခါင္းေဆာင္ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္က တုိက္႐ုိက္အေမးအေျဖစကားေျပာခဲ့ပါတယ္.
ဒီကေန႔ အေမရိကန္ နယူးေယာက္ၿမိဳ႕မွာတိုက္ရိုက္ထုတ္လႊင့္က်င္းပသြားခဲ့တဲ့ အေမရိကန္ သမၼတေဟာင္း ေဘလ္ ကလင္တန္ (Bill Clinton) ထူေထာင္ထားတဲ့ Clinton Global Initiative (CGI) ရဲ႕ ႏွစ္ပတ္လည္ အစည္းအေ၀းမွာၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရး ႏုိဘယ္လ္ဆုရ ဘုန္းေတာ္ႀကီး ဒက္စမြန္တူးတူးအပါအ၀င္ အေမရိကန္ သမၼတေဟာင္း ေဘလ္ ကလင္တန္နဲ႕အတူ ျမန္မာ့ဒီမုိကေရစီ ေခါင္းေဆာင္ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္က တုိက္႐ုိက္အေမးအေျဖစကားေျပာခဲ့ပါတယ္.
အဆုိးျမင္ဝါဒီ၊ အစြန္းေရာက္ဝါဒီ ရခုိင္ေတြရဲ႕ စာေတြကုိ ဖတ္ရပါတယ္။ယုတ္ညံ႕တဲ႕ လူေတြဟာ အဆုိးျမင္ဝါဒီ အစြန္းေရာက္ဝါဒီ အျဖစ္နဲ႕အသက္ရွင္ရပ္တည္ၾကပါတယ္။ သူတုိ႕လုိ အစြန္းေရာက္ေတြေၾကာင္႕ ဆူပူမွဳေတြအၾကမ္းဖက္မွဳေတြ..စတဲ႕အနိဌာရုံေတြ ျဖစ္ေပၚေနဒါပါ။ ျမင္႕ျမတ္တဲ႕သူေတြက လူသားေတြကုိ အက်ိဳးျပဳရင္း အသက္ရွင္ ရပ္ တည္ တတ္ၾက ပါတယ္။
အခု ေရပန္းစား ေနတဲ႕ ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာ အေရးမွာလဲ လူမ်ိဳေရး မုန္တီးသူေတြ အစြန္းေရာက္ မ်က္ကန္း မ်ိဳးခ်စ္ေတြက အမ်ိဳးမ်ိဳးထင္ ေၾကးေပးျပီး ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာေတြကုိ ေစာ္ကား ေန ၾကပါတယ္။
လူတုိင္း လူတုိင္းဟာ ကုိယ္႕လူမ်ိဳး ကုိယ္႕ဘာသာ ကုိယ္႕ယဥ္ေက်းမွဳမ်ား ကုိ ေဖၚထုတ္ပိုင္္ခြင္႕ ကိုယ္ကံၾကမၼာကုိယ္ ဖန္တီးပိုင္ခြင္႕ မိမိလူမ်ိူးစု အမည္ကုိ မိမိတုိ့ လူမ်ိဳးတုိ႕ ကိုယ္တိုင္ ၾကိဳက္နွစ္သက္ရာ ေရြးခ်ယ္ခြင္႕ ရွိတယ္လုိ႕ ကမၻာ့လူ့.အခြင္႕ အေရးေက်ညာစာတမ္းမွာ အတိအလင္း ေဖၚျပထားပါတယ္။ ျမန္မာ့သမိုင္းမွာ အထင္အရွား သာဓကအျဖစ္ ေဖၚျပရယင္ တလုိင္းမွမြန္၊ ေတာင္သူမွပအုိစ္႕၊ ကရင္နီမွကယား၊ ရွမ္းတရုပ္မွ ကုိးကန္႕၊ ေမာဂ္မွရကၡသွ် ၊ ရကၡသ်ွမွရကၡဳိင္၊ ရကၡဳိင္မွရခုိင္ ဆုိျပီးေျပာင္း လဲေခၚေဝၚခ့ဲၾကပါတယ္။
က်ြန္မတုိ႕ ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာေတြမွာလဲ လူသားအျဖစ္ ရပ္တည္ခြင့္ရွိပါတယ္။လူသားတုိ့ရသင္႕ ရထုိက္တ့ဲ အခြင္႕အေရးကုိ ရေအာင္ ယူဖုိ့ က်ြန္မတို့တာဝန္ပါ။ ဘယ္သူမွတားဆီး ပိတ္ပင္လုိမရပါ။ ရခိုင္ေတြက ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာ ဆိုဒါမၾကားဘူးလို့ေျပာရင္ ေမာဂ္မွရကၡသွ် ၊ ရကၡသ်ွမွရကၡဳိင္၊ မၾကားဘူးလို့ေျပာ ရင္ေကာ ဘာျဖစ္မလဲ။ စဥ္းစားၾကည့္န္ိုင္ပါတယ္။
ယခု ရခုိင္ျပည္နယ္မွာ ေနထုိင္ေနၾကတဲ့ ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာေတြဟာ ေလေၾကာင္းခရီးန့ဲ ျဖစ္ျဖစ္ ၊ေရေၾကာင္းခရီးနဲ့ျဖစ္ျဖစ္၊ ျပည္မကုိ ခရီးသြား လာခြင္႕ မရွိ။ ကုန္းလမ္း ခရီးနဲလဲ သြားလာခြင့္မရွိပါ၊ ဘဂၤလားေဒရွ္႕ကုိလဲအလြယ္တကူသြားလာခြင့္မရွိပါ။
ရခုိင္ျပည္အတြင္းမွာပင္ တစ္ေနရာမွ တစ္ေနရာသို့ လြတ္လပ္စြာသြား လာခြင္႕မရွိပါ။ အရြယ္ေရာက္ သူမ်ား အိမ္ေထာင္ျပဳခြင္႕မရွိ။ ပညာသင္ ၾကားခြင္႕မရွိ။ ေဆးကု သ ခြင္႕ မရွိ။….စတဲ႕အခြင္႕အေရးမ်ား ဆုံးရွဳံးေန သည္ကုိ ျပန္လည္ ရရွွိေအာင္ ၾကဳိးစားဖုိ႕က်ြန္မတုိ႕ရုိဟင္ ဂ်ာေတြရဲ႕တာဝန္ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။
က်ြန္မတုိ႕ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာေတြဟာ ေရွးေခတ္အဆက္ဆက္ကတည္းက ရခုိင္လူမ်ဳိးမ်ားနဲ႕ အတူေအးအတူပူအမွ်ေနခဲ႕ၾကဒါ သမုိင္းအမွန္က သက္ေသရွိပါတယ္။
အခုမွ ဘဂါၤလီဆုိျပီး ေမာင္းထုတ္လုိ႕ မရဘူးဆုိတာ နားလည္ ေစခ်င္ပါတယ္။ ကမၻာစစ္ၾကီးရဲ႕ အက်ိဳးဆက္ေၾကာင္႕ ျဖစ္ေပၚခဲ႕တဲ႕အဓိကရုဏ္းကုိ ေမ႕မရ နိုဳင္ဘဲ လူမ်ိဴးေရး မုန္တီးစိတ္ကုိ ျပန္လည္နဳိးဆြ ေပးေနေသာ သက္ၾကီးသမိုင္းပညာရွင္မ်ားကုိ အစြန္းေရာက္ ပညာရွင္မ်ားဟု သတ္မွတ္ရပါမယ္။ ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာေတြကုိမိ်ဳးတုံး ေအာင္ လုပ္မယ္လုိ႔ ျခိမ္းေျခာက္ေနတဲ့ နာဇီခင္ေမာင္ေစာရဲ့ အၾကမ္းဖက္ခ်င္ေသာ ဆနၵကုိ ရပ္တန္႕ကရပ္ပါဟု သတိေပးလုိက္ပါတယ္။ ဘယ္သူေတြဘာဘဲေျပာေျပာက်ြန္မရုိဟင္ ဂ်ာေတြရဲ႕ အခြင္႕အေရးကုိ ရေအာင္ ယူရမွာပါ။ က်ြန္မတုိ႕လုိ ခ်င္ဒါ လူမ်ိဳးေရး မုန္တီး မွဳမဟုတ္ပါ။
ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာေတြကုိ ဘဂၤါလီအျဖစ္ ေျပာင္းလဲ ေခၚဆုိဒါကိုလုံးဝ လက္ခံနဳိင္မွာ မဟုတ္ဘူးဆိုဒါ အတိအလင္း ေျပာၾကားလုိပါတယ္။ ရခုိင္ေတြက ျမန္မာနွင္႕ ဘဂၤလားေဒရွ္႕ ႏွစ္နဳိင္ငံ ၾကားမွာခြျပိး တုိင္းရင္းသား အျဖစ္အခြင္႕ အေရးအားလုံး ရယူၾကျပီး အလြယ္တကူသြားလာ ခြင္႕ရရွိထားပါတယ္။
ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာေတြကုိ က်ေတာ႕ ေဘာင္ခတ္ထားျပီး တိရိစၦာန္ေလာက္ေတာင္ တန္ဖုိးမထားဘဲ အေၾကာင္းအမ်ိဳးမ်ိဳး ဖန္တီးျပီး နိွပ္စက္ ေနၾကပါတယ္။ ထိုကဲ႕သုိ႕လူလူခ်င္း နွိပ္စက္မွုဳေတြကုိ လဲရပ္တန္႕ကရပ္တန္႕ ေပးၾကပါရန္နွင္႕ လူလူခ်င္း တန္ဖိုးထား ဆက္ဆံေျပာဆုိၾကပါရန္ တိုက္တြန္း လုိက္ပါတယ္။ လူ႕အခြင္႕အေရးကုိ ေလးစားၾကပါရန္နွင္.ယဥ္ေက်းတဲ႕ လူ႕အသုိင္းအဝုိင္းတြင္ ဂုဏ္ယူဝင္႕ၾကြားစြာ ရပ္တည္ ေနနိုင္ေသာ လူမ်ိဳးအျဖစ္ ၾကိဳးစားၾကပါစုိ႕။
ေဒၚခင္လွ
(Author) Daw Khin Hla is Retired Senior High School Teacher in Rangoon , Burma.
(Author) Daw Khin Hla is Retired Senior High School Teacher in Rangoon , Burma.
By လူထုစိန္ဝင္း>>
အာဏာပိုင္မ်ား၊ အာဏာပိုင္အဖြဲ႕အစည္းမ်ားဆိုတဲ့ စကားဟာ ျမန္မာစကားမွာအေတာ္တြင္တြင္က်ယ္က်ယ္ သံုးစြဲေနၾကတဲ့စကားမ်ားျဖစ္တယ္။အစိုးရဌာနဆိုင္ရာအဖြဲ႕အစည္းေတြနဲ႔အစိုးရ၀န္ထမ္းေတြကိုရည္ၫႊန္းေျပာဆုိၾကတာပါ။
တစ္ပါတီတစ္ဖြဲ႔တစ္စည္းက အာဏာသံုးရပ္စလံုးကိုခ်ဳပ္ကိုင္ထားၿပီး တစ္ခ်က္လႊတ္အမိန္႔ျပန္တမ္းမ်ားနဲ႔ အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္တဲ့အာဏာရွင္စနစ္ ေအာက္မွာေတာ့ ဒီအသံုးအႏႈန္းမ်ားဟာ ေလ်ာ္ကန္သင့္ျမတ္တယ္လို႔ ဆိုႏိုင္တယ္။ ဒါေပမယ့္ ဖြဲ႕စည္းပံုအေျခခံ ဥပေဒေတြ၊ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲေတြ၊ လႊတ္ေတာ္ေတြလို ဒီမိုကေရစီျပယုဂ္ေတြ အစံုအလင္နဲ႔ အစိုးရမ်ဳိးလက္ထက္မွာေတာ့ ဒီအသံုးအႏႈန္းေတြဟာ ဆီေလ်ာ္အပ္စပ္ျခင္းမရွိေတာ့လို႔ မသံုးသင့္ေတာ့ဘူး။ သက္ဆုိင္ရာဌာနမ်ား၊ အစိုးရ၀န္ထမ္းမ်ားဆိုတဲ့ စကားလံုးေတြနဲ႔ အစားထိုးသံုးစြဲသင့္ၾကတယ္။
ေဖ်ာက္ဖို႔ခက္ေပမယ့္
ႏွစ္ေပါင္းငါးဆယ္ေလာက္ပါးစပ္ထဲမွာစြဲေနတာေတြမို႔႐ုတ္တရက္ ေဖ်ာက္ဖို႔ခက္တာမွန္ေပမယ့္ ေန႔စဥ္တဖြဖြေျပာေနၾကတဲ့ ဒီမိုကေရစီဆိုတဲ့ အသံနဲ႔နည္းနည္းမွ မအပ္စပ္ပါဘူး။ ေပ်ာက္ေအာင္ ေဖ်ာက္ရပါလိမ့္မယ္။ အာဏာပိုင္ဆိုတဲ့စကားဟာ ကိုလိုနီေခတ္မွာ အေတာ္ေလးသံုးစြဲၾကတယ္။ အထူးအာဏာရ ရာဇ၀တ္တရားသူႀကီးတုိ႔ အထူးအာဏာရ ေငြဓားလြယ္ဆုရ သူႀကီးမင္းတုိ႔ စသျဖင့္သံုးၾကတယ္။ ၿမိဳ႕အုပ္မင္း႐ံုးထိုင္လို႔ သူႀကီးမရွိတဲ့ ၿမိဳ႕နယ္ေလးေတြမွာေတာ့ အရပ္ထဲက လူ႐ိုေသရွင္႐ိုေသပုဂၢိဳလ္ တစ္ေယာက္ေယာက္ကိုေရြးၿပီး သမာဓိၿမိဳ႕၀န္မင္းတို႔၊ အထူးအာဏာရသမာဓိၿမိဳ႕၀န္မင္း တို႔ဆိုၿပီး ခန္႔ထားခဲ့ၾကတယ္။
မေတာ္လွန္ရဲေအာင္
ကိုလုိနီလက္ေအာက္ခံႏုိင္ငံတုိင္းမွာ အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္သူမ်က္ႏွာျဖဴ အရွင္သခင္ႀကီးေတြက အာဏာပိုင္သခင္ႀကီးေတြျဖစ္ၿပီး ဌာနတိုင္းရင္းသားအုပ္စိုးခံေတြက ကြၽန္ေတြအေစအပါးေတြ ျဖစ္ၾကတယ္။ အုပ္စိုးခံေတြ ေၾကာက္လန္႔ၿပီးမေတာ္လွန္ရဲေအာင္ အနိမ့္ဆံုးအဆင့္ သူႀကီးေလာက္ကို အထူးအာဏာရသူႀကီးမင္းတို႔၊ ေငြဓားလြယ္ဆုရ သူႀကီးမင္းတို႔ လုပ္ထားၾကတယ္။ မ်က္ႏွာျဖဴဘုရင္ခံနဲ႔ အေပါင္းပါေတြေတာပစ္ထြက္ရာမွာ လူေတြေမာင္းထုေခၚၿပီး ေတာေျခာက္ေပးတဲ့ သူႀကီးကလည္း 'ဘုရင္ခံမင္းတရားႀကီး၏ ေျခာက္လံုးျပဴးဆုေတာ္ျမတ္ ေပးသနားျခင္းခံရေသာ အထူးအာဏာရ တိုက္သူႀကီးမင္း' ဆိုတာမ်ဳိးျဖစ္ေနတယ္။ အဓိကကေတာ့ သာမန္တိုင္းသူျပည္သားေတြ ေခါင္းမေဖာ္ရဲေအာင္ ခ်ဳိးႏွိမ္ဖိႏွိပ္ထားဖို႔ျဖစ္တယ္။
ေၾကာက္စိတ္မေပ်ာက္
ကိုလိုနီနယ္ခ်ဲ႕သမားေတြရဲ႕ အေၾကာက္တရားနဲ႔ အုပ္စုိးျခင္းနည္းဗ်ဴဟာက ေတာ္ေတာ္ထိေရာက္တယ္။ ကိုလိုနီလက္ေအာက္ခံဘ၀ လြတ္ေျမာက္လာခဲ့တာ ႏွစ္ေပါင္းေျခာက္ဆယ္ေက်ာ္ေနၿပီ ျဖစ္တာေတာင္ ျမန္မာလူမ်ဳိးမ်ားဟာ ႐ံုးျပင္ကနားသြားရမွာ အင္မတန္ေၾကာက္ၾကတယ္။ သခင္မ်ဳိးေဟ့ တို႔ဗမာလို႔ပါးစပ္က ဘယ္ေလာက္ေအာ္ေနေအာ္ေန ေၾကာက္ စိတ္ကဘယ္လိုမွ ေဖ်ာက္လို႔မေပ်ာက္ေသးဘူး။ ႐ံုးနားဂါတ္နားေရာက္ရင္ အလိုလိုေနရင္း ေက်ာထဲကစိမ့္စိမ့္ လာတတ္ၾကတယ္။ ဘယ္ေလာက္ပဲေျပာေျပာ ယူနီေဖာင္း၀တ္နဲ႔ ရဲစာသင္(ဆာဂ်င္)ေလာက္ လာရင္ကို အာဏာပိုင္ပုဂၢိဳလ္ႀကီးလာတယ္၊ အာဏာပိုင္အဖြဲ႕အစည္းေတြ လာတယ္ဆိုၿပီး ေျခမကိုင္မိလက္မကိုင္မိ ပ်ာပ်ာသလဲျဖစ္ေနၾကရတယ္။
အရက္ယူခဲ့၊ ၾကက္ယူခဲ့
'ပညတ္သြားရာဓာတ္သက္ပါ' ဆိုတဲ့စကားရွိထားတဲ့အတိုင္း ရဲစာသင္ေလာက္၊ ၿမိဳ႕အုပ္မင္းရဲ႕ေတာလိုက္စာေရးေလာက္၊ ပ်ာတာေတာ္မင္းေလာက္ကလည္း သူတို႔ကိုယ္သူတို႔ တကယ္ကိုအာဏာပိုင္စိုးတဲ့ ပုဂၢိဳလ္ႀကီးမ်ားအျဖစ္ မွတ္ယူေနၾကၿပီး အရပ္သူအရပ္သားမ်ားကို ေတြ႕တာနဲ႔ ဟိန္းေဟာက္ၿခိမ္းေျခာက္ လုပ္ၾကတယ္။ အရက္ယူခဲ့၊ ၾကက္ယူခဲ့နဲ႔ အာဏာပါ၀ါျပၾကတယ္။ ေတာသူေတာင္သားေတြသာမဟုတ္ဘူး ၿမိဳ႕ေပၚကပညာတတ္ လူတန္းစားေတြေတာင္ ဟိန္းေဟာက္ၿခိမ္းေျခာက္ရင္ ေၾကာက္ဒူးတုန္ၾကတယ္။ အက်ဳိးသင့္အေၾကာင္းသင့္ ျပန္လွန္မေျပာရဲၾကဘူး။ ႏႈတ္ဆြံ႕ၿပီး အ,အႀကီးေတြလို ျဖစ္ေနၾကေတာ့တယ္။
ေခတ္ႀကီးေျပာင္းေနၿပီ
အဲဒါေၾကာင့္ 'ပညတ္သြားရာ ဓာတ္သက္ပါ' မျဖစ္ရေလေအာင္ အာဏာပိုင္ပုဂၢိဳလ္မ်ားတို႔၊ အာဏာပိုင္ အဖြဲ႕အစည္းမ်ားတို႔ဆိုတဲ့ အသံုးအႏႈန္းေတြကို ပေပ်ာက္ေစခ်င္တာပါ။ ဘာပဲေျပာေျပာ ေခတ္ႀကီးကေျပာင္းေနပါၿပီ။ အေရွ႕အလယ္ပိုင္းက ဘုရင္ႀကီးေတြ၊ ဆူလတန္ႀကီးေတြနဲ႔ အာဏာရွင္ႀကီးေတြ တစ္ေယာက္ၿပီး တစ္ေယာက္ ရာဇပလႅင္ေပၚက ဆင္းသြားၾကရပါၿပီ။ ျမန္မာျပည္မွာလည္း ဖြဲ႕စည္းအုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ပံု အေျခခံဥပေဒနဲ႔၊ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲနဲ႔ လႊတ္ေတာ္နဲ႔ျဖစ္ေနၿပီ။ တစ္ေခတ္ေျပာင္းဖို႔ တာစူခ်ိန္ေရာက္ေနၿပီ။
ဒီေနရာမွာ ၁၁-၉-၂၀၁၁ ေန႔ထုတ္ ေမာ္နီတာဂ်ာနယ္မွာပါတဲ့ အေမးအေျဖေလးတစ္ခုကို ေကာက္ႏႈတ္ေဖာ္ျပခ်င္ပါတယ္။ ေမးသူကို 'ဦးျမတ္ခိုင္ (လွ်ပ္တျပက္သတင္းဂ်ာနယ္၊ ေမာ္နီတာသတင္းဂ်ာနယ္ အယ္ဒီတာခ်ဳပ္)'လို႔ ေဖာ္ျပထားၿပီး အေမးခံပုဂၢိဳလ္ကေတာ့ ျပည္ေထာင္စု၀န္ႀကီး ဦးစိုးသိန္းျဖစ္ပါတယ္။
ေမး - "ျပည္ေထာင္စု၀န္ႀကီးအေနနဲ႔ ကြၽန္ေတာ္တို႔သတင္းသမားေတြ ေတြ႕ဆံုရတာ ဒုတိယအႀကိမ္ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ကြၽန္ေတာ္တို႔အျပင္မွာ ၾကားသိေနရတာ အဘဦးစိုးသိန္းတို႔ အဖြဲ႕ကေပ်ာ့ေပ်ာင္းတဲ့အဖြဲ႕လို႔ ကြၽန္ေတာ္တို႔သိရပါတယ္။ ဒီမိုကေရစီ နည္းလမ္းတက်သြားေနတဲ့ ျပည္ေထာင္စု၀န္ႀကီးလို႔ သိရပါတယ္။ အဲဒါ ဟုတ္ပါသလားလို႔ သိလိုပါတယ္။ အဲဒါနံပါတ္ ၁ အခ်က္ပါ။ နံပါတ္ ၂ အခ်က္ကေတာ့ ႏိုင္ငံျခားေငြနဲ႔ ကား၀ယ္ခြင့္ရတယ္ဆိုတဲ့အခါမွာ ပိုက္ဆံရတဲ့နည္းလမ္း၊ ဥပမာေငြျဖဴကိစၥ၊ ေငြမည္းကိစၥေတြ ျပႆနာရွိလား၊ အဲဒါကိုသိလိုပါတယ္။ ေက်းဇူးတင္ပါတယ္။'
ျပည္သူလူထုကေရြးခ်ယ္တင္ေျမႇာက္ထား
ျပည္ေထာင္စု၀န္ႀကီးဦးစိုးသိန္းအေျဖ
ကြၽန္ေတာ္က ဒီမွာလာတာ ဧည့္သည္ဗ်။ သို႔ေသာ္လည္း လာကူညီတာေပါ့ေလ။ ဘာပဲျဖစ္ျဖစ္ ေပ်ာ့ေပ်ာင္းတယ္၊ မာတယ္ရယ္လို႔ မဟုတ္ဘူးဗ်။ ကြၽန္ေတာ္တို႔က ျပည္သူလူထုက ေရြးခ်ယ္တင္ေျမႇာက္ထားတဲ့ ျပည္သူ႔ကိုယ္စားလွယ္ေတြ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ကြၽန္ေတာ္က ကြၽန္းစုၿမိဳ႕နယ္က ျပည္သူ႔ကိုယ္စားလွယ္ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ျပည္သူအေနနဲ႔ ေရြးခ်ယ္တင္ေျမႇာက္ခံရၿပီး ျပည္ေထာင္စု၀န္ႀကီးတာ၀န္ကို ႏိုင္ငံေတာ္သမၼတက တာ၀န္ေပးထားတာပါ။ ျပည္သူ႔အက်ဳိးအတြက္ ကြၽန္ေတာ္တို႔လုပ္ၾကဖို႔ ဝန္မေလးတာပါ။ တကယ္လုပ္ရမယ့္အလုပ္ဆိုရင္ ကြၽန္ေတာ္တို႔သံမဏိကဲ့သို႔ တကယ္မာပါတယ္"
ျပည္ေထာင္စု၀န္ႀကီးဦးစိုးသိန္းက ျပည္သူလူထုက ေရြးခ်ယ္တင္ေျမႇာက္ထားတဲ့ ျပည္သူ႔ကိုယ္စားလွယ္ျဖစ္လို႔ ျပည္သူ႔အက်ဳိးအတြက္ လုပ္ၾကဖို႔ ၀န္မေလးတာပါလို႔ ေျပာသြားတာေက်နပ္စရာပါ။ ေခတ္ေျပာင္းသြားၿပီလို႔ ၀န္ႀကီးကအသိအမွတ္ျပဳတဲ့ သေဘာလို႔ ယူဆပါတယ္။ ၀န္ႀကီးဟာ အရင္အစိုးရလက္ထက္က ဒုတိယကာကြယ္ေရးဦးစီးခ်ဳပ္(ေရ) တာ၀န္ထမ္းေဆာင္ခဲ့တဲ့ ဒုတိယဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ႀကီးအဆင့္ပုဂၢိဳလ္ပါ။
ျပည္ေထာင္စု၀န္ႀကီးဦးစိုးသိန္းလို ဒုတိယဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ႀကီးအဆင့္ထိ တာ၀န္ယူခဲ့ရတဲ့ ပုဂၢိဳလ္ႀကီးတစ္ဦးက ေခတ္ေျပာင္းသြားတာကို လက္ခံအသိအမွတ္ျပဳၿပီး ျပည္သူက ေရြးခ်ယ္တင္ေျမႇာက္ထားတဲ့ ျပည္သူ႔ကိုယ္စားလွယ္ တစ္ဦးအေနနဲ႔ ျပည္သူ႔အက်ဳိးကို လုပ္ေဆာင္ဖို႔ ၀န္မေလးပါလို႔ ေျပာေပမယ့္ ဗ်ဴ႐ိုကေရစီယႏၲရားႀကီးအတြင္းက ႐ံုးတစ္လံုး ဓားတစ္စင္း အာဏာရွင္စိတ္ဓာတ္ မေပ်ာက္ေသးတဲ့ ဗ်ဴ႐ိုကရက္ႀကီးေတြနဲ႔ ဗ်ဴ႐ိုကရက္ကေလးေတြကေတာ့ ထမင္းေကြၽးတဲ့လက္ကို ျပန္ကိုက္တဲ့အက်င့္ဆိုးေတြကို မေဖ်ာက္ႏိုင္ၾကေသးတာ ေတြ႕ရတယ္။ ကိုယ္႐ံုးဌာနေရွ႕ေရာက္လာသူ မွန္သမွ်ကို ဟိန္းေဟာက္ၿခိမ္းေျခာက္ၿပီး အာဏာပါ၀ါျပတာမ်ဳိးေတြ ဆက္ၿပီးလုပ္ေနၾကဆဲျဖစ္တယ္။
ျပည္သူ႔အေစခံ
၀န္ထမ္းဆိုတာ ဘယ္ေလာက္ႀကီးႀကီး ဘယ္ေလာက္ငယ္ငယ္ ျပည္သူလူထုရဲ႕လစာရိကၡာကို စားေသာက္ေနၾကရသူမ်ားျဖစ္တယ္။ 'Public Servant' လို႔ေခၚတဲ့ အဂၤလိပ္စကားရဲ႕အဓိပၸာယ္က 'ျပည္သူ႔အေစခံ' ျဖစ္တယ္။ သေဘာကေတာ့ ျပည္သူလူထုကို အလုပ္အေကြၽးျပဳဖို႔ လစာေပးခန္႔ထားျခင္းျဖစ္တယ္။ တစ္နည္းအားျဖင့္ ျပည္သူလူထုက အရွင္သခင္ျဖစ္တယ္လို႔ ဆိုလိုျခင္းျဖစ္တယ္။ ဗ်ဴ႐ိုကေရစီ ယႏၲရားႀကီးအတြင္းက အသိဥာဏ္အဆင့္ နိမ့္က်သူ ဗ်ဴ႐ိုကရက္ႀကီးငယ္မ်ားဟာဒီအခ်က္ကို သေဘာမေပါက္ၾကေသးဘဲ ျပည္သူလူထုအေပၚမွာ အာဏာရွင္မ်ားသဖြယ္ ျပဳမူဆက္ဆံေနၾကဆဲျဖစ္တယ္။
တားမရေတာ့ဘူး
အာဏာရွင္စနစ္မွာက တိုင္းသူျပည္သားမ်ားရဲ႕ ဆႏၵကို လံုးလံုးဂ႐ုမစိုက္ဘဲ ဘုရင္တစ္ပါး၊ ဆူလတန္တစ္ေယာက္၊ အာဏာရွင္တစ္ဦးရဲ႕ ဆႏၵသေဘာထား တစ္ခုတည္းနဲ႔ အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္တာျဖစ္တယ္။ လူေတြအမ်ားႀကီးက ဘယ္ေလာက္ေျပာေျပာ ဂ႐ုမစိုက္ဘူး။ အာဏာရွင္ရဲ႕ပါးစပ္က ထြက္တဲ့စကားဟာ ဥပေဒျဖစ္တယ္။ ဒီမိုကေရစီစနစ္မွာေတာ့ တိုင္းသူျပည္သား လူမ်ားစုရဲ႕ဆႏၵကို ဘယ္သူမွလြန္ဆန္လို႔မရဘူး။ အားလံုးျပည္သူ႔ဆႏၵအတိုင္း လုပ္ရတယ္။ ျပည္သူလူထုဟာ အၾကြင္းမဲ့အာဏာပိုင္မ်ားျဖစ္တယ္။ ျပည္သူသာအမိ၊ ျပည္သူသာအဖျဖစ္တယ္။ ဗ်ဴ႐ိုကရက္ႀကီး ဗ်ဴ႐ိုကရက္ေလးေတြက ျပည္သူလူထုရဲ႕ 'အဘ' မဟုတ္ဘူးဆိုတာ သိထားသင့္ၾကတယ္။ ေခတ္ႀကီးက ေျပာင္းေနပါၿပီ။ ဘယ္သူတားတား တားလို႔ မရေတာ့ပါဘူူး။
Credit : Eleven Media Group
There is a government publication called New Light of Myanmar founded in 1914 .It is a far cry from the free wheeling, irrepressible Philippine press. New Light is actually run by the Ministry of Information, and as such is considered a government propaganda tool. For all its pejorative Orwellian connotation, the publication is a great source of information if one is visiting to do business in this country of 59 million. New Light chronicles all government activities and other events of national consequence. One can also search for online information on this Southeast Asian country, but it would not be as current as getting the news from the New Light of Myanmar, albeit government fed.
If you are businessman looking for opportunities, the New Light of Myanmar will give you a wealth of information on present and future government infrastructure projects that you can bid and invest in.
Hard commute, harder to pronounce
I first read a copy of New Light during a visit in the early 1990’s to the country formerly called Burma by the British. Its capital was known then as Rangoon but renamed Yangon by the ruling military junta in 1989. As a further step at decolonization, the regime on July 12, 2006 changed the capital to Napyidaw and moved it to a remote area in the mountains. Aside from being hard to pronounce, Napyidaw is a 240 - kilometer drive north of the former capital of Yangon.
Many of the embassies moved to the new seat of government as it was difficult to do official business with the regime if they were not near the power center. Some of the foreign missions, however, still maintain a presence in the old capital of Yangon
Three Philippine ambassadors posted in Myanmar—Alfredo Almendrala , Norberto Basilio both career diplomats, and Noel Cabrera, a former newsman—represented the country well in Burma. Almendrala is retired from the foreign service but is teaching diplomacy at the Lyceum of the Philippines. Basilio and Cabrera have died.
Myanmar is a country rich in natural resources. Its abundance in minerals, timber, precious metals and stones like ruby, emeralds and other gems kept it afloat during the long years of trade sanctions by the West because of the junta’s detention of Aung San Suu Kyi, the democracy icon and Nobel Peace Prize winner.
San Suu Kyi was released recently by the Myanmar government. Myanmar did so on its own terms and pace as it had pledged it would do once the country has achieved normalcy and political stability.
There is a new civilian government after 23 years of military rule . Many of the generals in the former junta, however, occupy seats in the newly elected legislative assembly. But the good news is that the new government seems serious in implementing far reaching reforms and slowly easing its iron grip on the country.
Change must be gentle, a new era
“Myanmar has entered a new era, “declared Foreign Minister Wunna Maung Lwin during a recent international conference in Geneva. Human Rights Day, an event never marked before in Myanmar, was recently observed nationwide.
A more conciliatory Aung San Suu Kyi, emerging from a meeting with the country’s high officials, has been quoted as saying: “Change must be gentle, peaceful and dignified and must not violate civilians or the former government.”
Former government is in reference to the ruling junta that gave way to a civilian government in accordance with the country’s 2008 Constitution. Political supporters of the democracy icon who had been held under house arrest for 15 years, foresee a key government role for their leader.
Aside from the major step of freeing Aung San Suu Kyi, Myanmar has recently unblocked banned Web sites and allowed access to prohibited news, including those run by exiled dissidents.
This latest step gave indication that the country’s new leaders wanted to convey to the general populace, its Southeast Asian neighbors and the West, that change is coming to Myanmar. Its critics are sanguine that the transformation is not just cosmetic.
Government censors in a surprise move, pulled out the barriers on the Web sites of media outlets including the British Broadcasting Corp., Voice of America , as well as the Democratic Voice of Burma, Radio Free Asia and the video file sharing site YouTube.
The Burmese government under the State Law and Order Restoration Council or SLORC previously had monitored these Web sites and jailed journalists it deemed subversives as part of its crackdown on pro-democracy demonstrators after the Uprising of 1988.
Hopeful signs on the horizon
There is another bright side on the horizon. Myanmar has created a 15-member National Human Rights Commission to investigate reported abuses . Composed of retired civil servants, the commission is tasked to safeguard fundamental rights of citizens as inscribed in the country’s 2008 Constitution.
Cognizant of the value of tourism, government and the private sector are building new luxury hotels to accommodate the influx of visitors. Like Thailand, Myanmar has many historic and beautiful Buddhist temples, foremost of which is the Shwedagon Pagoda. Mandalay, the ancient and imperial capital, is a popular tourist destination.
The majority of the Burmese are Buddhists. The rest are a mix of Malays, Indians and Chinese who migrated from the neighboring countries. Myanmar is bound by Thailand to the south, China to the northeast, Laos to the east. and India to the west.
Things are beginning to look bright in Myanmar. If the signs on the horizon are any indication, the government publication New Light of Myanmar could yet live up to its name and be a harbinger of peace and prosperity, not only for the country but for the rest of the region.
Looking at the larger picture, it would seem that the policy of “constructive engagement” adopted by the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (Asean) of which Myanmar is a member, is beginning to bear fruit.
Credit: Manilla Standard Today
By Prof.Kanbawza Win>>>
There is a Burmese saying, “A snake sees the legs of another snake.” meaning only the Burmese can see the craftiness and the cunningness of another Burmese, as they are the same birds of a feather, whereas a foreigner however expert he/she may be, have not gone through the experience of living in Burma and could not comprehend the pitfalls created by the Junta. Probably encouraged, by the visit to Burma by US special representative Derek Mitchell, the Obama administration announced that Assistant Secretary of State for Southeast Asia and Pacific Affairs, Kurt Campbell will be meeting with the visiting Burmese Foreign Minister Wunna Maung Lwin in New York, on the sidelines of the annual session of the United Nations General Assembly. Secretary of State, Hillary Clinton complimented that the meeting of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and the Junta President Thein Sein is a welcome development even though there is no fruition of any substance so far except some superficial gestures.
Ambassador Derek Mitchell said at the press conference in Rangoon that he was “encouraged by and pleased with the quality and openness of the exchanges with the interlocutors of the Junta’s side who repeatedly stated that this country had opened a new chapter to a civilian-led democratic governing structure and expressed that they were sincerely committed to reform in the interest of human rights, democracy, development and national reconciliation”. Lest he forget that these intercalates are all parrots, if not puppets, of Than Shwe and is forced to cite what the supremo has taught them, in order that the world may view through this prism. Ambassador Derek Mitchell is not Senator Jim Webb and could not play advocacy for the Junta and so Than Shwe refused to see him. The world knows that it was Than Shwe who is above his own constitution is the one that is really calling the shots in Burma.
Some of the international community and Burmese people have heightened hopes and expectations, now that the US special representative have visited Naypyidaw and some may fancies, real change, may be on the horizon, but many seasoned Burmese academics and the international community remain sceptical. Even, Ambassador Mitchell, as according to his press statement, sees the writings on the wall and have challenged whether the Thein Sein administration could prove the sceptics wrong, by implementing genuine reform and reconciliation? What more prove is wanted when the continued detention of more than 2,000 political prisoners, (in fact this was repeated by Ban Ki-Moon when he met Wanna Maung Lwin) the continuing hostilities in ethnic nationalities areas, and authenticated human rights violations, including rapes of women and using child soldiers so evident in the country. In the meantime the State Department releases that Burma is one of the eight nations that does not have religious freedom as minority religious adherents often fled the country and one has not to look far but only at the fate of Buddhist clergy in the country.
The establishment of a National Human Rights Commission is on paper only. How many Human Rights lessons have being set up in Burma? Better ask Australia as they help these Burmese officials, the art of human rights with training and workshops from 2001 to 2003. Breaking ranks with the International community the then Australia’s Foreign Minister Alexander Downer became the first Western official to visit Burma in decades and pumps in millions of dollars, for this training but the result is zero . Since then it is clear that despite calls from the international community, the Burmese Junta has no real commitment to improving human rights or bringing about real political change, it is just for propaganda purpose and instead it continue to increase its gross human rights. Meeting with Ambassador Mitchell the members of the Human Rights Commission simply said that they will have to report to Naypyidaw before they can implement anything. Every Burmese have great reservations about this National Human Rights Commission and is considered as a mere window dressing.
But the most prominent aspect of their treachery can be seen in the ceasefire proposals with the ethnic nationalities. The very fact that they repudiated the Panglong Concordat of 1947, that makes Modern Union of Burma, clearly reveals that the Generals at the head of the Myanmar ethnic group, want to Lord over the other ethnic nationalities in perpetuity and treat them as a colonial people which they inherited from the British colonialist, in other words the 4th Burmese empire. This is the crux of the Burmese problem. If there is genuine democracy and federalism as Bogyoke Aung San (the founding father of modern Burma and biological father of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi) has lay down, and solved the country’s problem through dialogue and peaceful means, then they must respect the charter that makes modern Burma.
Now the Junta firmly believes that belief that the present day Burma developed in a linear fashion straight from the founding of the first Burmese kingdom in 1044 AD under king Anawrahta. Only the British colonization of the Myanmar Kingdom disrupted this historical development. They believe in the accounts of their mighty, expansionistic imperialist empires (one of the proof is the three mammoth statues in Naypyidaw) with subordinate alliances made up of multi-ethnic and multi-language communities, including the Shan, the Arakanese, the Mons, and so on, encompassing the present day Burma and its political boundaries and, at times, stretching into neighbouring India and Thailand, others are their subordinates and hence should not be treated as equal but above the ethnic nationalities. Besides the Myanmar construe that other ethnic nationalities are backward. Hence they repudiated the Panglong Conference of 1947, that modern Burma is a nation-state of diverse ethnic nations (ethnic nationalities), by pre-colonial independent ethnic nationalities such as the Chin, the Kachin, Karen, Karenni, Mon and Rakhine (Arakan), Myanmar and Shan based on the principle of equality, as it was founded by formerly independent peoples in 1947 through an agreement.
If this agreement has been honoured, there will be no a military coup at all in the first place and the Burmese people need not fight for democracy as what they are doing now, only if the Myanmar dominated government in 1962 is genuine and solve the ethnic legitimate grievances. The Military came into power because the civilian government could not solve the problem and even now it has no intention of solving this core problem. All these years (1948 to date) the Myanmar group led by the army has used the “Divide and Rule” policy over the Non Myanmar and now the ethnic nationalities have formed the United Federal Council (UNFC) and demanded to set up the real Genuine Union of Burma. This compels the military clique to seek alliance with the pro democracy movement led by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and skilfully used the word National Reconciliation for their advantage.. But Daw Suu is her father’s daughter and is determined to do the right thing and complete her father’s task and openly called for the Second Panglong Conference to thrash out the differences with the ethnic nationalities and all the stake holders. Ambassador Mitchell himself has admitted that that Daw Aung San Suu Kyi remains deeply important to the citizens of this country, Myanmar and ethnic nationalities alike, and that any credible reform effort must include her participation. It was also clear that she remains fully committed to the cause of peaceful change through dialogue.
The UN's World Drug Report 2011 noted that opium production in Burma had increased 20 percent since 2009, because of a good harvest last year and President Obama had single out that three countries, Bolivia, Burma, and Venezuela, “failed demonstrably” during the last 12 months to make sufficient or meaningful efforts to adhere to the obligations they have undertaken under international counter-narcotic agreements. The world has known that these Burmese generals had indirectly encourage the narco-barons to be the gentlemen of Burma and the existing Burmese billionaires are all narco related even though the well known Khun Hsa has died. Hence the conclusion can be drawn that as long as the Burmese Generals are in power narcotics will flow throughout the world. It must be stop as it source with the people’s participation and how can the people participate without the representative government?
This does not include of Burma aspiring to be a nuclear power like North Korea and its secret has been out by the patriots who know the danger of becoming an uncontrolled nuclear power. Taking all of these together it has been proved beyond doubt that the Burmese regime is trying their level best to manifest to the world at large that they are serious about that country becoming a democracy and hoodwink the international communities with the help of Nazi ancestors, some academics, NGOs and multilateral corporations bent on exploiting the country’s vast natural and human resources.
Ambassador Mitchell has made it clear that the American policy has not changed and that sanctions remain intact as announced yesterday even though the US remain open to assisting real democracy in Burma. The people of Burma and the international community need to see the concrete and genuine actions taken for real change and not superficial ones. It need sincere and genuine reforms to reach the goals that were outlined by the regime such as democracy, human rights, development, self determination and national reconciliation, then and only then Burma can be in the community of nations not to mention to be an ASEAN Chairperson. Bluffing will not work with the people of Burma or with the international community.
Credit: D4B (U Soe Win)
မိတ္ေဆြမ်ား
တစ္ႏုိင္ငံလုံးက အေျပာင္းအလဲျဖစ္ေပၚေရးကုိ အာရုံစုိက္ေနတဲ့အခ်ိန္၊ ႏွစ္ဆယ့္တစ္ရာစုႏွစ္ လူ႔အခြင့္အေရး၊ ဒီမုိကေရစီေရးႏွင့္ ျပည္ေထာင္စုအသစ္အတြက္ ေမွ်ာ္လင့္ေနၾကတဲ့အခ်ိန္မွာ ရွစ္ေလးလုံးဝက္ဆုိက္မွာ လူမိ်ဳးေရး မုန္းတီးမႈေတြကုိ လႈိင္လႈိင္ႀကီး ဖတ္ေနရေတာ့ စိတ္မေကာင္း ျဖစ္မိပါတယ္။ စက္တဘၤာ (၁၉)၊၂၀၁၁မွာ ကုိလင္းျမတ္ေသာ္တာက ကုလားဟာ ကုလား၊ ႏြားဟာ ႏြား၊ ေစာက္ကုလား စသျဖင့္ေတာင္ ဆုိလာပါေတာ့တယ္။
အိႏၵိယတုိက္ငယ္ (အိႏၵိယ၊ ပါကစၥတန္၊ ဘဂၤလာဒက္ရွ္တုိ႔ဟာ ၁၉၄၇မတုိင္မီက ႏုိင္ငံတစ္ခုတည္း ျဖစ္ခဲ့ပါတယ္။)က လူေတြကုိ ကုလားလုိ႔ ေယဘုယ် ဆုိၾကပါတယ္။ ကုလားဆုိတာ သမုိင္းဝင္ အသုံးအႏႈံးျဖစ္ခဲ့ေပမဲ့ ယခုအခါမွာေတာ့ ကုလားေတြကုိ ကုိလင္းျမတ္ေသာ္တာ ဆုိလုိက္သလုိ ႏြားႏွင့္ ေစာက္ကုလား ေနရာမွာသာ သုံးေတာ့တာမို႔ ကုလားဟု ေခၚျခင္းသည္ လူမ်ိဳးေရး ႏွိမ့္ခ်ေစာ္ကားမႈ ျဖစ္သြားပါျပီ။ (နီဂရုိးဆုိတာ သမုိင္းဝင္ အမည္ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ လူမဲမ်ိဳးႏြယ္တစ္ခုလုံးကုိ ႏွိမ့္ခ်ေခၚျခင္းျဖစ္တယ္လုိ႔ နားလည္လာတဲ့အခါမွာ ယဥ္ေက်းတဲ့ လူ႕အဖဲြ႕အစည္းက လူေတြက မင္းတုိ႔ကုိ သမုိင္းစဥ္လာအရ နီဂရုိးလုိ႔ ေခၚခဲ့လုိ႔ အခုလည္း ေခၚရမယ္လုိ႔ မေတာင္းဆုိၾကပါဘူး။)
တစ္ကယ္ေတာ့ ဒီေစာက္ကုလား ဆုိသူေတြထံက ဝတ္စားဆင္ယင္မႈ၊ ေဆးပညာ၊ နကၡတ္ပညာ၊ ျပည္သူ႔နီတိ၊ ဘာသာေရး၊ ယဥ္ေက်းမႈေတြသာမက ယေန႔ဗမာ၊ ရခုိင္၊ မြန္၊ ကရင္ေတြ ေရးေန၊ သုံးေနတဲ့ ကႀကီး၊ ခေခြးဆုိတဲ့ စာေပကုိပါ ရယူထားကလည္း သမုိင္းအထင္အရွားပါ။ လူမ်ိဳးတုိင္းမွာ အမ်ားက လူေကာင္းျဖစ္ျပီး လူဆုိးဆုိတာ လူနည္းစုျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ လူနည္းစုရဲ့ အဆုိးေၾကာင့္ လူမ်ိဳးတစ္မ်ိဳးလုံးကုိ သိမ္းၿကုံးႏွိမ့္ခ် ဆဲေရးတုိင္းထြာျခင္းက မိမိရဲ့ ပင္ကုိယ္ ယဥ္ေက်းမႈ အားနည္းျခင္းေၾကာင့္သာ ျဖစ္ပါလိမ့္မယ္။ ကုလားမုန္း၊ တရုပ္မုန္း၊ ထုိင္းမုန္း၊ ကရင္မုန္း၊ ရခုိင္မုန္း၊ မြန္မုန္းစတဲ့ လူမ်ိဳးမုန္းတီးမႈေတြက ၂၁ရာစုမွာ ေတာ္သင့္ပါျပီ။ အစၥလာမ္ဘာသာ ကုိးကြယ္တာႏွင့္ ကုိယ့္ႏုိင္ငံသားေတြကုိ ကုလားလုိ႔ ႏွိမ္ေခၚတာမ်ိဳးကုိလည္း မလုပ္သင့္ၾကပါဘူး။
ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာကုိ တုိင္းရင္းသားအျဖစ္ လက္မခံႏိုင္ဘူးဆုိသူေတြရဲ့ အျမင္ကုိ ေလးစားပါတယ္။ ေျပာခြင့္လည္း ရွိၾကပါတယ္။ က်ေနာ္ကုိယ္တုိင္ကလည္း ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာသည္ တုိင္းရင္းသားျဖစ္ မျဖစ္ကုိ သမုိင္းပညာရွင္ေတြ၊ တုိင္းျပည္အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္တဲ့ အစုိးရ၊ တုိင္းရင္းသားျပည္သူေတြ၊ ႏုိင္ငံေရးေခါင္းေဆာင္ေတြကသာ အေသအခ်ာ ေလ့လာျပီးမွ ဆုံးျဖတ္သင့္တယ္လုိ႔ ယူဆထားသူ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ သုိ႔ေသာ္ ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာကုိ တုိင္းရင္းသားအျဖစ္ ရုိးရုိးသားသား လက္မခံတာႏွင့္ ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာဆုိသူေတြကုိ ဆဲေရးတာ၊ မုန္းတီးတာက မတူပါဘူး။
ေနာက္တစ္ခ်က္ သတိထားၾကဖုိ႔က ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာေတြကုိ တစ္ဖက္ႏုိင္ငံက ခုိးဝင္လာသူေတြဆုိျပီး စစ္အစုိးရအဆက္ဆက္က ေလးႀကိမ္ေလာက္ အစုလုိက္ အျပံဳလုိက္ ေမာင္းထုတ္လုိက္ျပီး တစ္ဖန္ ေလးႀကိမ္လုံးဘဲ ႏုိင္ငံသားေတြျဖစ္တယ္ဆုိျပီး အစုလုိက္ အျပံဳလုိက္ ျပန္လက္ခံလုိက္လုပ္ေနတာ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာေတြဟာ တစ္ကယ္ဘဲ တစ္ဖက္ႏုိင္ငံက ႏုိင္ငံျခားသား ဘဂၤါလီေတြဆုိရင္ ဘာ့ေၾကာင့္ အႀကိမ္တုိင္းမွာ ႏုိင္ငံသားအျဖစ္ သတ္မွတ္ျပီး ျပန္လက္ခံ ေနရတာလည္း ဆုိတာကုိေကာ ေတြးမိဘူး ပါရဲ့လား။ တစ္ကယ္ေတာ့ ရခုိင္လူမ်ိဳးေတြရဲ့ လြတ္ေျမာက္ေရးစိတ္ဓါတ္ႏွင့္ ညီညြတ္ေရးအင္အားကုိ ခ်ိဳးႏွိမ္ဖုိ႔ ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာျပသနာကုိ စစ္အစုိးရေတြက တမင္ဖန္တီးေပးျပီး ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာဆုိသူေတြ ဓါးစားခံလုပ္ထားတာကုိ သတိမူသင့္ၾကပါတယ္။
ကုိထြန္းဇံေဝက ဦးခင္ေမာင္ေစာရဲ့ Religious and Arakan ဆုိတဲ့စာတန္းမွာ ရခုိင္ဘုရင္ မင္းေစာမြန္ကုိ နန္းျပန္တင္ဖုိ႔ မဂုိဘုရင္၊ မဂုိေတြ၊ ပါရွန္းေတြက ဝင္တုိက္ေပးတယ္လုိ႔ ဆုိပါတယ္။ မွားပါတယ္။ ရခုိင္ေတြရဲ့ ေလာင္းၾကက္မင္းဆက္ ျပဳတ္ေအာင္ ဘုရင္မင္းေစာမြန္ကုိ အင္းဝဘုရင္မင္းေခါင္ရဲ့ သားေတာ္မင္းရဲေက်ာ္စြာ တုိက္ထုတ္လုိက္တာက ၁၄၀၆ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ အိႏၵိယတုိက္ငယ္မွာ မဂုိအင္ပါယာ(Maghoul Dynasty)က ၁၅၂၆က ၁၇၀၇ အထိျဖစ္တာမုိ႔ မင္းေစာမြန္ႏွင့္ မဂုိက ဘာမွ မဆုိင္ပါဘူး။ ဒါျဖင့္ မင္းေစာမြန္ကုိ နန္းျပန္တင္ေပးတာ ဘယ္သူေတြလဲ။
မင္းရဲေက်ာ္စြာေၾကာင့္ ဘုရင္မင္းေစာမြန္ ၂၂ႏွစ္လုံး ထြက္ေျပးခုိလႈံေနတာက ဂုိအာက မြတ္စလင္ စူလ္တန္ဘုရင္ထံမွာ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ဘဂၤါလီဘုရင္ျဖစ္မယ္ ထင္ပါတယ္။ မင္းေစာမြန္ကုိ နန္းျပန္တင္ဖုိ႔ အဲဒီစူလ္တန္ဘုရင္က ဗုိလ္ခ်ဳပ္ဝလီခန္ႏွင့္ စစ္သည္ တစ္ေသာင္း (အခ်ိဳ႕ေနရာမွာ စစ္သည္ငါးေသာင္းလုိ႔ ဆုိပါတယ္။)ကို ေစလႊတ္ျပီး ျပန္တုိက္ေပးခဲ့ပါတယ္။ ဗုိလ္ခ်ဳပ္ ဝလီခန္က မင္းေစာမြန္ကုိ ျပန္ပုန္ကန္ ဖမ္းဆီးျပီး ဘုရင္တက္လုပ္တာေၾကာင့္ စူလ္တန္ဘုရင္က အမ်က္ထြက္ျပီး ဗုိလ္ခ်ဳပ္စင္ဒီခန္ကုိ စစ္သည္အင္အား ႏွစ္ဆႏွင့္ ထပ္လႊတ္ျပီး ဝလီခန္ကုိ တုိက္ထုတ္ကာ မင္းေစာမြန္ကုိ နန္းျပန္တင္ေပးခဲ့ရပါတယ္။ တနည္းအားျဖင့္ဆုိေသာ္ ရခုိင္ေတြရဲ့ ျပဳတ္က်သြားတဲ့ ေလာင္းၾကက္မင္းဆက္ကုိ ေျမာက္ဦးမင္းဆက္အျဖစ္ ျပန္လည္ အသက္ဝင္ တည္တ့ံေရးကုိ အခုဘဂၤါလီကုလားလုိ႔ေခၚတဲ့ မြတ္စလင္ေတြရဲ့ ေသြးႏွင့္ တည္ေဆာက္ေပးထားတဲ့ သမုိင္းအေထာက္အထားျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ေျမာက္ဦးမင္းဆက္လုိ အင္မတန္ ထင္ရွားျပီး အေရးပါတဲ့ သမုိင္းဆုိင္ရာကိစၥမွာ သမုိင္းပညာရွင္ ဦးခင္ေမာင္ေစာက ဘာ့ေၾကာင့္ ကမန္ႏွင့္ ဘဂၤါလီကုိ ေရာေမႊပစ္သလဲဆုိတာ ကာယကံရွင္သာ သိမွာပါ။ (အဲဒီ ဦးခင္ေမာင္ေစာကဘဲ ဖိႏွိပ္မႈေတြေၾကာင့္ အသက္ကုိ မငဲ့ႏုိင္ၾကဘဲ ပင္လယ္ထဲ ထြက္ေျပးလာၾကတဲ့ ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာေလွစီး ဒုကၡသည္ေတြကုိ ျမန္မာေရတပ္က ပင္လယ္ထဲမွာ ဖမ္းဆီးရုိက္ႏွက္ျပီး ပင္လယ္ထဲ ျပန္လႊတ္တဲ့ကိစၥမွာ ရရွိတဲ့ ဒါဏ္ရာေတြက ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာဆုိသူေတြက သူမ်ားေတြက သနားေအာင္ ကုိယ့္ကိုကုိယ္ ျပန္ရုိက္ထားတာပါလုိ႔ မစာမနာ အေထာက္အထားမဲ့ ဆုိရက္ခဲ့သူျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ပညာရွင္မွန္ရင္ အေထာက္အထားမဲ့ မဆုိသင့္ပါဘူူး။)
ဂ်ပန္က သက္ႀကီးပညာရွင္ ဦးညြန္႔ေရႊကလည္း ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာဆုိသူေတြရဲ့ ရုပ္ကုိၾကည့္ျပီး ေမာင္းထုတ္မယ္ဆုိလာျပန္ေတာ့ သင္ထားတဲ့ ပညာေတြထဲမွာ Racism မပါေသးဘူးလုိ႔ ထင္ပါတယ္။ အဲဒီ သက္ႀကီးပညာရွင္ ဦးညြန္႔ေရႊကဘဲ ရခုိင္ဘုရင္ေတြ မြတ္စလင္ဘဲြ႕ေတြခံတာ ကုလားမေတြႏွင့္ ဘူးခ်င္လုိ႔လုိ႔ ေပါက္တတ္ကရ ဆိုျပန္ပါတယ္။ ရခုိင္ပညာရွင္ေတြက ဒါမဟုတ္ဘူး၊ မဟုတ္တာကုိ အဟုတ္လုပ္ျပီး မေျပာၾကနဲ႔လုိ႔ မကန္႔ကြက္ၾကပါဘူး။ သူတုိ႔ မဖတ္ျဖစ္လုိ႔ ျဖစ္ေကာင္း ျဖစ္ပါလိမ့္မယ္။
Respond to Press Release of Rohingya, 2009 ဆုိတဲ့ စာတန္းမွာ ဦးခင္ေမာင္ေစာက
To show his gratitude to the Sultan he (Min Saw Mun) asked what he could do. The Sultan persuaded him to be converted into Islam but he refused; however, he promised the Sultan that the Arakanese kings would bear Pseudonym Muslim Titles. ေရးသားခဲ့ပါတယ္။
ရခုိင္ဘုရင္မင္းေစာမြန္က သူ႕ကုိ နန္းျပန္တင္ေပးတဲ့ (လူမ်ိဳးမတူ ဘာသာျခား) စူလ္တန္ဘုရင္ကုိ ေက်းဇူးဘယ္လုိဆပ္ရမလဲ ေမးတဲ့အခါ၊ စူလ္တန္ဘုရင္က အစၥလာမ္ဘာသာကုိ လက္ခံဖုိ႔ေျပာခဲ့တယ္။ ဘုရင္မင္ေစာမြန္က လက္မခံခဲ့ႏုိင္ခဲ့ေပမဲ့ ေနာင္လာေနာက္သား ရခုိင္ဘုရင္ေတြမွာ မြတ္စလင္ဘဲြ႕ကုိ ခံယူေစရမယ္လုိ႔ ဂတိေပးခဲ့ပါတယ္။ (သူကုိယ္တုိင္က မြတ္စလင္ဘဲြ႕အမည္ ဆူေလမန္ရွားကုိ စတင္ခံယူခဲ့ပါတယ္။)
စစ္ဗုိလ္ခ်ဳပ္ႀကီး မဟာဗႏၶဳလက ကသည္းျပည္ကုိ ခ်ီတက္သိမ္းပုိက္တဲ့အခါမွာ ကသည္းမွာ ေနက်န္ခဲ့တဲ့ ျမန္မာတပ္ဗုိလ္တပ္သားေတြက ကသည္းမေတြႏွင့္ အိမ္ေထာင္က်ကုန္ျပီး ယခုတုိင္ ျမန္မာကသည္း ကျပားအျဖစ္ႏွင့္ ယခုတုိင္ အထင္အရွားရွိေနပါတယ္။ ဘုရင္မင္းေစာမြန္ကုိ နန္းျပန္တင္ဖုိ႔ ႏွစ္ႀကိမ္တုိင္ စစ္ပဲြဆင္ႏႊဲျပီးေနာက္ပုိင္း ရခုိင္နန္းတြင္းေရးမွာ မြတ္စလင္ေတြ ဘယ္ေလာက္ တန္ခုိးထြားခဲ့သလဲဆုိရင္ ရခုိင္ဘုရင္ေတြကုိ သူတုိ႔စိတ္ၿကုိက္ တင္ခ်င္တဲ့အခါ တင္၊ ျဖဳတ္ခ်င္တဲ့အခါ ျဖဳတ္အထိေအာင္ လုပ္ႏုိင္ခဲ့တဲ့ ကာလမ်ိဳးပင္ ရွိခဲ့ဘူးပါတယ္။ အႏွစ္ သုံးရာနီးပါး ရခုိင္နန္းတြင္းေရးေတြမွာ အရွိန္အဝါႀကီးခဲ့တဲ့ ေသာင္းႏွင့္ခ်ီတဲ့ မြတ္စလင္ တပ္ဗုိလ္၊ တပ္သားေတြဟာ သူတုိ႔အမိ်ဳးသမီးေတြကုိ ဘဂၤလားက မေခၚလာႏုိင္ၾကပါဘူး။ အဲေတာ့ ဒီစစ္သားအုပ္ႀကီးက ရခုိင္မွာ မူလက ရွိျပီးသား မြတ္စလင္မေတြႏွင့္ အိမ္ေထာင္က်ၾကတယ္ဆုိရင္ အဲဒီကာလက ရခုိင္မွာ မြတ္စလင္ေတြ ေသာင္းခ်ီရွိေနလုိ႔ ျဖစ္မွာပါ။ လြန္ခဲ့တဲ့ အႏွစ္ေျခာက္ရာေလာက္က ေသာင္းခ်ီတဲ့ မြတ္စလင္လူစုႀကီးက အခုအခါမွာ လူဦးေရ ဘယ္ေလာက္ တုိးပြါးႏိုင္တယ္ဆုိတာ သခ်ၤာပညာရွင္မ်ား တြက္ဆႏုိင္ပါတယ္။
အဲဒီတုန္းက ရခုိင္မွာ မြတ္စလင္ေတြ မူလကတည္းက ေသာင္းႏွင့္ခ်ီျပီး မရွိခဲ့ဘူးဆုိရင္ ဒီစစ္သားေတြ ဘယ္အမ်ိဳးသမီးေတြႏွင့္ အိမ္ေထာင္က်ကုန္မလဲ ဆုိတာကုိလည္း စဥ္းစားႏုိင္ၾကပါတယ္။ ပညာရွင္မွန္ရင္ သမုိင္းကုိ သေျပသီးမွည့္ေကာက္သလုိ ကုိယ္ၿကုိက္ရင္ ေကာက္မယ္။ ကုိယ္မၿကုိက္ရင္ ပယ္မယ္ မလုပ္သင့္ပါဘူး။ သမုိင္းမွန္ သိမွ သခၤန္းစာယူႏုိင္မွာမုိ႔ သမုိင္းကုိ မ်ိဳးခ်စ္စိတ္ႏွင့္ ေရးရင္ မ်ိဳးခ်စ္သမုိင္းသာ ျဖစ္မွာပါ။ သမုိင္းေတာ့ ျဖစ္လာမွာ မဟုတ္ပါဘူး။
ရြာသား (စာေရးႀကီးဆိပ္) ဆုိသူကလည္း ကုိဘုန္းေက်ာ္ထံ ေပးစာမွာ ကုလားေတြက ရခုိင္ေတြကုိ အစုလုိက္ အျပံဳလုိက္ သတ္ျဖတ္ပုံေတြကုိ ေၾကကဲြဖြယ္ရာ ေရးသားထားတဲ့အတြက္ အေတာ္ေလး စိတ္ထိခုိက္မိပါတယ္။ ေၾကြကဲြ ေဒါသျဖစ္စရာပါ။ သုိ႔ေသာ္ ဒါက သမုိင္းတစ္ျခမ္းပဲ့ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ေနာက္တစ္ျခမ္းလုိပါေသးတယ္။ ရခုိင္ေခါင္းေဆာင္တစ္ဦးလည္းျဖစ္၊ သမုိင္းသုေတသီတစ္ဦးလည္းျဖစ္သူ တစ္ဦးက က်ေနာ့ကုိ “ကုိေအာင္တင္၊ တစ္ကယ္ေတာ့ က်ေနာ္တုိ႔ ရခုိင္ေတြက ရခုိင္ျပည္ေတာင္ပုိင္းမွာ ဘဂၤါလီ(ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာ)ေတြကုိ သတ္တာက ပုိၾကမ္း ပုိဆုိးပါတယ္ဗ်ာ” လုိ႔ေျပာဖူးပါတယ္။ ဘယ္လူမ်ိဳးက ဘယ္လူမ်ိဳးကုိ သတ္သတ္ မေကာင္းပါဘူး။
ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာဆုိသူေတြဟာ ရခုိင္ျပည္နယ္မွာ ရခုိင္လူမ်ိဳးျပီးရင္ ဒုတိယ အမ်ားဆုံး လူမ်ိဳးျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ဒီဒုတိယအင္အားအႀကီးဆုံး လူစုႀကီးကုိ မ်ိဳးျပဳတ္ေအာင္ သတ္ပစ္လုိ႔ မရႏုိင္သလုိ၊ ပိျပားေအာင္ ဖိႏွိပ္ထားလုိ႔လည္း မရပါဘူး။ ဘယ္သူၿကုိက္ၿကုိက္ မၿကုိက္ၿကုိက္ ဒီလူမ်ိဳးစုႀကီးက ရခုိင္ေတြႏွင့္ ဆုိးတူေကာင္းဖက္ အစဥ္ဒြန္တဲြ ေနေနမွာပါ။ ဒုတိယအမ်ားဆုံး လူမ်ိဳးစုႏွင့္ အႀကီးဆုံးလူမိ်ဳးစုႀကီးတုိ႔ အခ်င္းခ်င္း မုန္းတီးသင့္သလား၊ မုန္းတီးလာေအာင္ ဝုိင္းေျမွာက္ေပးသင့္သလား၊ ျဖစ္ႏုိင္တဲ့ေဘာင္အတြင္း (ႏုိင္ငံသားအျဖစ္ႏွင့္ျဖစ္ျဖစ္) နားလည္မႈ၊ ေျပျငိမ္းမႈေတြရရွိေအာင္ ကူညီေပးသင့္သလားဆုိတာ စဥ္းစားသင့္ၾကပါတယ္။ သူတုိ႔က တုိင္းရင္းသားျဖစ္ခ်င္လို႔ ေတာင္းဆုိေနလည္း ေတာင္းဆုိတာက သူတုိ႔အလုပ္ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။
အတိတ္သမုိင္းမွာ ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာဆုိသူေတြႏွင့္ ရခုိင္ေတြ ေအးခ်မ္းစြာ ေနခဲ့ၾကတဲ့ ကာလေတြလည္း အမွန္ဘဲ ရွိခဲ့ပါတယ္။ ဆရာေဒါက္တာ ဦးေအးခ်မ္းက သူငယ္စဥ္မွာ ရခုိင္ေတြႏွင့္ ဘဂၤါလီေတြ သင့္ျမတ္စြာ အတူေနခဲ့ စားခဲ့ ကစားခဲ့ပုံေတြကုိ က်ေနာ့ကုိ ေျပာဖူးပါတယ္။
မည္သုိ႔ပင္ ျဖစ္ေစကာမူ၊ ရာစုႏွစ္ေပါင္းမ်ားစြာက အေျခအေနအရပ္ရပ္ေၾကာင့္ ရခုိင္ျပည္ထဲ အဆင့္ဆင့္ ဝင္ေရာက္ခဲ့တဲ့ မြတ္စလင္အုပ္စုေတြဟာ အခုေနာက္ပုိင္း ခုိးဝင္လာတဲ့ ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာဆုိသူေတြ မဟုတ္ဘူးဆုိရင္လည္း ဒါဟာ အေရးပါတဲ့ အခ်က္ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ေရွးကတည္းက ေနထုိင္သူေတြႏွင့္ ေနာက္မွ ခုိးဝင္လာသူေတြကုိ ခဲြျခားသတ္မွတ္လုိ႔ရေအာင္ ၿကုိးစားၾကရမွာျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ကုိယ့္ႏုိင္ငံသားေတြလည္း အဆင္မေျပလုိ႔ သူမ်ားႏုိင္ငံ ခုိးဝင္တာေတြ ရွိပါတယ္။ မဲေဆာက္တုိ႔၊ ရေနာင္းတုိ႔မွာ အရင္က ထုိင္းဆုိင္ကယ္သမားကုိ ဆယ္ဘတ္ေပးျပီး ဗမာေတြကုိ သတ္ခုိင္းလုိ႔ရတယ္လုိ႔ေတာင္ ၾကားဖူးပါတယ္။ ခုိးဝင္လာသူေတြကုိ ဥပေဒအရ အေရးယူတာႏွင့္ တိရစၦာန္ေတြလုိ သေဘာထားတာက မတူပါဘူး။
ေအာင္တင္ စက္တဘၤာ ၂၀၊ ၂၀၁၁
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ဇြန္လ ၁၇ ရက္ ၊ ၂၀၁၂ Source: guardian.co.uk ျမန္မာျပည္သစ္အတြက္ အနာဂတ္မွာ ေအာင္ျမင္မွာလား၊ က်ရွဳံးမွာလားဆိုသည္ကို ညႊန္ျပေသာ စမ္းသပ္မွဳ တစ... -
ပါလီမန္အမတ္ဦးေရႊေမာင္ၿပည္သူ႔လြတ္ေတာ္တြင္ရခိုင္ၿပည္နယ္၌ၿဖစ္ပြါးခဲ့ေသာအေရးအခင္းနဲ့ ပတ္သက္၍ေဆြးေနြးတင္ၿပၿခင္း။ (14th day of regular ses... -
ရက္စြဲ – ေမ ၂၉ ၊ ၂၀၁၂ သို ့ အယ္ဒီတာ၊ နိရဥၥရာ သတင္းဌာန နိရဥၥရာ သတင္းဌာနမွ ေမလ ၂၉ ရက္ေန ့ ထုတ္ျပန္သည့္ ရမ္းျဗဲတြင္ အသက္ ၁၆ ႏွ...
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MP U Shwe Maung Explained on Amendment 1982 Citizenship Law on 25 July 2012. MP U Shwe Maung explained on amendment of 1982 Citizenship Law...
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The custodian of Two Holy Mosques King Abdullah bin Abdul Aziz Al Saud Aug 11 The custodian of Two Holy M... -
ရခိုင္ျပည္နယ္သို.ေရာက္ရွိေ နေသာ ၈၈ မ်ိုးဆက္ေက်ာင္းသားမ်ား ယခုတေလာ ရခိုင္ျပည္နယ္တြင္ ျဖစ္ပြားေနေသာ ပဋိပကၡႏွင့္ပတ္သတ္၍ အဖြဲ႔အစည္းအသီးသီး... -
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Read letter here Read history of Rohingya here Download letter PDF here Download History of Rohingya PDF here credi... -
The region of South East Asia is almost entirely Buddhist. To account for Islam in Burma is to account for Islam in a Buddhist environment. ...
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More than 40% of people living in Burma belong to one of the military-ruled nation's different minority groups. The government recognis...
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