ဒီကေန႔ အေမရိကန္ နယူးေယာက္ၿမိဳ႕မွာတိုက္ရိုက္ထုတ္လႊင့္က်င္းပသြားခဲ့တဲ့ အေမရိကန္ သမၼတေဟာင္း ေဘလ္ ကလင္တန္ (Bill Clinton) ထူေထာင္ထားတဲ့ Clinton Global Initiative (CGI) ရဲ႕ ႏွစ္ပတ္လည္ အစည္းအေ၀းမွာၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရး ႏုိဘယ္လ္ဆုရ ဘုန္းေတာ္ႀကီး ဒက္စမြန္တူးတူးအပါအ၀င္ အေမရိကန္ သမၼတေဟာင္း ေဘလ္ ကလင္တန္နဲ႕အတူ ျမန္မာ့ဒီမုိကေရစီ ေခါင္းေဆာင္ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္က တုိက္႐ုိက္အေမးအေျဖစကားေျပာခဲ့ပါတယ္.
(Reuters) - A leading British foreign policy think-tank said on Friday it had chosen Myanmar democracy campaigner Aung San Suu Kyi as the winner of its prestigious prize this year.
The Royal Institute of International Affairs awards its Chatham House Prize annually to the person its members believe has made the most significant contribution to the improvement of international relations in the previous year.
It said Suu Kyi, a Nobel peace laureate, had become an international symbol of democracy and peaceful resistance, having spent most of the last two decades in some form of detention because of her efforts to bring democracy to Myanmar (formerly called Burma).
Former U.S. Secretary of State Madeleine Albright will accept the prize on Suu Kyi's behalf at a ceremony in London on December 1.
Suu Kyi, 66, whose British husband Michael Aris died in 1999, has always refused to leave Myanmar for fear of not being allowed back.
"International awareness helps our struggle for democracy in Burma, and our struggle provides us with an insight into the yearnings of all peoples for peace and freedom," Suu Kyi said in a statement released by the think-tank.
Suu Kyi was released last November from 15 years of house arrest for campaigning for democracy in Myanmar, which has been under military rule for five decades.
As a gesture to improved ties from the army-backed government that came to power in March, President Thein Sein and Labour Minister Aung Kyi recently met with Suu Kyi, the leader of the country's democratic opposition.
Speaking by video link to a conference in New York on Wednesday, Suu Kyi said she was hopeful of seeing signs of change "very soon" in her country.
(Reporting by Adrian Croft; Editing by Sophie Hares)
Credit :Reuters
The International Herald Tribune
The Myitsone dam under construction on the Irrawaddy River in northern Myanmar.
By THE INTERNATIONAL HERALD TRIBUNE
MYITSONE, MYANMAR — The massive dam under construction in this remote corner of Myanmar is generating a litany of concerns that are not uncommon to such projects: about the risks of tampering with nature, about damage to wildlife, about the displacement of villagers.
But for many people in Myanmar, also known as Burma, the fears surrounding the Myitsone dam go much deeper. It will be the first dam across the Irrawaddy River, the iconic, even mythic waterway that has given life to centuries of Burmese civilization.
Passions are high. A government minister broke down in tears at a news conference last month when asked about the dam. High-ranking officials are said to be sharply divided over the wisdom of the project.
And in an authoritarian country that has begun to experiment with looser controls on the news media, the controversy has raised the prospect of something exceedingly unusual: that public outrage might actually force the government to reconsider its plans.
The Myitsone dam will flood an area four times the size of Manhattan. Government officials who support the project say it will be an invaluable source of electricity and cash, a milestone in Myanmar’s development. Critics say it will cause irreparable damage to the Irrawaddy, the lifeline of millions of Burmese downstream.
“The people are demanding to stop the project,” said U Ludu Sein Win, a dissident writer who is one of the most outspoken critics of the dam. “If the righteous demands of the people are ignored and they continue the dam project,” he wrote in Weekly Eleven, a popular Yangon-based newspaper, “the people will defend the Irrawaddy with whatever means possible.”
Such strident criticism of a government project in the domestic media, which would have been unheard of just months ago, reflects both the passions surrounding the project and the easing of some restrictions on expression by Myanmar’s new, at least nominally civilian government, which took office in March after decades of overt military dictatorship.
The Myitsone dam, which is being built and financed by a Chinese company, has also become a lightning rod for criticism about China’s power and influence in Myanmar.
Here at the dam site, Chinese workers in orange hard hats have been tunneling, blasting and shoring up riverbanks. The site is a few kilometers downstream from what is considered the “birthplace” of the Irrawaddy — the confluence of two smaller rivers — a place that has mystical value for the Kachin ethnic group that populates the hills of northern Myanmar. (The Kachin have a substantial army that has battled with troops from the central government in recent months, underscoring the instability in the area surrounding the dam site.)
Criticism of the project has been allowed to spread through Facebook, blogs and even local newspapers, suggesting that the government itself may be divided on the issue. Last month the country’s most famous dissident, the Nobel Peace Prize laureate Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, who has otherwise been cautious in her criticisms of the government since her release from house arrest last November, penned an open letter calling for the project to be reassessed.
Critics’ reasons for opposing the Myitsone project vary. Some say they are angry because the decision to begin such a huge project was made without public consultation. Others channel their frustration toward China, which plans to import 90 percent of the electricity the project generates, under financial conditions that have not been fully explained to the public.
“China has colonized Burma without shooting a gun and has sucked the life of the people of Burma with the help of the Burmese regime and its cronies,” wrote U Aung Din , a former democracy advocate who is now in exile in the United States. “Now, they are killing the Irrawaddy River as well.”
In April, four small blasts were reported at the camp in Myitsone where Chinese workers have their sleeping quarters. No one was seriously hurt.
But perhaps the greatest concern among critics of the dam is that it will further degrade a river that has played such a crucial role in Burmese history.
The Irrawaddy draws on glacial waters from the eastern extremities of the Himalayas. As it travels south, the river carries nutrients into Myanmar’s arid central region and ultimately fans out in the Irrawaddy Delta, an area of rice paddies so fertile that it once fed large parts of the British empire in Asia. Like the Mekong or the Mississippi, the river carries enormous symbolism.
“It is the most significant geographical feature of our country,” wrote Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi in her letter, which also aired concerns about the dam being near an earthquake fault zone. The Irrawaddy, she wrote, is “the grand natural highway, a prolific source of food, the home of varied water flora and fauna, the supporter of traditional modes of life, the muse that has inspired countless works of prose and poetry.”
Indeed, leading poets have chimed in on the controversy, including U Maung Sein Win, who wrote a short poem called “Dead River,” which includes this passage:
Whole forests are cleared and mountains laid bare
Sand bars emerge at the narrows
Not so far in the future, Myanmar’s people may disappear
Did we drink our own blood?
This is the frightening thought
That one day the river might be dead.
Unaccustomed to such a barrage of criticism, the government is on the defensive. The information minister, U Kyaw Hsan, wept when questioned about the project at a news conference in August. “We love the Irrawaddy,” said Mr. Kyaw Hsan, who is a retired brigadier general.
“We will protect the Irrawaddy just like other citizens would.”
The government official responsible for the dam, U Zaw Min, was adamant at a meeting this month that it would be completed. “We will never rescind it,” he said at one of the occasional news conferences that appear to be gestures by the government toward openness.
But his staunch defense of the project led to further anger.
On Saturday, at a government-sponsored seminar, Mr. Zaw Min seemed ready to offer concessions to minimize the impact of the dam and “ensure the project poses no danger.” Those words were highlighted in bold in an account of the seminar that appeared in the state-owned newspaper The New Light of Myanmar. The dam would be built to resist a thousand-year flood and an earthquake of magnitude 8, the article said.
That was the official account of the meeting. In the Burmese-exile news media, reports said a “heated argument” over the dam had broken out between officials. Myanmar’s president, U Thein Sein, considered by many to be a moderate force in the government, was said to be against the project, according to The Irrawaddy , an online news service based in Thailand. Hard-liners were said to be pushing ahead. The accounts could not be confirmed.
Critics of the dam say it is significant that skepticism of the project extends even to the scientists who were hired by the Chinese project managers to assess it.
China Power Investment , a state-run Chinese company, signed a deal in 2007 with the Burmese government to build seven dams in northern Myanmar, including the one at Myitsone. Although not required to do so under Myanmar’s laws, China Power Investment hired scientists from China and Myanmar to assess how the dam would affect the environment. In 2009, the scientists submitted a report of nearly 900 pages that seemed to question the dam’s very premise.
“If Myanmar and Chinese sides were really concerned about environmental issues and aimed at sustainable development of the country there is no need for such a big dam,” said the report, which was written in choppy English.
Rather than build the massive Myitsone dam, the scientists’ report suggests constructing two smaller dams farther upstream. It warns ominously that the Myitsone site is “less than 100 kilometers from Myanmar’s earthquake-prone Sagaing fault line,” a distance of a bit more than 60 miles.
The report also predicts “substantial losses” in fish populations downstream, and says that more time is needed to understand how wildlife in the area would be affected. Scientists who fanned out into the nearby jungles found sun bears, leopards, elephants, many types of monkeys and red pandas, an endangered auburn-colored animal that resembles a cross between a raccoon and a bear.
The report also recommends that more research be done on the potential effects on other inhabitants of the region: people. The dam is still several years from completion, but thousands of villagers have already been resettled from their rice paddies and fishing villages into prefabricated homes. They were given, among other compensation, 21-inch television sets.
“We can’t make a living in our new place,” Aung San Myint, a father of three who now mines the riverbanks for flecks of gold, told a reporter. “There’s nothing for us there.”
But for many people in Myanmar, also known as Burma, the fears surrounding the Myitsone dam go much deeper. It will be the first dam across the Irrawaddy River, the iconic, even mythic waterway that has given life to centuries of Burmese civilization.
Passions are high. A government minister broke down in tears at a news conference last month when asked about the dam. High-ranking officials are said to be sharply divided over the wisdom of the project.
And in an authoritarian country that has begun to experiment with looser controls on the news media, the controversy has raised the prospect of something exceedingly unusual: that public outrage might actually force the government to reconsider its plans.
The Myitsone dam will flood an area four times the size of Manhattan. Government officials who support the project say it will be an invaluable source of electricity and cash, a milestone in Myanmar’s development. Critics say it will cause irreparable damage to the Irrawaddy, the lifeline of millions of Burmese downstream.
“The people are demanding to stop the project,” said U Ludu Sein Win, a dissident writer who is one of the most outspoken critics of the dam. “If the righteous demands of the people are ignored and they continue the dam project,” he wrote in Weekly Eleven, a popular Yangon-based newspaper, “the people will defend the Irrawaddy with whatever means possible.”
Such strident criticism of a government project in the domestic media, which would have been unheard of just months ago, reflects both the passions surrounding the project and the easing of some restrictions on expression by Myanmar’s new, at least nominally civilian government, which took office in March after decades of overt military dictatorship.
The Myitsone dam, which is being built and financed by a Chinese company, has also become a lightning rod for criticism about China’s power and influence in Myanmar.
Here at the dam site, Chinese workers in orange hard hats have been tunneling, blasting and shoring up riverbanks. The site is a few kilometers downstream from what is considered the “birthplace” of the Irrawaddy — the confluence of two smaller rivers — a place that has mystical value for the Kachin ethnic group that populates the hills of northern Myanmar. (The Kachin have a substantial army that has battled with troops from the central government in recent months, underscoring the instability in the area surrounding the dam site.)
Criticism of the project has been allowed to spread through Facebook, blogs and even local newspapers, suggesting that the government itself may be divided on the issue. Last month the country’s most famous dissident, the Nobel Peace Prize laureate Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, who has otherwise been cautious in her criticisms of the government since her release from house arrest last November, penned an open letter calling for the project to be reassessed.
Critics’ reasons for opposing the Myitsone project vary. Some say they are angry because the decision to begin such a huge project was made without public consultation. Others channel their frustration toward China, which plans to import 90 percent of the electricity the project generates, under financial conditions that have not been fully explained to the public.
“China has colonized Burma without shooting a gun and has sucked the life of the people of Burma with the help of the Burmese regime and its cronies,” wrote U Aung Din , a former democracy advocate who is now in exile in the United States. “Now, they are killing the Irrawaddy River as well.”
In April, four small blasts were reported at the camp in Myitsone where Chinese workers have their sleeping quarters. No one was seriously hurt.
But perhaps the greatest concern among critics of the dam is that it will further degrade a river that has played such a crucial role in Burmese history.
The Irrawaddy draws on glacial waters from the eastern extremities of the Himalayas. As it travels south, the river carries nutrients into Myanmar’s arid central region and ultimately fans out in the Irrawaddy Delta, an area of rice paddies so fertile that it once fed large parts of the British empire in Asia. Like the Mekong or the Mississippi, the river carries enormous symbolism.
“It is the most significant geographical feature of our country,” wrote Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi in her letter, which also aired concerns about the dam being near an earthquake fault zone. The Irrawaddy, she wrote, is “the grand natural highway, a prolific source of food, the home of varied water flora and fauna, the supporter of traditional modes of life, the muse that has inspired countless works of prose and poetry.”
Indeed, leading poets have chimed in on the controversy, including U Maung Sein Win, who wrote a short poem called “Dead River,” which includes this passage:
Whole forests are cleared and mountains laid bare
Sand bars emerge at the narrows
Not so far in the future, Myanmar’s people may disappear
Did we drink our own blood?
This is the frightening thought
That one day the river might be dead.
Unaccustomed to such a barrage of criticism, the government is on the defensive. The information minister, U Kyaw Hsan, wept when questioned about the project at a news conference in August. “We love the Irrawaddy,” said Mr. Kyaw Hsan, who is a retired brigadier general.
“We will protect the Irrawaddy just like other citizens would.”
The government official responsible for the dam, U Zaw Min, was adamant at a meeting this month that it would be completed. “We will never rescind it,” he said at one of the occasional news conferences that appear to be gestures by the government toward openness.
But his staunch defense of the project led to further anger.
On Saturday, at a government-sponsored seminar, Mr. Zaw Min seemed ready to offer concessions to minimize the impact of the dam and “ensure the project poses no danger.” Those words were highlighted in bold in an account of the seminar that appeared in the state-owned newspaper The New Light of Myanmar. The dam would be built to resist a thousand-year flood and an earthquake of magnitude 8, the article said.
That was the official account of the meeting. In the Burmese-exile news media, reports said a “heated argument” over the dam had broken out between officials. Myanmar’s president, U Thein Sein, considered by many to be a moderate force in the government, was said to be against the project, according to The Irrawaddy , an online news service based in Thailand. Hard-liners were said to be pushing ahead. The accounts could not be confirmed.
Critics of the dam say it is significant that skepticism of the project extends even to the scientists who were hired by the Chinese project managers to assess it.
China Power Investment , a state-run Chinese company, signed a deal in 2007 with the Burmese government to build seven dams in northern Myanmar, including the one at Myitsone. Although not required to do so under Myanmar’s laws, China Power Investment hired scientists from China and Myanmar to assess how the dam would affect the environment. In 2009, the scientists submitted a report of nearly 900 pages that seemed to question the dam’s very premise.
“If Myanmar and Chinese sides were really concerned about environmental issues and aimed at sustainable development of the country there is no need for such a big dam,” said the report, which was written in choppy English.
Rather than build the massive Myitsone dam, the scientists’ report suggests constructing two smaller dams farther upstream. It warns ominously that the Myitsone site is “less than 100 kilometers from Myanmar’s earthquake-prone Sagaing fault line,” a distance of a bit more than 60 miles.
The report also predicts “substantial losses” in fish populations downstream, and says that more time is needed to understand how wildlife in the area would be affected. Scientists who fanned out into the nearby jungles found sun bears, leopards, elephants, many types of monkeys and red pandas, an endangered auburn-colored animal that resembles a cross between a raccoon and a bear.
The report also recommends that more research be done on the potential effects on other inhabitants of the region: people. The dam is still several years from completion, but thousands of villagers have already been resettled from their rice paddies and fishing villages into prefabricated homes. They were given, among other compensation, 21-inch television sets.
“We can’t make a living in our new place,” Aung San Myint, a father of three who now mines the riverbanks for flecks of gold, told a reporter. “There’s nothing for us there.”
Credit : New York Times
By SUPALAK GANJANAKHUNDEE
The United States will continue its assistance to refugees from Burma, both for those who wanted to resettle in the US or to return home, US Ambassador to Thailand Kristie Kenney said yesterday.
The US would take some 10,000 refugees in Thailand for its resettlement programme this year and would continue assistance for those being sheltered in refugee camps until they have somewhere to go, she said.
Kenney visited a refugee camp in Ratchaburi province's Ban Tham Hin yesterday to see their living conditions and consulted with international humanitarian workers who are providing assistance for them in the camp.
Ban Tham Hin has been a long-time shelter for some 7,500-8,000 refugees from Burma. The camp is crowded due to limited space. Thai authorities cannot expand the camp area as it is surrounded by privately owned land and villages.
Thailand is sheltering some 100,000 refugees, who have fled from the conflict in Burma over the past two decades, in nine camps in four border provinces including Ratchaburi.
Conditions in their home country are very bad and they must give up everything to flee to the refugee camps. They are looked after by the international community and by Thailand, she said.
Life is the same every day. They get food distribution once a month but cannot go out of the camp to work. "They are safe but it is not a permanent lifestyle," Kenney said.
Some are eligible and willing to resettle in third countries, including the US and Australia. The US has already taken 60,000 over the past five years, she said.
"Of many refugees I talked to, the vast majority want to go home," she said.
Thailand has a plan to repatriate them home but Ambassador Kenney said Thai authorities have assured her many times the repatriation would be conducted on a voluntary basis only. "They have to go safely and with dignity," she said.
Such a return requires much work and guarantees from Burmese authorities, she said, noting that a political solution to make peace and reconciliation in the country is the first thing to be achieved.
A lot of humanitarian work, such as landmine clearance and construction of infrastructure, must be also done for them before their return. Even if a political solution was reached, they needed school and healthcare facilities, she said.
So far, there have been no signs from Burma guaranteeing the refugees could return home safely with dignity, she said.
The US would take some 10,000 refugees in Thailand for its resettlement programme this year and would continue assistance for those being sheltered in refugee camps until they have somewhere to go, she said.
Kenney visited a refugee camp in Ratchaburi province's Ban Tham Hin yesterday to see their living conditions and consulted with international humanitarian workers who are providing assistance for them in the camp.
Ban Tham Hin has been a long-time shelter for some 7,500-8,000 refugees from Burma. The camp is crowded due to limited space. Thai authorities cannot expand the camp area as it is surrounded by privately owned land and villages.
Thailand is sheltering some 100,000 refugees, who have fled from the conflict in Burma over the past two decades, in nine camps in four border provinces including Ratchaburi.
Conditions in their home country are very bad and they must give up everything to flee to the refugee camps. They are looked after by the international community and by Thailand, she said.
Life is the same every day. They get food distribution once a month but cannot go out of the camp to work. "They are safe but it is not a permanent lifestyle," Kenney said.
Some are eligible and willing to resettle in third countries, including the US and Australia. The US has already taken 60,000 over the past five years, she said.
"Of many refugees I talked to, the vast majority want to go home," she said.
Thailand has a plan to repatriate them home but Ambassador Kenney said Thai authorities have assured her many times the repatriation would be conducted on a voluntary basis only. "They have to go safely and with dignity," she said.
Such a return requires much work and guarantees from Burmese authorities, she said, noting that a political solution to make peace and reconciliation in the country is the first thing to be achieved.
A lot of humanitarian work, such as landmine clearance and construction of infrastructure, must be also done for them before their return. Even if a political solution was reached, they needed school and healthcare facilities, she said.
So far, there have been no signs from Burma guaranteeing the refugees could return home safely with dignity, she said.
Credit : THE NATION,Ratchaburi
By Professor Dr.Abid Bahar>>>
Most of the events of genocides worldwide are committed in totalitarian countries from the fear in the majority population that they would lose their collective ownership over land. The case in point is present Burma, in former Yogoslavia, Nazi Germany, and Rwanda, These countries have similar history in common. These countries give predominance of collective rights over individual rights.
Whereas in democratic countries individual rights are guranteed through state machineries like police, army, and the court, However, in totalitarian countries the same institutions protect the majority by denying the minority's population's individual rights, to own property, right to education, right to movement etc. In Bangladesh Rakhines who migrated during the British period enjoy these individual rights.
Research shows the early signs of genocide begins when some of the leaders of the majority population starts fear mongering campaign about the minority,of the imaginary threat which are seen by its more radical section of the population as being real. The common populace as a collectivity turns into somewhat like mob and takes law into their hands. This is exactly what is happenning in Arakan of Burma at the instigation of its xenophobes..
Burma is so backward in per capita income and in the violation of human rights issues compared to Bangladesh that no Bangladeshi would be willingly opt for settling in Arakan or Burma. Due to the lack of democratic institutions, in Burma leaders of the hollighans,like Aye Chan, Aye Kyaw and others are sucessful in hate-mongers not just against a perceived Bangladeshi migrant threat but of a perceived threat from its own Burmese Rohingya citizens. They were so sucessful that they identified the Rohingyas as even "influx Viruses."
The point is if some people are identified as viruses, like viruses they are perceived as a threat thus requiresd to be extinguished. Not realizing that contrary to the xenophob's perceived threat Bangladesh continued to receive population from Arakan in its Chittagong and Chittagong Hill Tracts areas. Historically speaking, most of the tribes of Chittagong Hill Tracts were originally from Arakan and Burma so are the Rohingyas of Chittagong from Teknaf all the way upto Sanka River of Chittagong due to anarchy in Arakan migrated to Chittagong.. Due to its respect for individual rights all these people originally from Arakan are now considered as Bangladeshis. This is even true about the Rakhines of Bangladesh in Cox's Bazar and in Barisal.
Why then despite the reverse flow of population from Burma to Bangladesh there has been a strong perceived threat of Muslims in Arakan?It is because Arakan and Burma failed to develop democratic institutions and it shows the signs of genocide against its own population.It failed to develop democratic institutions due to the powerful presence of the so-called intellectals who pretends to be democrats but are truly anti democract, and also anti Rohingya.
________________________________________________________________________________
For more details on this issue and more, please read My Book Abid Bahar's Burma's Missing Dots, 2010.
(The author, Dr. Abid Bahar wrote his M. A. thesis, “Dynamics of Ethnic Relations in Burmese Society: A case Study of Inter Ethnic Relations between the Burmese and the Rohingyas in 1981 from Canada and Currently teaching at Dawson College, Montreal,Canada).
CGI will convene separate one-on-one conversations with two of the most visionary peacebuilders of our time, Desmond Tutu and Aung San Suu Kyi. This session will begin with a conversation with Desmond Tutu, who will highlight a wide range of innovative human rights initiatives, including his recent work to end child marriage. Next, this session will feature a live, remote broadcast discussion with Aung San Suu Kyi, the General Secretary of the National League for Democracy. Drawing upon her own struggles for human rights, democratic governance, and ethnic reconciliation, Suu Kyi will highlight strategic actions that CGI members can take on these issues.
ဒီကေန႔ အေမရိကန္ နယူးေယာက္ၿမိဳ႕မွာတိုက္ရိုက္ထုတ္လႊင့္က်င္းပသြားခဲ့တဲ့ အေမရိကန္ သမၼတေဟာင္း ေဘလ္ ကလင္တန္ (Bill Clinton) ထူေထာင္ထားတဲ့ Clinton Global Initiative (CGI) ရဲ႕ ႏွစ္ပတ္လည္ အစည္းအေ၀းမွာၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရး ႏုိဘယ္လ္ဆုရ ဘုန္းေတာ္ႀကီး ဒက္စမြန္တူးတူးအပါအ၀င္ အေမရိကန္ သမၼတေဟာင္း ေဘလ္ ကလင္တန္နဲ႕အတူ ျမန္မာ့ဒီမုိကေရစီ ေခါင္းေဆာင္ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္က တုိက္႐ုိက္အေမးအေျဖစကားေျပာခဲ့ပါတယ္.
ဒီကေန႔ အေမရိကန္ နယူးေယာက္ၿမိဳ႕မွာတိုက္ရိုက္ထုတ္လႊင့္က်င္းပသြားခဲ့တဲ့ အေမရိကန္ သမၼတေဟာင္း ေဘလ္ ကလင္တန္ (Bill Clinton) ထူေထာင္ထားတဲ့ Clinton Global Initiative (CGI) ရဲ႕ ႏွစ္ပတ္လည္ အစည္းအေ၀းမွာၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရး ႏုိဘယ္လ္ဆုရ ဘုန္းေတာ္ႀကီး ဒက္စမြန္တူးတူးအပါအ၀င္ အေမရိကန္ သမၼတေဟာင္း ေဘလ္ ကလင္တန္နဲ႕အတူ ျမန္မာ့ဒီမုိကေရစီ ေခါင္းေဆာင္ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္က တုိက္႐ုိက္အေမးအေျဖစကားေျပာခဲ့ပါတယ္.
အဆုိးျမင္ဝါဒီ၊ အစြန္းေရာက္ဝါဒီ ရခုိင္ေတြရဲ႕ စာေတြကုိ ဖတ္ရပါတယ္။ယုတ္ညံ႕တဲ႕ လူေတြဟာ အဆုိးျမင္ဝါဒီ အစြန္းေရာက္ဝါဒီ အျဖစ္နဲ႕အသက္ရွင္ရပ္တည္ၾကပါတယ္။ သူတုိ႕လုိ အစြန္းေရာက္ေတြေၾကာင္႕ ဆူပူမွဳေတြအၾကမ္းဖက္မွဳေတြ..စတဲ႕အနိဌာရုံေတြ ျဖစ္ေပၚေနဒါပါ။ ျမင္႕ျမတ္တဲ႕သူေတြက လူသားေတြကုိ အက်ိဳးျပဳရင္း အသက္ရွင္ ရပ္ တည္ တတ္ၾက ပါတယ္။
အခု ေရပန္းစား ေနတဲ႕ ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာ အေရးမွာလဲ လူမ်ိဳေရး မုန္တီးသူေတြ အစြန္းေရာက္ မ်က္ကန္း မ်ိဳးခ်စ္ေတြက အမ်ိဳးမ်ိဳးထင္ ေၾကးေပးျပီး ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာေတြကုိ ေစာ္ကား ေန ၾကပါတယ္။
လူတုိင္း လူတုိင္းဟာ ကုိယ္႕လူမ်ိဳး ကုိယ္႕ဘာသာ ကုိယ္႕ယဥ္ေက်းမွဳမ်ား ကုိ ေဖၚထုတ္ပိုင္္ခြင္႕ ကိုယ္ကံၾကမၼာကုိယ္ ဖန္တီးပိုင္ခြင္႕ မိမိလူမ်ိူးစု အမည္ကုိ မိမိတုိ့ လူမ်ိဳးတုိ႕ ကိုယ္တိုင္ ၾကိဳက္နွစ္သက္ရာ ေရြးခ်ယ္ခြင္႕ ရွိတယ္လုိ႕ ကမၻာ့လူ့.အခြင္႕ အေရးေက်ညာစာတမ္းမွာ အတိအလင္း ေဖၚျပထားပါတယ္။ ျမန္မာ့သမိုင္းမွာ အထင္အရွား သာဓကအျဖစ္ ေဖၚျပရယင္ တလုိင္းမွမြန္၊ ေတာင္သူမွပအုိစ္႕၊ ကရင္နီမွကယား၊ ရွမ္းတရုပ္မွ ကုိးကန္႕၊ ေမာဂ္မွရကၡသွ် ၊ ရကၡသ်ွမွရကၡဳိင္၊ ရကၡဳိင္မွရခုိင္ ဆုိျပီးေျပာင္း လဲေခၚေဝၚခ့ဲၾကပါတယ္။
က်ြန္မတုိ႕ ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာေတြမွာလဲ လူသားအျဖစ္ ရပ္တည္ခြင့္ရွိပါတယ္။လူသားတုိ့ရသင္႕ ရထုိက္တ့ဲ အခြင္႕အေရးကုိ ရေအာင္ ယူဖုိ့ က်ြန္မတို့တာဝန္ပါ။ ဘယ္သူမွတားဆီး ပိတ္ပင္လုိမရပါ။ ရခိုင္ေတြက ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာ ဆိုဒါမၾကားဘူးလို့ေျပာရင္ ေမာဂ္မွရကၡသွ် ၊ ရကၡသ်ွမွရကၡဳိင္၊ မၾကားဘူးလို့ေျပာ ရင္ေကာ ဘာျဖစ္မလဲ။ စဥ္းစားၾကည့္န္ိုင္ပါတယ္။
ယခု ရခုိင္ျပည္နယ္မွာ ေနထုိင္ေနၾကတဲ့ ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာေတြဟာ ေလေၾကာင္းခရီးန့ဲ ျဖစ္ျဖစ္ ၊ေရေၾကာင္းခရီးနဲ့ျဖစ္ျဖစ္၊ ျပည္မကုိ ခရီးသြား လာခြင္႕ မရွိ။ ကုန္းလမ္း ခရီးနဲလဲ သြားလာခြင့္မရွိပါ၊ ဘဂၤလားေဒရွ္႕ကုိလဲအလြယ္တကူသြားလာခြင့္မရွိပါ။
ရခုိင္ျပည္အတြင္းမွာပင္ တစ္ေနရာမွ တစ္ေနရာသို့ လြတ္လပ္စြာသြား လာခြင္႕မရွိပါ။ အရြယ္ေရာက္ သူမ်ား အိမ္ေထာင္ျပဳခြင္႕မရွိ။ ပညာသင္ ၾကားခြင္႕မရွိ။ ေဆးကု သ ခြင္႕ မရွိ။….စတဲ႕အခြင္႕အေရးမ်ား ဆုံးရွဳံးေန သည္ကုိ ျပန္လည္ ရရွွိေအာင္ ၾကဳိးစားဖုိ႕က်ြန္မတုိ႕ရုိဟင္ ဂ်ာေတြရဲ႕တာဝန္ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။
က်ြန္မတုိ႕ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာေတြဟာ ေရွးေခတ္အဆက္ဆက္ကတည္းက ရခုိင္လူမ်ဳိးမ်ားနဲ႕ အတူေအးအတူပူအမွ်ေနခဲ႕ၾကဒါ သမုိင္းအမွန္က သက္ေသရွိပါတယ္။
အခုမွ ဘဂါၤလီဆုိျပီး ေမာင္းထုတ္လုိ႕ မရဘူးဆုိတာ နားလည္ ေစခ်င္ပါတယ္။ ကမၻာစစ္ၾကီးရဲ႕ အက်ိဳးဆက္ေၾကာင္႕ ျဖစ္ေပၚခဲ႕တဲ႕အဓိကရုဏ္းကုိ ေမ႕မရ နိုဳင္ဘဲ လူမ်ိဴးေရး မုန္တီးစိတ္ကုိ ျပန္လည္နဳိးဆြ ေပးေနေသာ သက္ၾကီးသမိုင္းပညာရွင္မ်ားကုိ အစြန္းေရာက္ ပညာရွင္မ်ားဟု သတ္မွတ္ရပါမယ္။ ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာေတြကုိမိ်ဳးတုံး ေအာင္ လုပ္မယ္လုိ႔ ျခိမ္းေျခာက္ေနတဲ့ နာဇီခင္ေမာင္ေစာရဲ့ အၾကမ္းဖက္ခ်င္ေသာ ဆနၵကုိ ရပ္တန္႕ကရပ္ပါဟု သတိေပးလုိက္ပါတယ္။ ဘယ္သူေတြဘာဘဲေျပာေျပာက်ြန္မရုိဟင္ ဂ်ာေတြရဲ႕ အခြင္႕အေရးကုိ ရေအာင္ ယူရမွာပါ။ က်ြန္မတုိ႕လုိ ခ်င္ဒါ လူမ်ိဳးေရး မုန္တီး မွဳမဟုတ္ပါ။
ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာေတြကုိ ဘဂၤါလီအျဖစ္ ေျပာင္းလဲ ေခၚဆုိဒါကိုလုံးဝ လက္ခံနဳိင္မွာ မဟုတ္ဘူးဆိုဒါ အတိအလင္း ေျပာၾကားလုိပါတယ္။ ရခုိင္ေတြက ျမန္မာနွင္႕ ဘဂၤလားေဒရွ္႕ ႏွစ္နဳိင္ငံ ၾကားမွာခြျပိး တုိင္းရင္းသား အျဖစ္အခြင္႕ အေရးအားလုံး ရယူၾကျပီး အလြယ္တကူသြားလာ ခြင္႕ရရွိထားပါတယ္။
ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာေတြကုိ က်ေတာ႕ ေဘာင္ခတ္ထားျပီး တိရိစၦာန္ေလာက္ေတာင္ တန္ဖုိးမထားဘဲ အေၾကာင္းအမ်ိဳးမ်ိဳး ဖန္တီးျပီး နိွပ္စက္ ေနၾကပါတယ္။ ထိုကဲ႕သုိ႕လူလူခ်င္း နွိပ္စက္မွုဳေတြကုိ လဲရပ္တန္႕ကရပ္တန္႕ ေပးၾကပါရန္နွင္႕ လူလူခ်င္း တန္ဖိုးထား ဆက္ဆံေျပာဆုိၾကပါရန္ တိုက္တြန္း လုိက္ပါတယ္။ လူ႕အခြင္႕အေရးကုိ ေလးစားၾကပါရန္နွင္.ယဥ္ေက်းတဲ႕ လူ႕အသုိင္းအဝုိင္းတြင္ ဂုဏ္ယူဝင္႕ၾကြားစြာ ရပ္တည္ ေနနိုင္ေသာ လူမ်ိဳးအျဖစ္ ၾကိဳးစားၾကပါစုိ႕။
ေဒၚခင္လွ
(Author) Daw Khin Hla is Retired Senior High School Teacher in Rangoon , Burma.
(Author) Daw Khin Hla is Retired Senior High School Teacher in Rangoon , Burma.
By လူထုစိန္ဝင္း>>
အာဏာပိုင္မ်ား၊ အာဏာပိုင္အဖြဲ႕အစည္းမ်ားဆိုတဲ့ စကားဟာ ျမန္မာစကားမွာအေတာ္တြင္တြင္က်ယ္က်ယ္ သံုးစြဲေနၾကတဲ့စကားမ်ားျဖစ္တယ္။အစိုးရဌာနဆိုင္ရာအဖြဲ႕အစည္းေတြနဲ႔အစိုးရ၀န္ထမ္းေတြကိုရည္ၫႊန္းေျပာဆုိၾကတာပါ။
တစ္ပါတီတစ္ဖြဲ႔တစ္စည္းက အာဏာသံုးရပ္စလံုးကိုခ်ဳပ္ကိုင္ထားၿပီး တစ္ခ်က္လႊတ္အမိန္႔ျပန္တမ္းမ်ားနဲ႔ အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္တဲ့အာဏာရွင္စနစ္ ေအာက္မွာေတာ့ ဒီအသံုးအႏႈန္းမ်ားဟာ ေလ်ာ္ကန္သင့္ျမတ္တယ္လို႔ ဆိုႏိုင္တယ္။ ဒါေပမယ့္ ဖြဲ႕စည္းပံုအေျခခံ ဥပေဒေတြ၊ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲေတြ၊ လႊတ္ေတာ္ေတြလို ဒီမိုကေရစီျပယုဂ္ေတြ အစံုအလင္နဲ႔ အစိုးရမ်ဳိးလက္ထက္မွာေတာ့ ဒီအသံုးအႏႈန္းေတြဟာ ဆီေလ်ာ္အပ္စပ္ျခင္းမရွိေတာ့လို႔ မသံုးသင့္ေတာ့ဘူး။ သက္ဆုိင္ရာဌာနမ်ား၊ အစိုးရ၀န္ထမ္းမ်ားဆိုတဲ့ စကားလံုးေတြနဲ႔ အစားထိုးသံုးစြဲသင့္ၾကတယ္။
ေဖ်ာက္ဖို႔ခက္ေပမယ့္
ႏွစ္ေပါင္းငါးဆယ္ေလာက္ပါးစပ္ထဲမွာစြဲေနတာေတြမို႔႐ုတ္တရက္ ေဖ်ာက္ဖို႔ခက္တာမွန္ေပမယ့္ ေန႔စဥ္တဖြဖြေျပာေနၾကတဲ့ ဒီမိုကေရစီဆိုတဲ့ အသံနဲ႔နည္းနည္းမွ မအပ္စပ္ပါဘူး။ ေပ်ာက္ေအာင္ ေဖ်ာက္ရပါလိမ့္မယ္။ အာဏာပိုင္ဆိုတဲ့စကားဟာ ကိုလိုနီေခတ္မွာ အေတာ္ေလးသံုးစြဲၾကတယ္။ အထူးအာဏာရ ရာဇ၀တ္တရားသူႀကီးတုိ႔ အထူးအာဏာရ ေငြဓားလြယ္ဆုရ သူႀကီးမင္းတုိ႔ စသျဖင့္သံုးၾကတယ္။ ၿမိဳ႕အုပ္မင္း႐ံုးထိုင္လို႔ သူႀကီးမရွိတဲ့ ၿမိဳ႕နယ္ေလးေတြမွာေတာ့ အရပ္ထဲက လူ႐ိုေသရွင္႐ိုေသပုဂၢိဳလ္ တစ္ေယာက္ေယာက္ကိုေရြးၿပီး သမာဓိၿမိဳ႕၀န္မင္းတို႔၊ အထူးအာဏာရသမာဓိၿမိဳ႕၀န္မင္း တို႔ဆိုၿပီး ခန္႔ထားခဲ့ၾကတယ္။
မေတာ္လွန္ရဲေအာင္
ကိုလုိနီလက္ေအာက္ခံႏုိင္ငံတုိင္းမွာ အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္သူမ်က္ႏွာျဖဴ အရွင္သခင္ႀကီးေတြက အာဏာပိုင္သခင္ႀကီးေတြျဖစ္ၿပီး ဌာနတိုင္းရင္းသားအုပ္စိုးခံေတြက ကြၽန္ေတြအေစအပါးေတြ ျဖစ္ၾကတယ္။ အုပ္စိုးခံေတြ ေၾကာက္လန္႔ၿပီးမေတာ္လွန္ရဲေအာင္ အနိမ့္ဆံုးအဆင့္ သူႀကီးေလာက္ကို အထူးအာဏာရသူႀကီးမင္းတို႔၊ ေငြဓားလြယ္ဆုရ သူႀကီးမင္းတို႔ လုပ္ထားၾကတယ္။ မ်က္ႏွာျဖဴဘုရင္ခံနဲ႔ အေပါင္းပါေတြေတာပစ္ထြက္ရာမွာ လူေတြေမာင္းထုေခၚၿပီး ေတာေျခာက္ေပးတဲ့ သူႀကီးကလည္း 'ဘုရင္ခံမင္းတရားႀကီး၏ ေျခာက္လံုးျပဴးဆုေတာ္ျမတ္ ေပးသနားျခင္းခံရေသာ အထူးအာဏာရ တိုက္သူႀကီးမင္း' ဆိုတာမ်ဳိးျဖစ္ေနတယ္။ အဓိကကေတာ့ သာမန္တိုင္းသူျပည္သားေတြ ေခါင္းမေဖာ္ရဲေအာင္ ခ်ဳိးႏွိမ္ဖိႏွိပ္ထားဖို႔ျဖစ္တယ္။
ေၾကာက္စိတ္မေပ်ာက္
ကိုလိုနီနယ္ခ်ဲ႕သမားေတြရဲ႕ အေၾကာက္တရားနဲ႔ အုပ္စုိးျခင္းနည္းဗ်ဴဟာက ေတာ္ေတာ္ထိေရာက္တယ္။ ကိုလိုနီလက္ေအာက္ခံဘ၀ လြတ္ေျမာက္လာခဲ့တာ ႏွစ္ေပါင္းေျခာက္ဆယ္ေက်ာ္ေနၿပီ ျဖစ္တာေတာင္ ျမန္မာလူမ်ဳိးမ်ားဟာ ႐ံုးျပင္ကနားသြားရမွာ အင္မတန္ေၾကာက္ၾကတယ္။ သခင္မ်ဳိးေဟ့ တို႔ဗမာလို႔ပါးစပ္က ဘယ္ေလာက္ေအာ္ေနေအာ္ေန ေၾကာက္ စိတ္ကဘယ္လိုမွ ေဖ်ာက္လို႔မေပ်ာက္ေသးဘူး။ ႐ံုးနားဂါတ္နားေရာက္ရင္ အလိုလိုေနရင္း ေက်ာထဲကစိမ့္စိမ့္ လာတတ္ၾကတယ္။ ဘယ္ေလာက္ပဲေျပာေျပာ ယူနီေဖာင္း၀တ္နဲ႔ ရဲစာသင္(ဆာဂ်င္)ေလာက္ လာရင္ကို အာဏာပိုင္ပုဂၢိဳလ္ႀကီးလာတယ္၊ အာဏာပိုင္အဖြဲ႕အစည္းေတြ လာတယ္ဆိုၿပီး ေျခမကိုင္မိလက္မကိုင္မိ ပ်ာပ်ာသလဲျဖစ္ေနၾကရတယ္။
အရက္ယူခဲ့၊ ၾကက္ယူခဲ့
'ပညတ္သြားရာဓာတ္သက္ပါ' ဆိုတဲ့စကားရွိထားတဲ့အတိုင္း ရဲစာသင္ေလာက္၊ ၿမိဳ႕အုပ္မင္းရဲ႕ေတာလိုက္စာေရးေလာက္၊ ပ်ာတာေတာ္မင္းေလာက္ကလည္း သူတို႔ကိုယ္သူတို႔ တကယ္ကိုအာဏာပိုင္စိုးတဲ့ ပုဂၢိဳလ္ႀကီးမ်ားအျဖစ္ မွတ္ယူေနၾကၿပီး အရပ္သူအရပ္သားမ်ားကို ေတြ႕တာနဲ႔ ဟိန္းေဟာက္ၿခိမ္းေျခာက္ လုပ္ၾကတယ္။ အရက္ယူခဲ့၊ ၾကက္ယူခဲ့နဲ႔ အာဏာပါ၀ါျပၾကတယ္။ ေတာသူေတာင္သားေတြသာမဟုတ္ဘူး ၿမိဳ႕ေပၚကပညာတတ္ လူတန္းစားေတြေတာင္ ဟိန္းေဟာက္ၿခိမ္းေျခာက္ရင္ ေၾကာက္ဒူးတုန္ၾကတယ္။ အက်ဳိးသင့္အေၾကာင္းသင့္ ျပန္လွန္မေျပာရဲၾကဘူး။ ႏႈတ္ဆြံ႕ၿပီး အ,အႀကီးေတြလို ျဖစ္ေနၾကေတာ့တယ္။
ေခတ္ႀကီးေျပာင္းေနၿပီ
အဲဒါေၾကာင့္ 'ပညတ္သြားရာ ဓာတ္သက္ပါ' မျဖစ္ရေလေအာင္ အာဏာပိုင္ပုဂၢိဳလ္မ်ားတို႔၊ အာဏာပိုင္ အဖြဲ႕အစည္းမ်ားတို႔ဆိုတဲ့ အသံုးအႏႈန္းေတြကို ပေပ်ာက္ေစခ်င္တာပါ။ ဘာပဲေျပာေျပာ ေခတ္ႀကီးကေျပာင္းေနပါၿပီ။ အေရွ႕အလယ္ပိုင္းက ဘုရင္ႀကီးေတြ၊ ဆူလတန္ႀကီးေတြနဲ႔ အာဏာရွင္ႀကီးေတြ တစ္ေယာက္ၿပီး တစ္ေယာက္ ရာဇပလႅင္ေပၚက ဆင္းသြားၾကရပါၿပီ။ ျမန္မာျပည္မွာလည္း ဖြဲ႕စည္းအုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ပံု အေျခခံဥပေဒနဲ႔၊ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲနဲ႔ လႊတ္ေတာ္နဲ႔ျဖစ္ေနၿပီ။ တစ္ေခတ္ေျပာင္းဖို႔ တာစူခ်ိန္ေရာက္ေနၿပီ။
ဒီေနရာမွာ ၁၁-၉-၂၀၁၁ ေန႔ထုတ္ ေမာ္နီတာဂ်ာနယ္မွာပါတဲ့ အေမးအေျဖေလးတစ္ခုကို ေကာက္ႏႈတ္ေဖာ္ျပခ်င္ပါတယ္။ ေမးသူကို 'ဦးျမတ္ခိုင္ (လွ်ပ္တျပက္သတင္းဂ်ာနယ္၊ ေမာ္နီတာသတင္းဂ်ာနယ္ အယ္ဒီတာခ်ဳပ္)'လို႔ ေဖာ္ျပထားၿပီး အေမးခံပုဂၢိဳလ္ကေတာ့ ျပည္ေထာင္စု၀န္ႀကီး ဦးစိုးသိန္းျဖစ္ပါတယ္။
ေမး - "ျပည္ေထာင္စု၀န္ႀကီးအေနနဲ႔ ကြၽန္ေတာ္တို႔သတင္းသမားေတြ ေတြ႕ဆံုရတာ ဒုတိယအႀကိမ္ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ကြၽန္ေတာ္တို႔အျပင္မွာ ၾကားသိေနရတာ အဘဦးစိုးသိန္းတို႔ အဖြဲ႕ကေပ်ာ့ေပ်ာင္းတဲ့အဖြဲ႕လို႔ ကြၽန္ေတာ္တို႔သိရပါတယ္။ ဒီမိုကေရစီ နည္းလမ္းတက်သြားေနတဲ့ ျပည္ေထာင္စု၀န္ႀကီးလို႔ သိရပါတယ္။ အဲဒါ ဟုတ္ပါသလားလို႔ သိလိုပါတယ္။ အဲဒါနံပါတ္ ၁ အခ်က္ပါ။ နံပါတ္ ၂ အခ်က္ကေတာ့ ႏိုင္ငံျခားေငြနဲ႔ ကား၀ယ္ခြင့္ရတယ္ဆိုတဲ့အခါမွာ ပိုက္ဆံရတဲ့နည္းလမ္း၊ ဥပမာေငြျဖဴကိစၥ၊ ေငြမည္းကိစၥေတြ ျပႆနာရွိလား၊ အဲဒါကိုသိလိုပါတယ္။ ေက်းဇူးတင္ပါတယ္။'
ျပည္သူလူထုကေရြးခ်ယ္တင္ေျမႇာက္ထား
ျပည္ေထာင္စု၀န္ႀကီးဦးစိုးသိန္းအေျဖ
ကြၽန္ေတာ္က ဒီမွာလာတာ ဧည့္သည္ဗ်။ သို႔ေသာ္လည္း လာကူညီတာေပါ့ေလ။ ဘာပဲျဖစ္ျဖစ္ ေပ်ာ့ေပ်ာင္းတယ္၊ မာတယ္ရယ္လို႔ မဟုတ္ဘူးဗ်။ ကြၽန္ေတာ္တို႔က ျပည္သူလူထုက ေရြးခ်ယ္တင္ေျမႇာက္ထားတဲ့ ျပည္သူ႔ကိုယ္စားလွယ္ေတြ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ကြၽန္ေတာ္က ကြၽန္းစုၿမိဳ႕နယ္က ျပည္သူ႔ကိုယ္စားလွယ္ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ျပည္သူအေနနဲ႔ ေရြးခ်ယ္တင္ေျမႇာက္ခံရၿပီး ျပည္ေထာင္စု၀န္ႀကီးတာ၀န္ကို ႏိုင္ငံေတာ္သမၼတက တာ၀န္ေပးထားတာပါ။ ျပည္သူ႔အက်ဳိးအတြက္ ကြၽန္ေတာ္တို႔လုပ္ၾကဖို႔ ဝန္မေလးတာပါ။ တကယ္လုပ္ရမယ့္အလုပ္ဆိုရင္ ကြၽန္ေတာ္တို႔သံမဏိကဲ့သို႔ တကယ္မာပါတယ္"
ျပည္ေထာင္စု၀န္ႀကီးဦးစိုးသိန္းက ျပည္သူလူထုက ေရြးခ်ယ္တင္ေျမႇာက္ထားတဲ့ ျပည္သူ႔ကိုယ္စားလွယ္ျဖစ္လို႔ ျပည္သူ႔အက်ဳိးအတြက္ လုပ္ၾကဖို႔ ၀န္မေလးတာပါလို႔ ေျပာသြားတာေက်နပ္စရာပါ။ ေခတ္ေျပာင္းသြားၿပီလို႔ ၀န္ႀကီးကအသိအမွတ္ျပဳတဲ့ သေဘာလို႔ ယူဆပါတယ္။ ၀န္ႀကီးဟာ အရင္အစိုးရလက္ထက္က ဒုတိယကာကြယ္ေရးဦးစီးခ်ဳပ္(ေရ) တာ၀န္ထမ္းေဆာင္ခဲ့တဲ့ ဒုတိယဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ႀကီးအဆင့္ပုဂၢိဳလ္ပါ။
ျပည္ေထာင္စု၀န္ႀကီးဦးစိုးသိန္းလို ဒုတိယဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ႀကီးအဆင့္ထိ တာ၀န္ယူခဲ့ရတဲ့ ပုဂၢိဳလ္ႀကီးတစ္ဦးက ေခတ္ေျပာင္းသြားတာကို လက္ခံအသိအမွတ္ျပဳၿပီး ျပည္သူက ေရြးခ်ယ္တင္ေျမႇာက္ထားတဲ့ ျပည္သူ႔ကိုယ္စားလွယ္ တစ္ဦးအေနနဲ႔ ျပည္သူ႔အက်ဳိးကို လုပ္ေဆာင္ဖို႔ ၀န္မေလးပါလို႔ ေျပာေပမယ့္ ဗ်ဴ႐ိုကေရစီယႏၲရားႀကီးအတြင္းက ႐ံုးတစ္လံုး ဓားတစ္စင္း အာဏာရွင္စိတ္ဓာတ္ မေပ်ာက္ေသးတဲ့ ဗ်ဴ႐ိုကရက္ႀကီးေတြနဲ႔ ဗ်ဴ႐ိုကရက္ကေလးေတြကေတာ့ ထမင္းေကြၽးတဲ့လက္ကို ျပန္ကိုက္တဲ့အက်င့္ဆိုးေတြကို မေဖ်ာက္ႏိုင္ၾကေသးတာ ေတြ႕ရတယ္။ ကိုယ္႐ံုးဌာနေရွ႕ေရာက္လာသူ မွန္သမွ်ကို ဟိန္းေဟာက္ၿခိမ္းေျခာက္ၿပီး အာဏာပါ၀ါျပတာမ်ဳိးေတြ ဆက္ၿပီးလုပ္ေနၾကဆဲျဖစ္တယ္။
ျပည္သူ႔အေစခံ
၀န္ထမ္းဆိုတာ ဘယ္ေလာက္ႀကီးႀကီး ဘယ္ေလာက္ငယ္ငယ္ ျပည္သူလူထုရဲ႕လစာရိကၡာကို စားေသာက္ေနၾကရသူမ်ားျဖစ္တယ္။ 'Public Servant' လို႔ေခၚတဲ့ အဂၤလိပ္စကားရဲ႕အဓိပၸာယ္က 'ျပည္သူ႔အေစခံ' ျဖစ္တယ္။ သေဘာကေတာ့ ျပည္သူလူထုကို အလုပ္အေကြၽးျပဳဖို႔ လစာေပးခန္႔ထားျခင္းျဖစ္တယ္။ တစ္နည္းအားျဖင့္ ျပည္သူလူထုက အရွင္သခင္ျဖစ္တယ္လို႔ ဆိုလိုျခင္းျဖစ္တယ္။ ဗ်ဴ႐ိုကေရစီ ယႏၲရားႀကီးအတြင္းက အသိဥာဏ္အဆင့္ နိမ့္က်သူ ဗ်ဴ႐ိုကရက္ႀကီးငယ္မ်ားဟာဒီအခ်က္ကို သေဘာမေပါက္ၾကေသးဘဲ ျပည္သူလူထုအေပၚမွာ အာဏာရွင္မ်ားသဖြယ္ ျပဳမူဆက္ဆံေနၾကဆဲျဖစ္တယ္။
တားမရေတာ့ဘူး
အာဏာရွင္စနစ္မွာက တိုင္းသူျပည္သားမ်ားရဲ႕ ဆႏၵကို လံုးလံုးဂ႐ုမစိုက္ဘဲ ဘုရင္တစ္ပါး၊ ဆူလတန္တစ္ေယာက္၊ အာဏာရွင္တစ္ဦးရဲ႕ ဆႏၵသေဘာထား တစ္ခုတည္းနဲ႔ အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္တာျဖစ္တယ္။ လူေတြအမ်ားႀကီးက ဘယ္ေလာက္ေျပာေျပာ ဂ႐ုမစိုက္ဘူး။ အာဏာရွင္ရဲ႕ပါးစပ္က ထြက္တဲ့စကားဟာ ဥပေဒျဖစ္တယ္။ ဒီမိုကေရစီစနစ္မွာေတာ့ တိုင္းသူျပည္သား လူမ်ားစုရဲ႕ဆႏၵကို ဘယ္သူမွလြန္ဆန္လို႔မရဘူး။ အားလံုးျပည္သူ႔ဆႏၵအတိုင္း လုပ္ရတယ္။ ျပည္သူလူထုဟာ အၾကြင္းမဲ့အာဏာပိုင္မ်ားျဖစ္တယ္။ ျပည္သူသာအမိ၊ ျပည္သူသာအဖျဖစ္တယ္။ ဗ်ဴ႐ိုကရက္ႀကီး ဗ်ဴ႐ိုကရက္ေလးေတြက ျပည္သူလူထုရဲ႕ 'အဘ' မဟုတ္ဘူးဆိုတာ သိထားသင့္ၾကတယ္။ ေခတ္ႀကီးက ေျပာင္းေနပါၿပီ။ ဘယ္သူတားတား တားလို႔ မရေတာ့ပါဘူူး။
Credit : Eleven Media Group
There is a government publication called New Light of Myanmar founded in 1914 .It is a far cry from the free wheeling, irrepressible Philippine press. New Light is actually run by the Ministry of Information, and as such is considered a government propaganda tool. For all its pejorative Orwellian connotation, the publication is a great source of information if one is visiting to do business in this country of 59 million. New Light chronicles all government activities and other events of national consequence. One can also search for online information on this Southeast Asian country, but it would not be as current as getting the news from the New Light of Myanmar, albeit government fed.
If you are businessman looking for opportunities, the New Light of Myanmar will give you a wealth of information on present and future government infrastructure projects that you can bid and invest in.
Hard commute, harder to pronounce
I first read a copy of New Light during a visit in the early 1990’s to the country formerly called Burma by the British. Its capital was known then as Rangoon but renamed Yangon by the ruling military junta in 1989. As a further step at decolonization, the regime on July 12, 2006 changed the capital to Napyidaw and moved it to a remote area in the mountains. Aside from being hard to pronounce, Napyidaw is a 240 - kilometer drive north of the former capital of Yangon.
Many of the embassies moved to the new seat of government as it was difficult to do official business with the regime if they were not near the power center. Some of the foreign missions, however, still maintain a presence in the old capital of Yangon
Three Philippine ambassadors posted in Myanmar—Alfredo Almendrala , Norberto Basilio both career diplomats, and Noel Cabrera, a former newsman—represented the country well in Burma. Almendrala is retired from the foreign service but is teaching diplomacy at the Lyceum of the Philippines. Basilio and Cabrera have died.
Myanmar is a country rich in natural resources. Its abundance in minerals, timber, precious metals and stones like ruby, emeralds and other gems kept it afloat during the long years of trade sanctions by the West because of the junta’s detention of Aung San Suu Kyi, the democracy icon and Nobel Peace Prize winner.
San Suu Kyi was released recently by the Myanmar government. Myanmar did so on its own terms and pace as it had pledged it would do once the country has achieved normalcy and political stability.
There is a new civilian government after 23 years of military rule . Many of the generals in the former junta, however, occupy seats in the newly elected legislative assembly. But the good news is that the new government seems serious in implementing far reaching reforms and slowly easing its iron grip on the country.
Change must be gentle, a new era
“Myanmar has entered a new era, “declared Foreign Minister Wunna Maung Lwin during a recent international conference in Geneva. Human Rights Day, an event never marked before in Myanmar, was recently observed nationwide.
A more conciliatory Aung San Suu Kyi, emerging from a meeting with the country’s high officials, has been quoted as saying: “Change must be gentle, peaceful and dignified and must not violate civilians or the former government.”
Former government is in reference to the ruling junta that gave way to a civilian government in accordance with the country’s 2008 Constitution. Political supporters of the democracy icon who had been held under house arrest for 15 years, foresee a key government role for their leader.
Aside from the major step of freeing Aung San Suu Kyi, Myanmar has recently unblocked banned Web sites and allowed access to prohibited news, including those run by exiled dissidents.
This latest step gave indication that the country’s new leaders wanted to convey to the general populace, its Southeast Asian neighbors and the West, that change is coming to Myanmar. Its critics are sanguine that the transformation is not just cosmetic.
Government censors in a surprise move, pulled out the barriers on the Web sites of media outlets including the British Broadcasting Corp., Voice of America , as well as the Democratic Voice of Burma, Radio Free Asia and the video file sharing site YouTube.
The Burmese government under the State Law and Order Restoration Council or SLORC previously had monitored these Web sites and jailed journalists it deemed subversives as part of its crackdown on pro-democracy demonstrators after the Uprising of 1988.
Hopeful signs on the horizon
There is another bright side on the horizon. Myanmar has created a 15-member National Human Rights Commission to investigate reported abuses . Composed of retired civil servants, the commission is tasked to safeguard fundamental rights of citizens as inscribed in the country’s 2008 Constitution.
Cognizant of the value of tourism, government and the private sector are building new luxury hotels to accommodate the influx of visitors. Like Thailand, Myanmar has many historic and beautiful Buddhist temples, foremost of which is the Shwedagon Pagoda. Mandalay, the ancient and imperial capital, is a popular tourist destination.
The majority of the Burmese are Buddhists. The rest are a mix of Malays, Indians and Chinese who migrated from the neighboring countries. Myanmar is bound by Thailand to the south, China to the northeast, Laos to the east. and India to the west.
Things are beginning to look bright in Myanmar. If the signs on the horizon are any indication, the government publication New Light of Myanmar could yet live up to its name and be a harbinger of peace and prosperity, not only for the country but for the rest of the region.
Looking at the larger picture, it would seem that the policy of “constructive engagement” adopted by the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (Asean) of which Myanmar is a member, is beginning to bear fruit.
Credit: Manilla Standard Today
By Prof.Kanbawza Win>>>
There is a Burmese saying, “A snake sees the legs of another snake.” meaning only the Burmese can see the craftiness and the cunningness of another Burmese, as they are the same birds of a feather, whereas a foreigner however expert he/she may be, have not gone through the experience of living in Burma and could not comprehend the pitfalls created by the Junta. Probably encouraged, by the visit to Burma by US special representative Derek Mitchell, the Obama administration announced that Assistant Secretary of State for Southeast Asia and Pacific Affairs, Kurt Campbell will be meeting with the visiting Burmese Foreign Minister Wunna Maung Lwin in New York, on the sidelines of the annual session of the United Nations General Assembly. Secretary of State, Hillary Clinton complimented that the meeting of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and the Junta President Thein Sein is a welcome development even though there is no fruition of any substance so far except some superficial gestures.
Ambassador Derek Mitchell said at the press conference in Rangoon that he was “encouraged by and pleased with the quality and openness of the exchanges with the interlocutors of the Junta’s side who repeatedly stated that this country had opened a new chapter to a civilian-led democratic governing structure and expressed that they were sincerely committed to reform in the interest of human rights, democracy, development and national reconciliation”. Lest he forget that these intercalates are all parrots, if not puppets, of Than Shwe and is forced to cite what the supremo has taught them, in order that the world may view through this prism. Ambassador Derek Mitchell is not Senator Jim Webb and could not play advocacy for the Junta and so Than Shwe refused to see him. The world knows that it was Than Shwe who is above his own constitution is the one that is really calling the shots in Burma.
Some of the international community and Burmese people have heightened hopes and expectations, now that the US special representative have visited Naypyidaw and some may fancies, real change, may be on the horizon, but many seasoned Burmese academics and the international community remain sceptical. Even, Ambassador Mitchell, as according to his press statement, sees the writings on the wall and have challenged whether the Thein Sein administration could prove the sceptics wrong, by implementing genuine reform and reconciliation? What more prove is wanted when the continued detention of more than 2,000 political prisoners, (in fact this was repeated by Ban Ki-Moon when he met Wanna Maung Lwin) the continuing hostilities in ethnic nationalities areas, and authenticated human rights violations, including rapes of women and using child soldiers so evident in the country. In the meantime the State Department releases that Burma is one of the eight nations that does not have religious freedom as minority religious adherents often fled the country and one has not to look far but only at the fate of Buddhist clergy in the country.
The establishment of a National Human Rights Commission is on paper only. How many Human Rights lessons have being set up in Burma? Better ask Australia as they help these Burmese officials, the art of human rights with training and workshops from 2001 to 2003. Breaking ranks with the International community the then Australia’s Foreign Minister Alexander Downer became the first Western official to visit Burma in decades and pumps in millions of dollars, for this training but the result is zero . Since then it is clear that despite calls from the international community, the Burmese Junta has no real commitment to improving human rights or bringing about real political change, it is just for propaganda purpose and instead it continue to increase its gross human rights. Meeting with Ambassador Mitchell the members of the Human Rights Commission simply said that they will have to report to Naypyidaw before they can implement anything. Every Burmese have great reservations about this National Human Rights Commission and is considered as a mere window dressing.
But the most prominent aspect of their treachery can be seen in the ceasefire proposals with the ethnic nationalities. The very fact that they repudiated the Panglong Concordat of 1947, that makes Modern Union of Burma, clearly reveals that the Generals at the head of the Myanmar ethnic group, want to Lord over the other ethnic nationalities in perpetuity and treat them as a colonial people which they inherited from the British colonialist, in other words the 4th Burmese empire. This is the crux of the Burmese problem. If there is genuine democracy and federalism as Bogyoke Aung San (the founding father of modern Burma and biological father of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi) has lay down, and solved the country’s problem through dialogue and peaceful means, then they must respect the charter that makes modern Burma.
Now the Junta firmly believes that belief that the present day Burma developed in a linear fashion straight from the founding of the first Burmese kingdom in 1044 AD under king Anawrahta. Only the British colonization of the Myanmar Kingdom disrupted this historical development. They believe in the accounts of their mighty, expansionistic imperialist empires (one of the proof is the three mammoth statues in Naypyidaw) with subordinate alliances made up of multi-ethnic and multi-language communities, including the Shan, the Arakanese, the Mons, and so on, encompassing the present day Burma and its political boundaries and, at times, stretching into neighbouring India and Thailand, others are their subordinates and hence should not be treated as equal but above the ethnic nationalities. Besides the Myanmar construe that other ethnic nationalities are backward. Hence they repudiated the Panglong Conference of 1947, that modern Burma is a nation-state of diverse ethnic nations (ethnic nationalities), by pre-colonial independent ethnic nationalities such as the Chin, the Kachin, Karen, Karenni, Mon and Rakhine (Arakan), Myanmar and Shan based on the principle of equality, as it was founded by formerly independent peoples in 1947 through an agreement.
If this agreement has been honoured, there will be no a military coup at all in the first place and the Burmese people need not fight for democracy as what they are doing now, only if the Myanmar dominated government in 1962 is genuine and solve the ethnic legitimate grievances. The Military came into power because the civilian government could not solve the problem and even now it has no intention of solving this core problem. All these years (1948 to date) the Myanmar group led by the army has used the “Divide and Rule” policy over the Non Myanmar and now the ethnic nationalities have formed the United Federal Council (UNFC) and demanded to set up the real Genuine Union of Burma. This compels the military clique to seek alliance with the pro democracy movement led by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and skilfully used the word National Reconciliation for their advantage.. But Daw Suu is her father’s daughter and is determined to do the right thing and complete her father’s task and openly called for the Second Panglong Conference to thrash out the differences with the ethnic nationalities and all the stake holders. Ambassador Mitchell himself has admitted that that Daw Aung San Suu Kyi remains deeply important to the citizens of this country, Myanmar and ethnic nationalities alike, and that any credible reform effort must include her participation. It was also clear that she remains fully committed to the cause of peaceful change through dialogue.
The UN's World Drug Report 2011 noted that opium production in Burma had increased 20 percent since 2009, because of a good harvest last year and President Obama had single out that three countries, Bolivia, Burma, and Venezuela, “failed demonstrably” during the last 12 months to make sufficient or meaningful efforts to adhere to the obligations they have undertaken under international counter-narcotic agreements. The world has known that these Burmese generals had indirectly encourage the narco-barons to be the gentlemen of Burma and the existing Burmese billionaires are all narco related even though the well known Khun Hsa has died. Hence the conclusion can be drawn that as long as the Burmese Generals are in power narcotics will flow throughout the world. It must be stop as it source with the people’s participation and how can the people participate without the representative government?
This does not include of Burma aspiring to be a nuclear power like North Korea and its secret has been out by the patriots who know the danger of becoming an uncontrolled nuclear power. Taking all of these together it has been proved beyond doubt that the Burmese regime is trying their level best to manifest to the world at large that they are serious about that country becoming a democracy and hoodwink the international communities with the help of Nazi ancestors, some academics, NGOs and multilateral corporations bent on exploiting the country’s vast natural and human resources.
Ambassador Mitchell has made it clear that the American policy has not changed and that sanctions remain intact as announced yesterday even though the US remain open to assisting real democracy in Burma. The people of Burma and the international community need to see the concrete and genuine actions taken for real change and not superficial ones. It need sincere and genuine reforms to reach the goals that were outlined by the regime such as democracy, human rights, development, self determination and national reconciliation, then and only then Burma can be in the community of nations not to mention to be an ASEAN Chairperson. Bluffing will not work with the people of Burma or with the international community.
Credit: D4B (U Soe Win)
မိတ္ေဆြမ်ား
တစ္ႏုိင္ငံလုံးက အေျပာင္းအလဲျဖစ္ေပၚေရးကုိ အာရုံစုိက္ေနတဲ့အခ်ိန္၊ ႏွစ္ဆယ့္တစ္ရာစုႏွစ္ လူ႔အခြင့္အေရး၊ ဒီမုိကေရစီေရးႏွင့္ ျပည္ေထာင္စုအသစ္အတြက္ ေမွ်ာ္လင့္ေနၾကတဲ့အခ်ိန္မွာ ရွစ္ေလးလုံးဝက္ဆုိက္မွာ လူမိ်ဳးေရး မုန္းတီးမႈေတြကုိ လႈိင္လႈိင္ႀကီး ဖတ္ေနရေတာ့ စိတ္မေကာင္း ျဖစ္မိပါတယ္။ စက္တဘၤာ (၁၉)၊၂၀၁၁မွာ ကုိလင္းျမတ္ေသာ္တာက ကုလားဟာ ကုလား၊ ႏြားဟာ ႏြား၊ ေစာက္ကုလား စသျဖင့္ေတာင္ ဆုိလာပါေတာ့တယ္။
အိႏၵိယတုိက္ငယ္ (အိႏၵိယ၊ ပါကစၥတန္၊ ဘဂၤလာဒက္ရွ္တုိ႔ဟာ ၁၉၄၇မတုိင္မီက ႏုိင္ငံတစ္ခုတည္း ျဖစ္ခဲ့ပါတယ္။)က လူေတြကုိ ကုလားလုိ႔ ေယဘုယ် ဆုိၾကပါတယ္။ ကုလားဆုိတာ သမုိင္းဝင္ အသုံးအႏႈံးျဖစ္ခဲ့ေပမဲ့ ယခုအခါမွာေတာ့ ကုလားေတြကုိ ကုိလင္းျမတ္ေသာ္တာ ဆုိလုိက္သလုိ ႏြားႏွင့္ ေစာက္ကုလား ေနရာမွာသာ သုံးေတာ့တာမို႔ ကုလားဟု ေခၚျခင္းသည္ လူမ်ိဳးေရး ႏွိမ့္ခ်ေစာ္ကားမႈ ျဖစ္သြားပါျပီ။ (နီဂရုိးဆုိတာ သမုိင္းဝင္ အမည္ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ လူမဲမ်ိဳးႏြယ္တစ္ခုလုံးကုိ ႏွိမ့္ခ်ေခၚျခင္းျဖစ္တယ္လုိ႔ နားလည္လာတဲ့အခါမွာ ယဥ္ေက်းတဲ့ လူ႕အဖဲြ႕အစည္းက လူေတြက မင္းတုိ႔ကုိ သမုိင္းစဥ္လာအရ နီဂရုိးလုိ႔ ေခၚခဲ့လုိ႔ အခုလည္း ေခၚရမယ္လုိ႔ မေတာင္းဆုိၾကပါဘူး။)
တစ္ကယ္ေတာ့ ဒီေစာက္ကုလား ဆုိသူေတြထံက ဝတ္စားဆင္ယင္မႈ၊ ေဆးပညာ၊ နကၡတ္ပညာ၊ ျပည္သူ႔နီတိ၊ ဘာသာေရး၊ ယဥ္ေက်းမႈေတြသာမက ယေန႔ဗမာ၊ ရခုိင္၊ မြန္၊ ကရင္ေတြ ေရးေန၊ သုံးေနတဲ့ ကႀကီး၊ ခေခြးဆုိတဲ့ စာေပကုိပါ ရယူထားကလည္း သမုိင္းအထင္အရွားပါ။ လူမ်ိဳးတုိင္းမွာ အမ်ားက လူေကာင္းျဖစ္ျပီး လူဆုိးဆုိတာ လူနည္းစုျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ လူနည္းစုရဲ့ အဆုိးေၾကာင့္ လူမ်ိဳးတစ္မ်ိဳးလုံးကုိ သိမ္းၿကုံးႏွိမ့္ခ် ဆဲေရးတုိင္းထြာျခင္းက မိမိရဲ့ ပင္ကုိယ္ ယဥ္ေက်းမႈ အားနည္းျခင္းေၾကာင့္သာ ျဖစ္ပါလိမ့္မယ္။ ကုလားမုန္း၊ တရုပ္မုန္း၊ ထုိင္းမုန္း၊ ကရင္မုန္း၊ ရခုိင္မုန္း၊ မြန္မုန္းစတဲ့ လူမ်ိဳးမုန္းတီးမႈေတြက ၂၁ရာစုမွာ ေတာ္သင့္ပါျပီ။ အစၥလာမ္ဘာသာ ကုိးကြယ္တာႏွင့္ ကုိယ့္ႏုိင္ငံသားေတြကုိ ကုလားလုိ႔ ႏွိမ္ေခၚတာမ်ိဳးကုိလည္း မလုပ္သင့္ၾကပါဘူး။
ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာကုိ တုိင္းရင္းသားအျဖစ္ လက္မခံႏိုင္ဘူးဆုိသူေတြရဲ့ အျမင္ကုိ ေလးစားပါတယ္။ ေျပာခြင့္လည္း ရွိၾကပါတယ္။ က်ေနာ္ကုိယ္တုိင္ကလည္း ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာသည္ တုိင္းရင္းသားျဖစ္ မျဖစ္ကုိ သမုိင္းပညာရွင္ေတြ၊ တုိင္းျပည္အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္တဲ့ အစုိးရ၊ တုိင္းရင္းသားျပည္သူေတြ၊ ႏုိင္ငံေရးေခါင္းေဆာင္ေတြကသာ အေသအခ်ာ ေလ့လာျပီးမွ ဆုံးျဖတ္သင့္တယ္လုိ႔ ယူဆထားသူ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ သုိ႔ေသာ္ ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာကုိ တုိင္းရင္းသားအျဖစ္ ရုိးရုိးသားသား လက္မခံတာႏွင့္ ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာဆုိသူေတြကုိ ဆဲေရးတာ၊ မုန္းတီးတာက မတူပါဘူး။
ေနာက္တစ္ခ်က္ သတိထားၾကဖုိ႔က ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာေတြကုိ တစ္ဖက္ႏုိင္ငံက ခုိးဝင္လာသူေတြဆုိျပီး စစ္အစုိးရအဆက္ဆက္က ေလးႀကိမ္ေလာက္ အစုလုိက္ အျပံဳလုိက္ ေမာင္းထုတ္လုိက္ျပီး တစ္ဖန္ ေလးႀကိမ္လုံးဘဲ ႏုိင္ငံသားေတြျဖစ္တယ္ဆုိျပီး အစုလုိက္ အျပံဳလုိက္ ျပန္လက္ခံလုိက္လုပ္ေနတာ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာေတြဟာ တစ္ကယ္ဘဲ တစ္ဖက္ႏုိင္ငံက ႏုိင္ငံျခားသား ဘဂၤါလီေတြဆုိရင္ ဘာ့ေၾကာင့္ အႀကိမ္တုိင္းမွာ ႏုိင္ငံသားအျဖစ္ သတ္မွတ္ျပီး ျပန္လက္ခံ ေနရတာလည္း ဆုိတာကုိေကာ ေတြးမိဘူး ပါရဲ့လား။ တစ္ကယ္ေတာ့ ရခုိင္လူမ်ိဳးေတြရဲ့ လြတ္ေျမာက္ေရးစိတ္ဓါတ္ႏွင့္ ညီညြတ္ေရးအင္အားကုိ ခ်ိဳးႏွိမ္ဖုိ႔ ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာျပသနာကုိ စစ္အစုိးရေတြက တမင္ဖန္တီးေပးျပီး ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာဆုိသူေတြ ဓါးစားခံလုပ္ထားတာကုိ သတိမူသင့္ၾကပါတယ္။
ကုိထြန္းဇံေဝက ဦးခင္ေမာင္ေစာရဲ့ Religious and Arakan ဆုိတဲ့စာတန္းမွာ ရခုိင္ဘုရင္ မင္းေစာမြန္ကုိ နန္းျပန္တင္ဖုိ႔ မဂုိဘုရင္၊ မဂုိေတြ၊ ပါရွန္းေတြက ဝင္တုိက္ေပးတယ္လုိ႔ ဆုိပါတယ္။ မွားပါတယ္။ ရခုိင္ေတြရဲ့ ေလာင္းၾကက္မင္းဆက္ ျပဳတ္ေအာင္ ဘုရင္မင္းေစာမြန္ကုိ အင္းဝဘုရင္မင္းေခါင္ရဲ့ သားေတာ္မင္းရဲေက်ာ္စြာ တုိက္ထုတ္လုိက္တာက ၁၄၀၆ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ အိႏၵိယတုိက္ငယ္မွာ မဂုိအင္ပါယာ(Maghoul Dynasty)က ၁၅၂၆က ၁၇၀၇ အထိျဖစ္တာမုိ႔ မင္းေစာမြန္ႏွင့္ မဂုိက ဘာမွ မဆုိင္ပါဘူး။ ဒါျဖင့္ မင္းေစာမြန္ကုိ နန္းျပန္တင္ေပးတာ ဘယ္သူေတြလဲ။
မင္းရဲေက်ာ္စြာေၾကာင့္ ဘုရင္မင္းေစာမြန္ ၂၂ႏွစ္လုံး ထြက္ေျပးခုိလႈံေနတာက ဂုိအာက မြတ္စလင္ စူလ္တန္ဘုရင္ထံမွာ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ဘဂၤါလီဘုရင္ျဖစ္မယ္ ထင္ပါတယ္။ မင္းေစာမြန္ကုိ နန္းျပန္တင္ဖုိ႔ အဲဒီစူလ္တန္ဘုရင္က ဗုိလ္ခ်ဳပ္ဝလီခန္ႏွင့္ စစ္သည္ တစ္ေသာင္း (အခ်ိဳ႕ေနရာမွာ စစ္သည္ငါးေသာင္းလုိ႔ ဆုိပါတယ္။)ကို ေစလႊတ္ျပီး ျပန္တုိက္ေပးခဲ့ပါတယ္။ ဗုိလ္ခ်ဳပ္ ဝလီခန္က မင္းေစာမြန္ကုိ ျပန္ပုန္ကန္ ဖမ္းဆီးျပီး ဘုရင္တက္လုပ္တာေၾကာင့္ စူလ္တန္ဘုရင္က အမ်က္ထြက္ျပီး ဗုိလ္ခ်ဳပ္စင္ဒီခန္ကုိ စစ္သည္အင္အား ႏွစ္ဆႏွင့္ ထပ္လႊတ္ျပီး ဝလီခန္ကုိ တုိက္ထုတ္ကာ မင္းေစာမြန္ကုိ နန္းျပန္တင္ေပးခဲ့ရပါတယ္။ တနည္းအားျဖင့္ဆုိေသာ္ ရခုိင္ေတြရဲ့ ျပဳတ္က်သြားတဲ့ ေလာင္းၾကက္မင္းဆက္ကုိ ေျမာက္ဦးမင္းဆက္အျဖစ္ ျပန္လည္ အသက္ဝင္ တည္တ့ံေရးကုိ အခုဘဂၤါလီကုလားလုိ႔ေခၚတဲ့ မြတ္စလင္ေတြရဲ့ ေသြးႏွင့္ တည္ေဆာက္ေပးထားတဲ့ သမုိင္းအေထာက္အထားျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ေျမာက္ဦးမင္းဆက္လုိ အင္မတန္ ထင္ရွားျပီး အေရးပါတဲ့ သမုိင္းဆုိင္ရာကိစၥမွာ သမုိင္းပညာရွင္ ဦးခင္ေမာင္ေစာက ဘာ့ေၾကာင့္ ကမန္ႏွင့္ ဘဂၤါလီကုိ ေရာေမႊပစ္သလဲဆုိတာ ကာယကံရွင္သာ သိမွာပါ။ (အဲဒီ ဦးခင္ေမာင္ေစာကဘဲ ဖိႏွိပ္မႈေတြေၾကာင့္ အသက္ကုိ မငဲ့ႏုိင္ၾကဘဲ ပင္လယ္ထဲ ထြက္ေျပးလာၾကတဲ့ ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာေလွစီး ဒုကၡသည္ေတြကုိ ျမန္မာေရတပ္က ပင္လယ္ထဲမွာ ဖမ္းဆီးရုိက္ႏွက္ျပီး ပင္လယ္ထဲ ျပန္လႊတ္တဲ့ကိစၥမွာ ရရွိတဲ့ ဒါဏ္ရာေတြက ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာဆုိသူေတြက သူမ်ားေတြက သနားေအာင္ ကုိယ့္ကိုကုိယ္ ျပန္ရုိက္ထားတာပါလုိ႔ မစာမနာ အေထာက္အထားမဲ့ ဆုိရက္ခဲ့သူျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ပညာရွင္မွန္ရင္ အေထာက္အထားမဲ့ မဆုိသင့္ပါဘူူး။)
ဂ်ပန္က သက္ႀကီးပညာရွင္ ဦးညြန္႔ေရႊကလည္း ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာဆုိသူေတြရဲ့ ရုပ္ကုိၾကည့္ျပီး ေမာင္းထုတ္မယ္ဆုိလာျပန္ေတာ့ သင္ထားတဲ့ ပညာေတြထဲမွာ Racism မပါေသးဘူးလုိ႔ ထင္ပါတယ္။ အဲဒီ သက္ႀကီးပညာရွင္ ဦးညြန္႔ေရႊကဘဲ ရခုိင္ဘုရင္ေတြ မြတ္စလင္ဘဲြ႕ေတြခံတာ ကုလားမေတြႏွင့္ ဘူးခ်င္လုိ႔လုိ႔ ေပါက္တတ္ကရ ဆိုျပန္ပါတယ္။ ရခုိင္ပညာရွင္ေတြက ဒါမဟုတ္ဘူး၊ မဟုတ္တာကုိ အဟုတ္လုပ္ျပီး မေျပာၾကနဲ႔လုိ႔ မကန္႔ကြက္ၾကပါဘူး။ သူတုိ႔ မဖတ္ျဖစ္လုိ႔ ျဖစ္ေကာင္း ျဖစ္ပါလိမ့္မယ္။
Respond to Press Release of Rohingya, 2009 ဆုိတဲ့ စာတန္းမွာ ဦးခင္ေမာင္ေစာက
To show his gratitude to the Sultan he (Min Saw Mun) asked what he could do. The Sultan persuaded him to be converted into Islam but he refused; however, he promised the Sultan that the Arakanese kings would bear Pseudonym Muslim Titles. ေရးသားခဲ့ပါတယ္။
ရခုိင္ဘုရင္မင္းေစာမြန္က သူ႕ကုိ နန္းျပန္တင္ေပးတဲ့ (လူမ်ိဳးမတူ ဘာသာျခား) စူလ္တန္ဘုရင္ကုိ ေက်းဇူးဘယ္လုိဆပ္ရမလဲ ေမးတဲ့အခါ၊ စူလ္တန္ဘုရင္က အစၥလာမ္ဘာသာကုိ လက္ခံဖုိ႔ေျပာခဲ့တယ္။ ဘုရင္မင္ေစာမြန္က လက္မခံခဲ့ႏုိင္ခဲ့ေပမဲ့ ေနာင္လာေနာက္သား ရခုိင္ဘုရင္ေတြမွာ မြတ္စလင္ဘဲြ႕ကုိ ခံယူေစရမယ္လုိ႔ ဂတိေပးခဲ့ပါတယ္။ (သူကုိယ္တုိင္က မြတ္စလင္ဘဲြ႕အမည္ ဆူေလမန္ရွားကုိ စတင္ခံယူခဲ့ပါတယ္။)
စစ္ဗုိလ္ခ်ဳပ္ႀကီး မဟာဗႏၶဳလက ကသည္းျပည္ကုိ ခ်ီတက္သိမ္းပုိက္တဲ့အခါမွာ ကသည္းမွာ ေနက်န္ခဲ့တဲ့ ျမန္မာတပ္ဗုိလ္တပ္သားေတြက ကသည္းမေတြႏွင့္ အိမ္ေထာင္က်ကုန္ျပီး ယခုတုိင္ ျမန္မာကသည္း ကျပားအျဖစ္ႏွင့္ ယခုတုိင္ အထင္အရွားရွိေနပါတယ္။ ဘုရင္မင္းေစာမြန္ကုိ နန္းျပန္တင္ဖုိ႔ ႏွစ္ႀကိမ္တုိင္ စစ္ပဲြဆင္ႏႊဲျပီးေနာက္ပုိင္း ရခုိင္နန္းတြင္းေရးမွာ မြတ္စလင္ေတြ ဘယ္ေလာက္ တန္ခုိးထြားခဲ့သလဲဆုိရင္ ရခုိင္ဘုရင္ေတြကုိ သူတုိ႔စိတ္ၿကုိက္ တင္ခ်င္တဲ့အခါ တင္၊ ျဖဳတ္ခ်င္တဲ့အခါ ျဖဳတ္အထိေအာင္ လုပ္ႏုိင္ခဲ့တဲ့ ကာလမ်ိဳးပင္ ရွိခဲ့ဘူးပါတယ္။ အႏွစ္ သုံးရာနီးပါး ရခုိင္နန္းတြင္းေရးေတြမွာ အရွိန္အဝါႀကီးခဲ့တဲ့ ေသာင္းႏွင့္ခ်ီတဲ့ မြတ္စလင္ တပ္ဗုိလ္၊ တပ္သားေတြဟာ သူတုိ႔အမိ်ဳးသမီးေတြကုိ ဘဂၤလားက မေခၚလာႏုိင္ၾကပါဘူး။ အဲေတာ့ ဒီစစ္သားအုပ္ႀကီးက ရခုိင္မွာ မူလက ရွိျပီးသား မြတ္စလင္မေတြႏွင့္ အိမ္ေထာင္က်ၾကတယ္ဆုိရင္ အဲဒီကာလက ရခုိင္မွာ မြတ္စလင္ေတြ ေသာင္းခ်ီရွိေနလုိ႔ ျဖစ္မွာပါ။ လြန္ခဲ့တဲ့ အႏွစ္ေျခာက္ရာေလာက္က ေသာင္းခ်ီတဲ့ မြတ္စလင္လူစုႀကီးက အခုအခါမွာ လူဦးေရ ဘယ္ေလာက္ တုိးပြါးႏိုင္တယ္ဆုိတာ သခ်ၤာပညာရွင္မ်ား တြက္ဆႏုိင္ပါတယ္။
အဲဒီတုန္းက ရခုိင္မွာ မြတ္စလင္ေတြ မူလကတည္းက ေသာင္းႏွင့္ခ်ီျပီး မရွိခဲ့ဘူးဆုိရင္ ဒီစစ္သားေတြ ဘယ္အမ်ိဳးသမီးေတြႏွင့္ အိမ္ေထာင္က်ကုန္မလဲ ဆုိတာကုိလည္း စဥ္းစားႏုိင္ၾကပါတယ္။ ပညာရွင္မွန္ရင္ သမုိင္းကုိ သေျပသီးမွည့္ေကာက္သလုိ ကုိယ္ၿကုိက္ရင္ ေကာက္မယ္။ ကုိယ္မၿကုိက္ရင္ ပယ္မယ္ မလုပ္သင့္ပါဘူး။ သမုိင္းမွန္ သိမွ သခၤန္းစာယူႏုိင္မွာမုိ႔ သမုိင္းကုိ မ်ိဳးခ်စ္စိတ္ႏွင့္ ေရးရင္ မ်ိဳးခ်စ္သမုိင္းသာ ျဖစ္မွာပါ။ သမုိင္းေတာ့ ျဖစ္လာမွာ မဟုတ္ပါဘူး။
ရြာသား (စာေရးႀကီးဆိပ္) ဆုိသူကလည္း ကုိဘုန္းေက်ာ္ထံ ေပးစာမွာ ကုလားေတြက ရခုိင္ေတြကုိ အစုလုိက္ အျပံဳလုိက္ သတ္ျဖတ္ပုံေတြကုိ ေၾကကဲြဖြယ္ရာ ေရးသားထားတဲ့အတြက္ အေတာ္ေလး စိတ္ထိခုိက္မိပါတယ္။ ေၾကြကဲြ ေဒါသျဖစ္စရာပါ။ သုိ႔ေသာ္ ဒါက သမုိင္းတစ္ျခမ္းပဲ့ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ေနာက္တစ္ျခမ္းလုိပါေသးတယ္။ ရခုိင္ေခါင္းေဆာင္တစ္ဦးလည္းျဖစ္၊ သမုိင္းသုေတသီတစ္ဦးလည္းျဖစ္သူ တစ္ဦးက က်ေနာ့ကုိ “ကုိေအာင္တင္၊ တစ္ကယ္ေတာ့ က်ေနာ္တုိ႔ ရခုိင္ေတြက ရခုိင္ျပည္ေတာင္ပုိင္းမွာ ဘဂၤါလီ(ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာ)ေတြကုိ သတ္တာက ပုိၾကမ္း ပုိဆုိးပါတယ္ဗ်ာ” လုိ႔ေျပာဖူးပါတယ္။ ဘယ္လူမ်ိဳးက ဘယ္လူမ်ိဳးကုိ သတ္သတ္ မေကာင္းပါဘူး။
ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာဆုိသူေတြဟာ ရခုိင္ျပည္နယ္မွာ ရခုိင္လူမ်ိဳးျပီးရင္ ဒုတိယ အမ်ားဆုံး လူမ်ိဳးျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ဒီဒုတိယအင္အားအႀကီးဆုံး လူစုႀကီးကုိ မ်ိဳးျပဳတ္ေအာင္ သတ္ပစ္လုိ႔ မရႏုိင္သလုိ၊ ပိျပားေအာင္ ဖိႏွိပ္ထားလုိ႔လည္း မရပါဘူး။ ဘယ္သူၿကုိက္ၿကုိက္ မၿကုိက္ၿကုိက္ ဒီလူမ်ိဳးစုႀကီးက ရခုိင္ေတြႏွင့္ ဆုိးတူေကာင္းဖက္ အစဥ္ဒြန္တဲြ ေနေနမွာပါ။ ဒုတိယအမ်ားဆုံး လူမ်ိဳးစုႏွင့္ အႀကီးဆုံးလူမိ်ဳးစုႀကီးတုိ႔ အခ်င္းခ်င္း မုန္းတီးသင့္သလား၊ မုန္းတီးလာေအာင္ ဝုိင္းေျမွာက္ေပးသင့္သလား၊ ျဖစ္ႏုိင္တဲ့ေဘာင္အတြင္း (ႏုိင္ငံသားအျဖစ္ႏွင့္ျဖစ္ျဖစ္) နားလည္မႈ၊ ေျပျငိမ္းမႈေတြရရွိေအာင္ ကူညီေပးသင့္သလားဆုိတာ စဥ္းစားသင့္ၾကပါတယ္။ သူတုိ႔က တုိင္းရင္းသားျဖစ္ခ်င္လို႔ ေတာင္းဆုိေနလည္း ေတာင္းဆုိတာက သူတုိ႔အလုပ္ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။
အတိတ္သမုိင္းမွာ ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာဆုိသူေတြႏွင့္ ရခုိင္ေတြ ေအးခ်မ္းစြာ ေနခဲ့ၾကတဲ့ ကာလေတြလည္း အမွန္ဘဲ ရွိခဲ့ပါတယ္။ ဆရာေဒါက္တာ ဦးေအးခ်မ္းက သူငယ္စဥ္မွာ ရခုိင္ေတြႏွင့္ ဘဂၤါလီေတြ သင့္ျမတ္စြာ အတူေနခဲ့ စားခဲ့ ကစားခဲ့ပုံေတြကုိ က်ေနာ့ကုိ ေျပာဖူးပါတယ္။
မည္သုိ႔ပင္ ျဖစ္ေစကာမူ၊ ရာစုႏွစ္ေပါင္းမ်ားစြာက အေျခအေနအရပ္ရပ္ေၾကာင့္ ရခုိင္ျပည္ထဲ အဆင့္ဆင့္ ဝင္ေရာက္ခဲ့တဲ့ မြတ္စလင္အုပ္စုေတြဟာ အခုေနာက္ပုိင္း ခုိးဝင္လာတဲ့ ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာဆုိသူေတြ မဟုတ္ဘူးဆုိရင္လည္း ဒါဟာ အေရးပါတဲ့ အခ်က္ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ေရွးကတည္းက ေနထုိင္သူေတြႏွင့္ ေနာက္မွ ခုိးဝင္လာသူေတြကုိ ခဲြျခားသတ္မွတ္လုိ႔ရေအာင္ ၿကုိးစားၾကရမွာျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ကုိယ့္ႏုိင္ငံသားေတြလည္း အဆင္မေျပလုိ႔ သူမ်ားႏုိင္ငံ ခုိးဝင္တာေတြ ရွိပါတယ္။ မဲေဆာက္တုိ႔၊ ရေနာင္းတုိ႔မွာ အရင္က ထုိင္းဆုိင္ကယ္သမားကုိ ဆယ္ဘတ္ေပးျပီး ဗမာေတြကုိ သတ္ခုိင္းလုိ႔ရတယ္လုိ႔ေတာင္ ၾကားဖူးပါတယ္။ ခုိးဝင္လာသူေတြကုိ ဥပေဒအရ အေရးယူတာႏွင့္ တိရစၦာန္ေတြလုိ သေဘာထားတာက မတူပါဘူး။
ေအာင္တင္ စက္တဘၤာ ၂၀၊ ၂၀၁၁
အင္ဒိုနီး႐ွားႏိုင္ငံ၏ ႏိုင္ငံေရးျဖစ္စဥ္သည္ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံႏွင့္ ဆင္တူသည္။ ကိုလိုနီဘဝ ႐ုန္းကန္မႈမ်ားအတြင္း တြင္လည္းေကာင္း၊ ဂ်ပန္ဝင္ေရာက္မႈတြင္လည္းေကာင္း၊ လြတ္လပ္ေရးရၿပီးကာလတြင္လည္းေကာင္း တူညီၾက သည္။ ေနာက္ဆုံး ဦးေနဝင္းအာဏာသိမ္းျခင္းႏွင့္အတူ ဆူဟာတို အာဏာသိမ္းျခင္းသည္လည္း ျမန္မာက ေ႐ွ႕မွ ေျပးလ်က္႐ွိသည္။ သုိ႔ရာတြင္ ျမန္မာ၏ စစ္ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္မ်ားက လက္ဝဲသူငယ္နာမစင္ဘဲ ဆို႐ွယ္လစ္ လိုက္ၾကသျဖင့္ တိုင္းျပည္ခြ်တ္ၿခဳံက်ၿပီး လူမြဲႏိုင္ငံဘဝသို႔ သက္ဆင္းသြားရသည္။ လက္ဝဲဝါဒီမ်ား၏ ေငြရွင္ေၾကး ရွင္မ်ားအေပၚ ႐ြံ႐ွာမုန္းတီးမႈ၊ စီးပြားေရးလုပ္ငန္း႐ွင္းအေပၚ တဖက္သတ္ မနာလိုတတ္သည့္ မစၦရိယစိတ္ေၾကာင့္ ၎ပုဂၢလိက လုပ္ငန္း႐ွင္ေလးမ်ားကအစ အရင္း႐ွင္တံဆိပ္အတပ္ခံရၿပီး ကြမ္းယာဆိုင္၊ ပစၥည္းေရာင္း ပုဂၢလိကဆိုင္မ်ား၊ ကားပစၥည္းအေရာင္းဆိုင္မ်ား၊ပုဂၢလိကဓါတ္ဆီဆိုင္ေလးမ်ား အေသးစားစက္မႈလက္မႈ လုပ္ငန္း႐ွင္မ်ားပါမက်န္ အရင္း႐ွင္ ဆိုင္းဘုတ္တပ္ၿပီး ျပည္သူပိုင္သိမ္းျခင္းကို ၿမိန္ရည္႐ွက္ရည္ျပဳလုပ္၍ ခ်မ္းသာျခင္းသည္ အျပစ္တခုအျဖစ္ အျပစ္ဒါဏ္ေပး ဆုံးမလိုက္ၾကသည့္အတြက္ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံႀကီး ကမၻာအဆင္းရဲဆုံးႏိုင္ငံဘဝသုိ႔ က်ေရာက္ခဲ့သည္ကို မည္သူမွ် မျငင္းႏိုင္ေခ်။
အင္ဒိုနီး႐ွား
အင္ဒိုနီး႐ွားႏိုင္ငံကမူ ကြန္ျမဴနစ္မ်ားကို သုတ္သင္႐ွင္းလင္းလိုက္သျဖင့္ အေမရိကန္ႏွင့္ ဥေရာပႏိုင္ငံမ်ား ဂ်ပန္ ႏိုင္ငံတို႔က ဝိုင္းဝန္းကူညီၾကသည္။ အထူးသျဖင့္ ဗီယက္နမ္ႏိုင္ငံသုိ႔ မိမိတပ္မ်ားေစလႊတ္ၿပီး တိုက္သည့္ တိုင္ေအာင္ မႏိုင္ဘဲ အ႐ႈံးႏွင့္ရင္ဆိုင္ခဲ့ရသည့္ အေမရိကန္ႏိုင္ငံသည္ အင္ဒိုနီးရွားႏိုင္ငံ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ဆူဟာတို သူ႔စြမ္းရည္ႏွင့္သူ ကြ်န္ျမဴနစ္တို႔ကို ႏွိမ္ႏွင္းပစ္လိုက္သျဖင့္ အထင္တႀကီး ဆူဟာတို လိုေသာ စစ္ေရး အကူ အညီမ်ား စီးပြားေရးေထာက္ပံ့မႈမ်ားကို ေပးအပ္ခဲ့သည္။ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံကို မူလလက္ဝဲဆို႐ွယ္လစ္ အေတြး အေခၚျဖင့္ ျမန္မာ့နည္း ျမန္မာ့ဟန္ လူမြဲလမ္းစဥ္သို႔ ခ်ီတက္ေနျခင္းအတြက္ လစ္လွ်ဴ႐ႈထားခဲ့သည္။
ဆူဟာတိုသည္ အာဏာ႐ွင္စံနစ္ျဖင့္ အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ေနလင့္ကစား ေစ်းကြက္စီးပြားေရးစံနစ္ကို ဖြင့္ၿပီး သူႏွင့္နီးစပ္သူ မ်ားႏွင့္ လက္ဝါးႀကီးအုပ္ စီးပြားေရးကို ျပဳလုပ္ခဲ့သည္။ (Crony Capitalism)လက္ဝါးၾကီးအုပ္ စီးပြားေရးတြင္ ကြ်မ္းက်င္ေသာ အင္ဒိုနီးရွားျပည္ဖြါး တရုတ္စီးပြားေရးသမားမ်ားႏွင့္ ပုလင္းတူဗူးဆို႔လုပ္၍ မိမိသားသမီးမ်ား ေဆြမ်ဳိးမ်ားျဖင့္ ႂကြယ္ဝခ်မ္းသာလာခဲ့သည္။အေနာက္အုပ္စု၏ ေထာက္ပံ့မႈျဖင့္လည္းေကာင္း၊အေမရိကန္ႏိုင္ငံ၏ တိုက္ရိုက္ႏိုင္ငံၿခား ရင္းႏွီးၿမွဳပ္ႏွံမွဳ (Foreign Direct Investment) (FDI) ေၾကာင့္လည္းေကာင္း၊ လက္ဝါးႀကီးအုပ္ အရင္းရွင္စံနစ္ ေၾကာင့္လည္းေကာင္း အင္ဒိုနီးရွားႏိုင္ငံသည္ စီးပြားေရးဖြံ႕ၿဖိဳးတိုးတက္လာခဲ့ရသည္။ သုိ႔ရာတြင္ ဆူဟာတိုသည္ အာဏာကို လက္ လႊတ္ရန္ မစဥ္းစားဘဲ သူတည္ေထာင္ထားသည့္ ေဂၚကာပါတီ (Golkar) ကိုအသံုးခ်၍ ဆက္တုိက္ (၆) ႀကိမ္တိုင္တိုင္ သမတျပဳလုပ္ အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ခဲ့သည္။ စီးပြားေရးတိုးတက္လာသျဖင့္ ျပည္သူတို႔ အသင့္အတင့္ ေခ်ာင္ လည္လာၾကေသာ္လည္း အဓိက စီးပြားေရးကို လက္ဝါးႀကီး လုပ္ထားၾကေသာ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္မ်ား၊ အခြင့္ထူးခံ စီးပြားေရးသမားမ်ားႏွင့္ ဆင္းရဲခ်မ္းသာကြာဟမႈမ်ား ႏိႈင္းယွဥ္မရေလာက္ေအာင္ ႀကီးမားခဲ့သည့္အတြက္ အင္ဒိုနီး႐ွား မ်ားက အလြန္အမင္းခ်မ္းသာေနေသာ တ႐ုတ္မ်ားကို လူမ်ဳိးေရးအရ မုန္းတီးလာခဲ့ၿပီး တ႐ုတ္မ်ားႏွင့္ လူမ်ဳိးေရး အဓိက႐ုဏ္းမ်ား ျဖစ္လာခဲ့ၾကသည္။
ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံ
ယေန႔ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံ၏ ႏိုင္ငံေရးျဖစ္စဥ္ကို ၾကည့္လွ်င္ လက္ဝဲယိမ္းမ်ား၏ အစြန္းေရာက္အေ႐ွ႕ေမွ်ာ္ဝါဒေၾကာင့္ လက္ဝဲသူငယ္နာမစင္ဘဲ မဲမဲျမင္ရာအရင္းရွင္တံဆိပ္ကပ္၍ ခ်မ္းသာျခင္းကိုပင္ အျပစ္တခုအျဖစ္ ဦးတည္တုိက္ခိုက္ခဲ့သျဖင့္ အားလုံးမည္သူမွ် မခ်မ္းသာႏိုင္ေတာ့ဘဲ လူမြဲမ်ားအျဖစ္ က်ေရာက္လာခဲ့ရသည္။ ဆင္းရဲခ်မ္းသာကိစၥကို ယထာဘူတက်က်စဥ္းစားလွ်င္ ကလိမ္က်၍ ခ်မ္းသာသူမ်ား႐ွိေသာ္လည္း ႐ိုးသားစြာ လုံ႔လဝီရိယစိုက္ထုတ္၍ က်ဳိးစားလုပ္ကိုင္မႈေၾကာင့္လည္းေကာင္း ပညာဉာဏ္ထက္မ်က္မႈေၾကာင့္လည္းေကာင္း ႀကီးပြါးခ်မ္းသာလာေသာ လူမ်ားလည္း ႐ွိေၾကာင္းေတြ႕ရမည္ပင္ျဖစ္သည္။ ၿမန္မာႏိုင္ငံတြင္အရွင္းရွင္ဟု ေၿပာရေလာက္ ေသာသူမ်ား ထိုအခ်ိန္ကလက္ညွိဳးထိုးၿပစရာမရွိေခ်။ အစြန္းေရာက္လက္ဝဲသူငယ္နာစြဲကပ္ေနသူတို႔က အရင္း႐ွင္မ်ားဟု သမုတ္၍ မစၦရိယစိတ္ျဖင့္ မုန္းတီးမႈသည္ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံႀကီးကို အတိဒုကၡေရာက္ ေစျခင္းပင္ျဖစ္သည္။
ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံ ကမၻာ့အဆင္းရဲဆုံးႏုိင္ငံဘဝသို႔ က်ေရာက္သြားရသည့္ ၁၉၈၇ ခုႏွစ္သည္ ကိုယ့္လူမ်ဳိးကို အၿမဲတမ္းဂုဏ္ယူဝင့္ႂကြားေနသည့္ ဗမာလူမ်ဳိးတိုင္းကို ေ႐ွာ့ျဖစ္ (တုန္လႈပ္) ေစခဲ့သည္။ ဦးေနဝင္းသည္ ႏွစ္စဥ္ ႏိုင္ငံျခားတိုင္းျပည္မ်ားသုိ႔ သြားေရာက္ၿပီး စည္းဇိမ္ခံ ေနေသာ္လည္း သူ႔အစိုးရဝန္ႀကီးမ်ားႏွင့္ အစိုးရ အရာရွိမ်ား တိုင္းျပည္မွ ျပည္ပသုိ႔ ထြက္ခြင့္ကို တင္းၾကပ္စြာ ပိတ္ပင္ထားသည့္အတြက္ အိမ္နီးခ်င္းႏုိင္ငံမ်ား အထူးသျဖင့္ ထိုင္းႏိုင္ငံႏွင့္ မေလး႐ွား၊ စကၤာပူတို႔၏ တိုးတက္ဖြံ႕ၿဖိဳးေနမႈကို ျမန္မာျပည္သူမ်ား မသိ႐ွိဘဲ မ်က္စိပိတ္ နားပိတ္ ျဖစ္ေနခဲ့သည္။ ဦးေနဝင္းသည္ အိမ္နီးခ်င္းႏုိင္ငံမ်ား လွ်င္ျမန္စြာ တိုးတက္ေနမႈကို မ်က္ဝါးထင္ထင္ ျမင္ေတြ႕ေနရေသာ္လည္း ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံ တုိးတက္လာေရးကို ဦးစားေပးစဥ္းစားျခင္းမျပဳခဲ့ျခင္းသည္ သူ၏ အတၱစိတ္ႀကီးမားမႈကို ေဖၚျပခဲ့ျခင္းျဖစ္သည္။ ဆို႐ွယ္လစ္စံနစ္သည္ တိုင္းျပည္ကို စုတ္ျပတ္ ခြ်တ္ၿခဳံက်ေစသည္ကို သိသိႀကီးႏွင့္ တုိးတက္ေသာ ႏုိင္ငံမ်ားကဲ့သုိ႔ စံနစ္ေျပာင္းရန္ ႀကိဳးစားျခင္းထက္ မိမိအာဏာတည္ၿမဲေရးကိုသာ တစိုက္မတ္မတ္ျပဳလုပ္ခဲ့သည္။ အဓိက ဦးေနဝင္း၏ စိတ္ေနသေဘာထားမွာ အမ်က္ေစာင္မန္ႀကီး၍ မိမိထက္သာသူ ဘယ္သူ႔ကိုမွ မျမင္ခ်င္ေသာစိတ္ျဖစ္သည္။ ဦးသန္႔ ကုလသမဂၢအေထြထြအတြင္းေရးမွဴးဘဝျဖင့္ ျမန္မာျပည္လာလည္ေသာအခါ ဦးသန္႔ႏွင့္ ေတြ႕ဆုံစကား မေျပာခ်င္သျဖင့္ ငပလီသုိ႔ ထြက္သြားခဲ့သည္။ ဦးသန္႔က သူႏွင့္ေတြ႔ရန္ငပလီသုိ႔ လိုက္လာေၾကာင္း ၾကားသည့္အခါ ငပလီမွ ခ်က္ခ်င္း ေ႐ွာင္ထြက္သြားခဲ့ျပန္သည္။ ျမန္မာျပည္တြင္ ခ်မ္းသာသူ မ႐ွိေစရ၊ မိမိထက္သာသူ မ႐ွိေစရဆိုသည့္ သူ၏ အတၱႀကီးမႈေၾကာင့္ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံ ေအာက္တန္းေနာက္တန္းက်သည့္ ဘဝသုိ႔ က်ေရာက္ခဲ့ရသည္။
နဝတ/နအဖ လက္ထက္တြင္မူ စစ္ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္မ်ား ဆူဟာတို၏ လက္ဝါးႀကီးအုပ္ စီးပြားေရးစံနစ္ကို အတုခိုးက်င့္သုံးလာၾကသည္။ ေတဇ၊ စတီဖင္ေလာ၊ ဆရာေက်ာင္း၊ မက္စ္ေဇာ္ေဇာ္စသည့္ စီးပြားေရးသမားမ်ားကို ေမြးျမဴ၍ ေဝစားမွ်စား လုပ္လာၾကသည္။ ဦးေနဝင္းလက္ထက္က ထိန္းခ်ဳပ္ထားခဲ့ေသာ သဘာဝ အရင္းအျမစ္မ်ားကို ေဖာေဖာသီသီ ထုတ္ေရာင္းျခင္းျဖင့္ ေခတ္ပ်က္သူေ႒းမ်ား ျဖစ္လာၾကၿပီး ခ်မ္းသာမႈႏွင့္အတူ အက်င့္ပ်က္ျခစားမႈဆိုသည့္ ေရာဂါဆိုးႀကီးကို တျပည္လုံးသုိ႔ ကူးစက္သြားေစခဲ့သည္။ သဘာဝရင္းျမစ္မ်ား ထုတ္ေရာင္းလွ်င္ ႏိုင္ငံျခားေငြ သန္းခ်ီရသည့္ ေငြရေပါက္တခုကိုသာ ျမင္ေသာ စစ္ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္မ်ားသည္ သူထက္ငါ သစ္ကြက္မ်ား၊ ငါးဖမ္းကြက္မ်ား၊ ဓါတ္ေငြ႕ကြက္မ်ားကို ထုတ္ေရာင္းေသာ္လည္း လူသားရင္းျမစ္ (Human Resource) ကို အရည္အေသြးေကာင္းေအာင္ ျပဳလုပ္ေပးဘုိ႔ ပ်က္ကြက္ခဲ့ၾကသည္။ ပ်က္ကြက္ရျခင္းမွာလည္း အရည္အေသြးျမင့္ လူသားရင္းျမစ္တို႔ ေမြးထုတ္ရာ တကၠသိုလ္ေက်ာင္းမ်ားသည္ စစ္အာဏာရွင္တို႔၏ အဓိက ရန္သူပညာတတ္ေက်ာင္းသားမ်ားကို ေမြးထုတ္ရာ ေဒသျဖစ္ေနခဲ့ေသာေၾကာင့္ ပင္ျဖစ္သည္။ အဆင့္ျမင့္တကၠသိုလ္ေက်ာင္းမ်ားထက္ တကၠသိုလ္ေက်ာင္းသားမ်ား မစုေဝးႏိုင္ေစရန္ “ဘြဲ႕ျမန္ျမန္ရ ေအးတာဘဲ” ေပၚလစီျဖင့္ က်င့္သုံးခဲ့ျခင္း ေၾကာင့္အရည္အေသြးနိမ့္က် သည့္လူသားအရင္းျမစ္မ်ားသာေမြးထုတ္ႏိုင္ခဲ့ၿပီးအရည္အေသြးနိမ္႔ဘြဲ႔ရ အလုပ္ လက္မဲ့မ်ားသာေပါမ်ားလာခဲ့ရသည္။ ႏွစ္ေပါင္းမ်ားစြာအေမွ်ာ္အၿမင္နည္းနည္းၿဖင့္အနာဂါတ္တိုင္းၿပည္အညြန္႔အ ဖူးလူသားအရင္းအၿမစ္မ်ားကိုအာဏာဆုပ္ကိုင္ ႏိုင္ေရးအတြက္စေတးရင္း ျဖဳန္းတီးခဲ့ျပန္သည္။
တိုင္းျပည္၏ ကုန္ေခ်ာထုတ္ လုပ္ငန္းမ်ားကို ျပည္သူပိုင္ သိမ္းခဲ့ေသာ စစ္ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္မ်ားသည္ လက္ဝါးႀကီးအုပ္ စီးပြားေရးစံနစ္တြင္လည္း ကုန္ေခ်ာထုတ္စက္႐ုံမ်ား တည္ေဆာက္ျခင္းထက္ အိမ္နီးခ်င္းႏုိင္ငံမ်ားျဖစ္သည့္ တ႐ုတ္၊ ထိုင္း၊ အိႏၵိယတို႔မွ လူသုံးကုန္မ်ားကို တင္သြင္းျခင္းျဖင့္သာ တိုင္းျပည္လိုအပ္ခ်က္မ်ားကို ျဖည့္တင္းခဲ့သည့္အတြက္ ကုန္ၾကမ္းေရာင္း ကုန္ေခ်ာဝယ္ႏုိင္ငံအျဖစ္မွ မတက္ႏိုင္ခဲ့ေခ်။
အင္ဒိုနီးရွား
ဆူဟာတိုသည္ တဖက္မွ အေနာက္ႏိုင္ငံမ်ား ေထာက္ပံ့မႈျဖင့္ စီးပြားေရးလုပ္ငန္းမ်ားကို မိသားစု စီးပြားေရးအသြင္ျဖင့္ လက္ဝါးႀကီးအုပ္ထားၿပီး တုိင္းျပည္ကို ဒီမိုကေရစီႏိုင္ငံအျဖစ္ ေျပာင္းလဲေပးရန္ စိတ္မဝင္စားဘဲ အာဏာကို ဆက္လက္ ဆုပ္ကိုင္ထားခဲ့သည္။ အင္ဒိုနီးရွားႏုိင္ငံကို အေနာက္ႏိုင္ငံမ်ားက ဝိုင္းဝန္းကူညီေထာက္ပံ့ၾကသျဖင့္ စီးပြားေရးတိုးတက္လာခဲ့ေသာ္လည္း ဒီမိုကေရစီႏိုင္ငံ ျဖစ္မလာခဲ့ဘဲ စစ္အာဏာရွင္ လက္ေအာက္မွ ျပည္သူမ်ား မထြက္ႏိုင္ဘဲ ႐ွိခဲ့ရသည္။ သို႔ရာတြင္ အာရွစီးပြားေရးကပ္ က်ေရာက္သည့္အခါ အင္ဒိုနီးရွား စီးပြားေရးပ်က္ ကပ္ဆိုက္ခဲ့ၿပီး ဆူဟာတို ဆင္းေပးခဲ့ရသည္။ ဤအခ်က္သည္ စီးပြားေရး ပူးေပါင္း ကူညီေထာက္ပံ့မႈသည္ စစ္အာဏာရွင္စံနစ္ကို အားေပးျခင္းျဖစ္ၿပီး စစ္အာဏာရွင္စံနစ္ကို သက္တမ္းရွည္ေစေၾကာင္း ခိုင္မာသည့္ အေထာက္အထားတခုပင္ျဖစ္သည္။ စီးပြားပ်က္ကပ္ကသာ စစ္အာဏာ႐ွင္မ်ားကို တုိက္ထုတ္ႏိုင္ေပသည္။ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံတြင္လည္း စီးပြားေရးပိတ္ဆို႔မႈသည္ စစ္အာဏာရွင္ စံနစ္ကို ဒီမိုကေရစီစံနစ္သုိ႔ ေျပာင္းလဲေစသည့္ တြန္းအားႀကီးျဖစ္သည္ကို မေမ့သင့္ေပ။ စီးပြားေရး ပိတ္ဆို႔မႈကို႐ုတ္သိမ္းပါ၊ စီးပြါးေရးပူးေပါင္းေဆာင္ရြက္ၿခင္းကသာဒီမိုကေရစီစံနစ္ကိုသြားႏိုင္သည္ဟုေျပာေနၾကသူမ်ား သည္ စိတ္ကူးယဥ္ေနသူမ်ားသာျဖစ္သည္။
ေမလ၂၁ ရက္ ၁၉၉၈ ခုႏွစ္ တြင္ဆူဟာတို ျပဳတ္သြားၿပီးေနာက္ အင္ဒိုနီးရွား ႏုိင္ငံသည္ ဒီမိုကေရစီစံနစ္သုိ႔ ေျပာင္းလဲသြားခဲ့ေပသည္။ အင္ဒိုနီးရွားႏိုင္ငံ၏ ၂၀၀၅ ခုႏွစ္မွ ၂၀၁၀ ခုႏွစ္အထိ ဘ႑ာေရးဝန္ႀကီးျဖစ္သူ စီးပြားေရးပညာရွင္ စရီမာလယန္နီအင္ျဒာဝတီ (Sri Mulyani Indrawati) က ဒီမိုကေရစီ အေျပာင္းအလဲမွာ အသစ္တက္လာတဲ့ အာဏာပိုင္ေတြဟာ အတိတ္ေန႔ရက္ေတြ ၿပီးဆုံးသြားခဲ့ၿပီးဆိုတာကို ေသေသခ်ာခ်ာ ျပသဖို႔လိုတယ္လို႔ ဆိုပါသည္။ “အေျပာင္းအလဲကို တရားဝင္ျပသဖို႔လိုပါတယ္၊ ဥပေဒသစ္ေတြကို လူသိရွင္ၾကားမွာ ရွင္းေအာင္ လုပ္ဖို႔ လိုပါတယ္၊ အသြင္ကူးေျပာင္းေရးအတြက္ အဟန္႔အတားျဖစ္ေစမယ့္ အေသးအမႊားေလးေတြကအစ ဂ႐ုစိုက္ရပါမယ္၊ အဂတိလိုက္စားမႈဟာ ဖြံ႕ၿဖိဳးေရးရဲ႕ ဆူးေျငာင့္ခလုတ္ျဖစ္တဲ့အတြက္ အစိုးရသစ္ဟာ ဒီကိစၥကို ႏွိမ္နင္းဖို႔ လုပ္ထုံးလုပ္နည္းေတြ၊ အဖြဲ႕အစည္းေတြကို အျမန္ဖြဲ႕စည္းတည္ေဆာက္ဖုိ႔ လိုပါတယ္။ ပြင့္လင္းျမင္သာမႈနဲ႔ တာဝန္ခံမႈဟာ အမ်ားႀကိဳက္အင္အားႀကီးမားတဲ့ ကိစၥျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ဒါေတြလုပ္လို႔ အခက္အခဲႀကဳံလည္း ေခါင္းေဆာင္အသစ္ေတြအေနနဲ႔ လက္ေလ်ာ့လိုက္စရာ အေၾကာင္းမ႐ွိပါဘူး၊ လူထုအေျချပဳအဖြဲ႕အစည္းေတြ၊ ေဒသအဖြဲ႕အစည္းေတြ၊ ဆင္းရဲသားေတြနဲ႔ မ်က္ႏွာမြဲေတြရဲ႕ ကိုယ္စားလွယ္ေတြ၊ အမ်ဳိးသမီးကိုယ္စားလွယ္ေတြကို ဆုံးျဖတ္ခ်က္ခ်တဲ့ အဆင့္တိုင္းမွာ ပါဝင္ခြင့္ေပးသင့္ပါတယ္။”
“အင္ဒိုနီးရွားမွာ မီဒီယာလြတ္လပ္ခြင့္ကအစ၊ တရားမွ်တတဲ့ေ႐ြးေကာက္ပြဲႏွင့္ အဂတိလိုက္စားမႈဆိုင္ရာ ဥေပဒအလယ္၊ ဗဟိုခ်ဳပ္ကိုင္မႈ ေလ်ာ့ခ်ေရး၊ စီးပြားေရးအရ လြတ္လပ္စြာ ၿပိဳင္ဆိုင္ခြင့္နဲ႔ လက္ဝါးႀကီးအုပ္မႈ ကာကြယ္ေရး ဥပေဒအဆုံး၊ ဥပေဒေပါင္းတရာေလာက္ကို တႏွစ္ခြဲကာလအတြင္းမွာ ျပ႒ာန္းခဲ့ပါတယ္။ ႏုိင္ငံ့ဗဟိုဘဏ္ရဲ႕ လြတ္လပ္ခြင့္ကို အာမခံႏိုင္မယ့္ ျပည္သူ႔ဘ႑ာေရး ဥပေဒသစ္ကို အတည္ျပဳခဲ့ပါတယ္။” ဆိုခဲ့ၿပီး စံနစ္ေဟာင္းရဲ႕ လက္က်န္လုံၿခဳံေရးတပ္ဖြဲ႕၊ မလြတ္လပ္တဲ့ တရားစီရင္ေရးေတြကလည္း ရွိေနတတ္တယ္လို႔သတိေပးခဲ့ ေျပာခဲ့ပါတယ္။
အင္ဒိုနီးရွားမွာ အက်င့္ပ်က္ခ်စားမႈတိုက္ဖ်က္ပစ္ဘုိ႔အတြက္ ရွိေနတဲ့ တရားသူႀကီးဟာ နံမည္ပ်က္ေပါင္းမ်ားေန လို႔ လြတ္လပ္တဲ့တရားသူႀကီးတေယာက္ကို ခန္႔အပ္ေပးခဲ့ရေၾကာင္း၊ ေနာက္ ဆင္းရဲသားေတြကို ဦးစားေပးတဲ့ လုပ္ငန္း (Pro-poor agenda) အစီအစဥ္ေတြကို အေကာင္အထည္ေဖၚတဲ့ေနရာမွာလဲ လူထုကိုပဲ ကိုယ္ထူကိုယ္ထ လုပ္ခိုင္းခဲ့ေၾကာင္း ဆိုခဲ့ပါတယ္။ ထို႔အျပင္ စီးပြားေရးလုပ္ငန္းေတြ ဖန္တီးမဲ့အဓိက အင္အားစုျဖစ္တဲ့ အေသးစားနဲ႔ အလတ္စားစီးပြားေရး လုပ္ငန္းေတြ ဖြံ႕ၿဖိဳးလာေအာင္ စြန္႔စားတီထြင္သူေတြအႀကိဳက္ စီးပြားေရး ေရခံေျမခံေကာင္းေတြ ဖန္တီးေပးဘုိ႔လိုပါတယ္။ (မွတ္ခ်က္။ စီးပြားေရးေရခံေျမခံေကာင္းေတြ ဖန္တီးေပးဘုိ႔ဆိုတဲ့ေနရာမွာၿမန္မာၿပည္အတြက္ ရန္ကုန္နဲ႔ၿမိဳ႕ၾကီး ေတြ၊စက္မွဳဇံုေတြမွာလွ်ပ္စစ္ဓါတ္အားအၿပည့္အဝရဘို႔လိုပါတယ္) သူက “ တာဝန္ခံမႈမ႐ွိ၊ လူမႈအသိုက္အဝန္းတခု လုံးမပါဝင္တဲ့ စီးပြားေရး ေအာင္ျမင္မႈဆိုတာ ေရရွည္မခံပါဘူး” ဟု ဆိုခဲ့ပါသည္။ အစိုးရသစ္အေနနဲ႔ အခြင့္အလမ္းနည္းပါးသူ ေတြကို ကာကြယ္ဘုိ႔ ခက္ခဲတဲ့ ေ႐ြးခ်ယ္မႈေတြ လုပ္ရတာမ်ဳိးလည္း ရွိတတ္ပါတယ္။ ေနာက္ဆုံးအေနနဲ႔ သူမလက္ေအာက္တြင္ ဝန္ထမ္း ၆ ေသာင္း ၄ ေထာင္ထဲတြင္ အခြန္စံနစ္ကို ေခတ္မီေအာင္လုပ္မယ့္ အခ်ိန္တြင္ တႏိုင္ငံလုံးတြင္ အမွန္တကယ္ အရည္အခ်င္းရွိတဲ့ ကြ်မ္းက်င္သူ ရွာလို႔မရေအာင္ ျဖစ္ခဲ့ရပါသည္ဟု ဆိုျခင္းသည္ အာဏာရွင္ဆူဟာတိုလက္ထက္ စီးပြားေရးတိုးတက္လာခဲ့ေသာ္လည္း အရည္အခ်င္းျပည့္ဝသည့္ ပညာရွင္မ်ား ေပၚထြန္းေအာင္ ပညာေရးစံနစ္မရွိခဲ့ျခင္းကို သက္ေသျပခဲ့သည္။ ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံတြင္လည္း ဘြဲ႕ရလူငယ္မ်ားစြာ ရွိသည္။ သုိ႔ရာတြင္ ထိုဘြဲ႕ရလူငယ္မ်ားသည္ ေခတ္မီႏိုင္ငံမ်ားတြင္ သင္ၾကားေနသည့္ ေခတ္ႏွင့္အညီ ပညာေရးစံနစ္ထက္ ေရွး႐ိုးစံနစ္ေဟာင္းအျပင္ အာဏာရွင္မ်ား အက်ဳိးတြက္ ျပ႒ာန္းထားသည့္ ပညာေရးစံနစ္တြင္ ေမြးဖြားလာခဲ့ၾကရသျဖင့္ တုိင္းျပည္တိုးတက္ရန္ လုပ္ေဆာင္ႏိုင္မည့္ အရည္အခ်င္းရွိသူ ရွားပါးေပလိမ့္မည္။ သူမက အင္ဒိုနီးရွားႏုိင္ငံသည္ ျပည္ပမွ အကူအညီမ်ားလိုအပ္ေသာ္လည္း ကိုယ့္ႏုိင္ငံရဲ႕ အေရးျဖစ္တဲ့အတြက္ ဘယ္ေတာ့ လက္ေျမွာက္အ႐ႈံးမေပးခဲ့ေၾကာင္း ကိုယ့္ႏိုင္ငံရဲ႕ အသြင္ကူးေျပာင္းေရးကို ကိုယ့္ဘာသာ တာဝန္ယူ မလုပ္ခဲ့ရင္ အင္ဒိုနီးရွားဟာ ခပ္လြယ္လြယ္ဘဲ က်ဆုံးသြားေလာက္ပါၿပီ။ ဒီသင္ခန္းစာဟာ အသြင္ကူးေျပာင္းတဲ့ ႏုိင္ငံတိုင္းအတြက္ ေခါင္းထဲမွာ ထည့္ထားသင့္တဲ့ ကိစၥတခုပါပဲဟု ဆိုခဲ့ပါသည္။
အင္ဒိုနီးရွား ဘ႑ာေရးဝန္ႀကီးေဟာင္း စရိမာလယန္နီ၏ လက္ေတြ႕ျဖတ္သန္းခဲ့ရသည့္ အေတြ႕အႀကဳံအရ ေျပာၾကားခ်က္မွာ အလြန္အတုယူစရာေကာင္းသည္။ ယေန႔ ဒီမိုကေရစီစံနစ္ကို ေျပာင္းေနပါၿပီဟု ေျပာေနေသာ ဦးသိန္းစိန္အစိုးရအေနႏွင့္ ဆူဟာတို၏ စီးပြားေရးကို လက္ဝါးႀကီးအုပ္စံနစ္ႏွင့္ ဖြင့္ထားၿပီး တဖက္မွလည္း အာဏာကို ႀကိဳးကိုင္ရယူထားသည့္ လမ္းေၾကာင္းမွ ေသြဖီ၍ ဆူဟာတိုလြန္ကာလ အင္ဒိုနီးရွား ဒီမိုကေရစီအစိုးရသစ္လမ္းေၾကာင္းသို႔ သတၱိရွိရွိ လိုက္ရဲဘုိ႔လိုသည္။ စစ္အာဏာရွင္စံနစ္ အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္မႈသည္ အမွန္တကယ္ အတိတ္တြင္ က်စ္ရစ္ခဲ့ၿပီဆိုသည္ကို သက္ေသျပႏိုင္ဘို႔လိုသည္။ ၿပည္သူ႔လႊတ္ေတာ္ဥကၠဌ ဦးေ႐ႊမန္းက သူသည္ ဒီမိုကေရစီဘက္ေတာ္သားျဖစ္သည္ဟု ေျပာဆိုသြားသည္ကို ႀကိဳဆိုပါသည္။ ဒီမိုကေရစီဘက္ေတာ္သားျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း အေျပာႏွင့္မဟုတ္ အလုပ္ႏွင့္ သက္ေသျပေစလိုပါသည္။
(၁)အေျပာင္းအလဲကို တရားဝင္ျပသဘို႔ႏွင့္ ယခင္စစ္အာဏာရွင္စံနစ္ႏွင့္ ကြဲျပားျခားနားေၾကာင္းကို ျပသသည့္ အေနႏွင့္ ႏိုင္ငံေရးအက်ဥ္းသားမ်ားကို အျမန္ဆုံးလႊတ္ေပးျခင္းျပဳဘုိ႔လိုသည္။
(၂) တရားဥပေဒစိုးမိုးေရးႏွင့္ လာဒ္စားမႈ တိုက္ဖ်က္ေရးအတြက္ သီးျခားလြတ္လပ္သည့္ တရားသူႀကီးတဦးကို ခန္႔အပ္ေပးဘုိ႔လိုသည္။ တရားသူႀကီးသည္ ျပည္သူလူထု သေဘာထားေပးသည့္ ဘက္လိုက္မႈကင္းေသာ ယခင္အစိုးရႏွင့္ ကင္းရွင္းေသာ တရားသူႀကီးျဖစ္ဘို႔လိုပါသည္။ တရားစီရင္ေရးမ႑ဳိင္ကိုလည္း အစိုးရၾသဇာအာဏာမွ လုံးဝလြတ္ကင္းရန္လိုေပေသးသည္။ အင္ဒိုနီးရွားကဲ့သို႔ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံတြင္ ျပဳျပင္ေျပာင္းလဲမႈမ်ားစြာ လုပ္ဘို႔ လိုေသးသည္။ ဆင္းရဲမႈ တုိက္ဖ်က္ေရးေဆြးေႏြးပြဲအျပင္
(၃) လူထုလူတန္းစား အဖြဲ႕အစည္းမ်ားကို အစိုးရဆုံးျဖတ္ ခ်က္တိုင္းတြင္ ပါဝင္ခြင့္ေပးျခင္းကို လုပ္ေဆာင္ႏုိင္ဘုိ႔ လိုသည္။ သို႔မွသာ ဝန္ႀကီးဦးေဇာ္မင္းကဲ့သို႔ ယခင္အစိုးရလုပ္ရပ္မ်ားကို ကာကြယ္ရင္း ျပည္သူဘာေျပာေျပာ ေနာက္မဆုတ္ဘဲ ဆက္လုပ္မည္ဆိုသည့္ လူမိုက္စကားေျပာၿခင္းမ်ဳိးကို ျပတ္ျပတ္သားသား ဟန္႔တားႏိုင္မည္ျဖစ္သည္။ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံသည္ ဒီမိုကေရစီနည္းက် ေ႐ြးခ်ယ္ေပးလုိက္ေသာ အစိုးရ တက္လာသည္ဟုေျပာၿပီး ျပည္သူေတြဘာေျပာေျပာ လက္ခံမႈ ရွိရွိ၊ မရွိရွိ ငါ့ေတာ့ ငါလုပ္ခ်င္သည္ကို ဆက္လုပ္မည္ဟု ေျပာျခင္းသည္ ဒီမိုကေရစီအစိုးရမ်ဳိးတြင္ မရွိေခ်။ ငါလုပ္ခ်င္သည္ကို ဆက္လုပ္မည္ဟု ေျပာျခင္းသည္ စစ္အာဏာရွင္လက္ေအာက္တြင္သာ ရွိသည္။ ထို႔ေၾကာင့္ ဝန္ႀကီးေဇာ္မင္းကို လက္ရွိအစိုးရအေနႏွင့္ ရာထူးမွ ထုတ္ပယ္လိုက္ျခင္းျဖင့္ ဒီမိုကေရစီစံနစ္ကို အေလးထားေသာ အစိုးရျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း သက္ေသျပဘို႔လိုသည္။
ေနာက္ဆုံးတင္ၿပခ်င္သည္မွာ ဆူဟာတိုအစိုးရသည္ လူထုအုံႂကြမႈျဖင့္ ျပဳတ္က်သြားၿပီး လူထုကိုယ္စားျပဳ အစိုးရတက္လာျခင္းျဖစ္ေသာ္လည္း ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံတြင္မူ စစ္အာဏာရွင္မ်ား ျပဳလုပ္ေပးသည့္ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲျဖင့္ ၎တို႔၏ လူမ်ား စစ္ယူနီေဖာင္းခြ်တ္ကာ အရပ္သားအသြင္ကူးေျပာင္းလာသျဖင့္ မ်ားစြာ ကြားျခားမႈရွိသည္။ သို႔ရာတြင္ ဦးသိန္းစိန္အစိုးရသည္ ဒီမိုကေရစီစံနစ္ကို တကယ္ေျပာင္းလဲလိုပါက ဆူဟာတိုလြန္ အစိုးရလုပ္ရပ္မ်ားကို သတၱိရွိရွိျပဳလုပ္ရန္ ဒီမိုကေရစီစံနစ္ႏွင့္ ကိုက္ညီေသာ ပြင့္လင္းျမင္သာမႈ (Transparency) ႐ွိဘုိ႔၊ ဗဟိုခ်ဳပ္ကိုင္မႈ ေလ်ာ့ခ်မႈ၊ စီးပြားေရးအရ လြတ္လပ္စြာၿပိဳင္ဆိုင္ခြင့္နဲ႔ လက္ဝါးႀကီးအုပ္မႈ ကာကြယ္ေရး ဥပေဒမ်ားကို ဆက္တိုက္ျပ႒ာန္းျခင္း၊ ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံအတြက္ လိုအပ္သည့္ ဥေပေဒေပါင္းမ်ားစြာ ျပ႒ာန္းၿပီး ယခင္အာဏာအလြန္အကြ်ံ သုံးစြဲမႈမ်ားကို ဟန္႔တားပယ္ဖ်က္ျခင္းတို႔ကို ျပဳလုပ္၍ အမွန္တကယ္ေျပာင္းလဲၿပီျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း ႐ိုးသားစြာ လုပ္ေဆာင္ႏိုင္ဘို႔ လိုပါသည္။
နိဂံုး။ အတိတ္ကတရုပ္၏နမူနာကိုယူၾကပါ။
နိဂုံးအားျဖင့္ တ႐ုတ္အားကိုး၍ ကိုယ့္လူမ်ဳိးမ်ားကို လစ္လွ်ဴ႐ႈခဲ့ေသာ နဝတ/နအဖ အစိုးရ၏ လုပ္ရပ္မ်ားသည္ တခ်ိန္က တရုတ္တို႔၏ အေတြးအေခၚတိမ္ခဲ့သျဖင့္ တရုတ္ျပည္ကို ဂ်ပန္ကဲ့သုိ႔ ကြ်န္းႏိုင္ငံငယ္ေလးကပင္ ဝင္ေရာက္သိမ္းပိုက္ျခင္းခံခဲ့ရသည္ကို နာမူနာယူရန္ ေအာက္ပါသမိုင္းျဖစ္ရပ္မွန္ ေကာက္ႏႈတ္ခ်က္ကို ေရးသား၍ ကိုယ့္တိုင္းျပည္ကို ခ်စ္ၾကပါ၊ ကိုယ္ျပည္သူကို တန္ဘိုးထားေလးစားပါ၊ ကိုယ့္သဘာဝရင္းျမစ္မ်ားကို ထိမ္းသိမ္းပါဟု တင္ျပလိုက္ပါသည္။
မိမိကိုယ္ကို အင္အားရွိေအာင္ျပဳလုပ္ျခင္း( Self Strengthening by Li Hung Chang)
လီဟန္းခ်င္ ၁၈၂၃-၁၉၀၈ (Li Hung- Chang [1823- 1908]) သည္ ကိုယ့္အင္အားကိုယ္ တည္ေဆာက္ဖို႔လိုေၾကာင္း ကို ထပ္ခါတလဲလဲ ေျပာၾကားခဲ့သည့္ တရုတ္ဗိသုကာႀကီးျဖစ္သည္။ သူက “ယခုလက္ရွိ အေျခအေနအရ လူအရိုင္းအစိုးမ်ားဟု ေျပာေနသူမ်ားကို ကြ်ႏု္ပ္တို႔က သူတို႔နဲ႔ သင့္တင့္ေလ်ာက္ပတ္ေအာင္ ေနႏိုင္ဘုိ႔ လိုအပ္ေနၿပီဆိုတာကို ျပခဲ့တယ္” ဟု တရုတ္ႏိုင္ငံျခားတိုင္းျပည္မ်ားႏွင့္ စစ္ျဖစ္ရာတြင္ ႐ႈံးနိမ့္ခဲ့ရသည့္ ၁၈၄၀- ၄၂ ၊ ၁၈၆၀ ႏွင့္ ၁၈၈၅ ခုႏွစ္တို႔ကို ရည္ညြန္းေျပာၾကားခဲ့သည္။ “ျပည္တြင္းအေျခအေနကို သုံးသပ္ရမယ္ဆိုရင္ ငါတို႔ဌာနဆိုင္ရာေတြအားလုံးကို ျပဳျပင္ေျပာင္းလဲဘုိ႔ လိုၿပီ၊ အကယ္၍ ငါတို႔ဟာ ေရွး႐ိုးဝါဒီမ်ားအျဖစ္သာ ေခါင္းမာေနခဲ့ၿပီး ေျပာင္းလဲဘုိ႔ကို ျငင္းဆန္ခဲ့ရင္ ငါတို႔ႏိုင္ငံေတာ္ရဲ႕ စိတ္ဓာတ္ဟာ တေန႔ထက္တေန႔ နိမ့္က်သြားမွာဘဲျဖစ္တယ္” ႏုိင္ငံျခားတိုင္းျပည္ေတြဟာ ျပဳျပင္ေျပာင္းလဲမႈေတြ တခုၿပီးတခုျပဳရင္း လွ်င္လွ်င္ျမန္ျမန္ တိုးတက္လာခဲ့ၿပီးျဖစ္တယ္။ ဒလေဟာ စီးဆင္းလာတဲ့ အထက္ျမစ္ညွာက ေရးစီးေၾကာင္းလို ေျပာင္းလဲတိုးတက္ေနခဲ့တယ္။ တရုတ္ကေတာ့ မိမိတို႔ရဲ႕ ေရွး႐ိုးဌာနေတြရဲ႕ လုပ္ထုံးလုပ္နည္းအတို္င္း ဆုပ္ကိုင္ထားဆဲျဖစ္တယ္။ ဒီလို ဆုပ္ကိုင္ထားလို႔ တုိင္းျပည္ပ်က္စီးမွာကို ေရွး႐ိုးသမားေတြကေတာ့ စိုးရိမ္ ေၾကာင့္က်မႈမရွိခဲ့ပါဘူး။ အို ေကာင္းကင္ဘုံနဲ႔ လူသား “ကြ်န္ေတာ္တို႔ ဒါကိုဘယ္လိုနားလည္ေအာင္ ေျပာၾကား ရပါ့မလဲ” အေနာက္ႏိုင္ငံသားေတြကဘယ္လိုေသနတ္ေကာင္းေတြလုပ္ရမယ္၊ ဘယ္လို အၿမွာက္ေတြလုပ္ရမယ္ ဘယ္လိုေရေႏြးေငြ႕ေမာင္းသေဘၤာႀကီးေတြ တည္ေဆာက္ ရမည္၊ ဒါမွသာ ငါတို႔တ႐ုတ္ေတြကို လႊမ္းမိုးလို႔ ရမယ္ဆိုၿပီး လုပ္ေနတဲ့အခ်ိန္မွာ ငါတို႔တ႐ုတ္ေတြက “ဒီအ႐ိုင္းအစိုင္းေတြကို ေမာင္းထုတ္ၾက၊ သူတို႔ကို မဆက္ဆံနဲ႔ ငါတို႔ပိုင္နက္က ႏွင္ထုတ္ၾက” လို႔ ေအာ္ေနတာဟာ တကယ္ေတာ့ အဓိပၸါယ္မဲ့ ေျပာျခင္းနဲ႔ စိတ္ကူးယဥ္ဆန္လွပါတယ္။ ငါတို႔ လက္နက္နဲ႔ နည္းပညာမ႐ွိဘဲ ဘယ္လို ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းစြာေနႏိုင္မွာလဲ။ ကိုယ္အင္အား ကိုယ္တည္ေဆာက္ျခင္း ဆိုတဲ့ နည္းမွာ သူတို႔ဘာေတြ လုပ္ေနတယ္၊ တီထြင္ေနတယ္ ဆိုတာေတြကို ေလ့လာသင္ၾကားျခင္းနဲ႔ သူတို႔ဘာေတြကို မွီခိုအားယူထားတယ္ဆိုေတြကို ယူတတ္ဘုိ႔ဘဲ” ဟု ဆိုခဲ့သည္။
တ႐ုတ္ႏိုင္ငံသည္ ျပဳျပင္ေျပာင္းလဲမႈ လုပ္ရမည္ဟု အယူအဆကို လက္ခံသူမ်ား ႐ွိေသာ္လည္း အမ်ားစုမွာ အေနာက္ဆန္႔က်င္ေရး ေ႐ွး႐ိုးသမား (Conservative) မ်ားျဖစ္ၾကသည္။ တ႐ုတ္ႏိုင္ငံမွ ပညာေတာ္သင္တကၠသိုလ္ ေက်ာင္းသား ၁၂၀ ကို ဟာ့ဖို႔ဒ္ (Hartford) ၿမိဳ႕ ေကာ့နတီးကတ္ (Connecticut) ျပည္နယ္သုိ႔ ၁၈၇၂ ခုႏွစ္က ပို႔လိုက္ေသာ္လည္း ၎တုိ႔အားလုံးကို ၁၈၈၁ ခုႏွစ္တြင္ ျပည္လည္ေခၚယူခဲ့သည္။ ျပန္ေရာက္လာေသာ ေက်ာင္းသားမ်ားကို အေနာက္ႏုိင္ငံႏွင့္ အဆက္အသြယ္႐ွိသူမ်ား၊ ျပဳျပင္ေျပာင္း လဲေရးအတြက္ အႀကံဉာဏ္ေပးျခင္းမ်ားကိုလည္းသံသယၿဖင့္ အေနာက္၏ ေဖာက္ျပန္ေသာ အေတြးအေခၚဝင္ ေနသူ မ်ားအျဖစ္ျမင္ၿပီး တခ်ဳိ႕ မီဂ်ီဂ်ပန္ေခတ္ ျပဳျပင္ေျပာင္းလဲမႈအတိုင္း အလ်င္အျမန္ေျပာင္းလဲဘုိ႔ တုိက္တြန္း သူမ်ားကို အတင္းအၾကပ္ရာထူးမွ အနားယူေစျခင္းျဖင့္ ပိတ္ပင္ခဲ့သည္။
ဂ်ပန္ေရတပ္က ၁၈၉၄ ခုႏွစ္တြင္ တ႐ုတ္ျပည္ေရတပ္ႀကီးကို တိုက္ခိုက္အႏိုင္ယူခဲ့ၿပီး ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးလက္မွတ္ ထိုးပြဲ ျဖစ္ေသာ ႐ွင္မင္နိစကီ (Treaty of Shiminoseki) စာခ်ဳပ္ကို ၁၈၉၅ ခုႏွစ္တြင္ တ႐ုတ္ဘက္မွ သံအဖြဲ႕ေခါင္းေဆာင္ (Li Hung Chang) လီေဟာင္းခ်န္က သူႏွင့္ ရန္ဘက္ဂ်ပန္သံအဖြဲ႕ေခါင္းေဆာင္ (Ito Hirobumi) အီတိုဟီ႐ိုဘူမီကို “တ႐ုတ္နဲ႔ ဂ်ပန္ဟာ အိမ္နီးျခင္းေတြျဖစ္တယ္၊ ဒါ့အျပင္ စာအေရးအသား စံနစ္ကလဲ အတူတူဘဲျဖစ္တယ္၊ ဘာေၾကာင့္ ငါတုိ႔ ရန္သူေတြ ျဖစ္ၾကရတာလဲ” “ငါတို႔ၾကားမွာ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးနဲ႔ သဟဇာတျဖစ္ေရးကို လိုလားတယ္၊ ဒါမွသာ ငါတို႔ အာ႐ွတိုက္ လူဝါမ်ဳိးေတြဟာ အေနာက္ဥပေရာပက လူျဖဴေတြရဲ႕ လႊမ္းမိုးမႈကို တြန္းလွန္ႏိုင္မွာျဖစ္တယ္” လို႔ ေျပာတဲ့အခါ အီတိုဟီ႐ီုဘူမီက “လြန္ခဲ့တဲ့ ၁၀ ႏွစ္က ငါမင္းကို ျပဳျပင္ေျပာင္းလဲပါလို႔ ေျပာခဲ့တယ္မဟုတ္လား၊ ဘာေၾကာင့္ အေၾကာင္းအခ်က္တခုမွ မေျပာင္းလဲဘဲ အခုထိ ႐ွိေနခဲ့တာလဲ၊ ဘာေၾကာင့္ မေျပာင္းလဲခဲ့တာလဲ” ဟု ျပန္ေမးတဲ့အခါ လီက “ငါ့ႏိုင္ငံမွာရွိတဲ့ ကိစၥေတြက ေရွးရိုးဓေလ့ထုံးစံေတြကို ဦးစားေပး ဖက္တြယ္ထားလြန္းလို႔ ငါလုပ္ခ်င္သလို မလုပ္ႏိုင္ခဲ့ပါဘူး၊ ငါဒီအတြက္ အ႐ွက္ရပါတယ္၊ ငါ့မွာ ဒီလိုျပဳျပင္ႏိုင္ဘုိ႔ ၾသဇာအာဏာမ႐ွိလို႔ပါဘဲ” ဟု ဝန္ခံခဲ့သည္။
နိဂုံးအားျဖင့္ တရုတ္ျပဳျပင္ေရးသမား(Liang Ch’i-ch’ao) လင္ခ်ီခ်ဳိ (၁၈၇၃-၁၉၂၉) ၏ ေျပာစကားကို တင္ျပလိုပါသည္။ လင္ခ်ီခ်ဳိမွာ ကင္ယူေဝ (K’ang Yu-Wei) ၏ လုပ္ေဘာ္ကိုင္ဘက္တဦးျဖစ္ၿပီး တ႐ုတ္ျပည္ႀကီး ဂ်ပန္ကို ၁၈၉၆ ခုႏွစ္တြင္ ႐ႈံးနိမ့္ခဲ့ရသည့္အတြက္ ထိုစဥ္က တ႐ုတ္ျပည္ႀကီး၏ အေျခအေနကို ေအာက္ပါအတိုင္း တင္စား၍ ေရးသားေဖၚျပခဲ့ေပသည္။
ျပဳျပင္ေျပာင္းလဲေရး (Reform by Liang Ch’i-ch’ao)
ျပဳျပင္ေျပာင္းလဲေရး မလိုလားအပ္ဘူးလို႔ ေျပာေနတဲ့သူေတြက “ေ႐ွးထုံးစံအတိုင္းလုပ္ၾက၊ ေ႐ွးလူႀကီးေတြကို လိုက္နာၾကလို႔ဆိုတယ္” အရာရာဟာ ထုံးတမ္းဓေလ့ေတြေအာက္မွာ အလဟႆျဖစ္ေနတာကို သူတို႔ရဲ႕ ႏွလုံးသားထဲမွာ ဘာမွ မျဖစ္သလို ေအးစက္စက္ထိုင္ၿပီး ၾကည့္ေနၾကတယ္။ ဥပမာ- အလြန္ႀကီးမားတဲ့ ႏွစ္ေပါင္းတေထာင္ေက်ာ္ေလာက္က ခန္းနားတဲ့ ရဲတိုက္ႀကီးရွိတယ္၊ ဒီရဲတိုက္ႀကီးရဲ႕ ေက်ာက္ျပားေတြ၊ အုတ္ေတြဟာ ေဆြးေျမ႕ေနၿပီ၊ ထုတ္ေတြ၊ ဒိုင္းေတြ၊ ယက္မေတြဟာလဲ ေဆြးေျမ႕တိုက္စားေနၿပီ၊ ဒါေပမဲ့ ဒီရဲတိုက္ႀကီးဟာ ႀကီးမားခန္႔ျငား အံ့ၾသစရာေကာင္းေနတုံးပါဘဲ။ ဒါေပမယ့္ ေလနဲ႔မိုးနဲ႔ က်လာတဲ့အခါ ဒီအေဆာက္အဦႀကီးဟာ ၿပိဳက်သြားမွာျဖစ္တယ္။ ဒါေပမယ့္ ဒီရဲတိုက္ႀကီးထဲမွာ ေနတဲ့လူေတြဟာ ေပ်ာ္႐ႊင္စြာ ကစားေနၾကသူ ကစား၊ ႏွစ္ႏွစ္ၿခိဳက္ၿခိဳက္ အိပ္သူကအိပ္ေနၾကတယ္။ တခ်ဳိ႕ဒီအေၾကာင္းကို သိသူေတြကေတာ့ ခါးသည္းစြာ ငိုေႂကြးဘို႔ဘဲသိၾကတယ္။ သူတို႔ရဲ႕ လက္ေတြကို ပိုက္ၿပီး ေသရမယ့္အခ်ိန္ကို ဘယ္လိုကုစားရမယ္ဆိုတာကို မေတြးဘဲ ေစာင့္ေနၾကတယ္။ အနည္းငယ္နားလည္တဲ့ သူေတြတခ်ဳိ႕ကေတာ့ အက္ေၾကာင္းေတြကို ဖါေထး၊ ေရယိုေပါက္ေတြကို ပိတ္၊ နံရံေတြကို ျပန္လည္မြန္းမံၿပီး ဒီေနရာမွာ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းစြာေနႏုိင္ေရးကို တတဂၤမွာဘဲျဖစ္ျဖစ္ ေနႏိုင္ေအာင္လုပ္ေနၾကတယ္။ ေကာင္းမြန္တဲ့အေၾကာင္းအရာ တစုံတခုမ်ား ျဖစ္လာမလားဆိုတဲ့ ေမွ်ာ္လင့္ခ်က္နဲ႔ေပါ့။ သူတို႔ဟာလဲ စံနစ္ေဟာင္းကို မွီတြယ္ ေနသူမ်ားသာျဖစ္တယ္။ ဒီလိုအေတြးအေခၚရွိလူစား သုံးမ်ဳိးသုံးစားလံုးဟာ ဒီရဲတိုက္ႀကီးထဲမွာ ေနေနၾကတယ္။ ဒါေပမယ့္ ဟာရီကိန္းမုန္တိုင္းႀကီး တုိက္ခတ္လာတဲ့ တေန႔မွာေတာ့ သူတို႔အားလုံးဟာ အတူတကြ ေသးဆုံးသြားၾကေတာ့မွာ ျဖစ္တယ္” ႏိုင္ငံတႏိုင္ငံဟာလဲ ဒီအတိုင္းဘဲ” လို႔ လင္ခ်ီခ်ဳိက ရင္နာစြာ ေရးသားခဲ့ပါသည္။
တ႐ုတ္ႏိုင္ငံဟာ ေခတ္ေနာက္က်ေနတဲ့အတြက္ သူ႔ထက္အဆမ်ားစြာ ေသးငယ္တဲ့ ဂ်ပန္ကြ်န္းႏိုင္ငံေလးရဲ႕ ကြ်န္ျဖစ္ခဲ့ရတာ သမိုင္းသခၤန္းစာမ်ား ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံလို ေခတ္ေနာက္ျပန္ဆြဲၿပီး ေအာက္တန္းေနာက္တန္းက်ေနတဲ့ ႏုိင္ငံကို တ႐ုတ္လို ႏိုင္ငံႀကီးက ခ်မ္းသာေပးပါ့မလား? တ႐ုတ္စစ္တပ္လႊတ္ တိုက္ရန္ယေန႔ေခတ္တြင္ ျဖစ္ႏိုင္ေခ်နည္းပါးေသာ္လည္း(မၿဖစ္ႏိုင္္ဟုေတာ့ဒက္ထိေၿပာမရ) တေျဖးေျဖး လူမ်ဳိးအရ ဝါးၿမိဳျခင္းႏွင့္ စီးပြားေရးအရ ကြ်န္ျပဳျခင္းကို မလြဲမေသြ လုပ္မည္ျဖစ္သည္။ လုပ္လည္း လုပ္ေနခဲ့သည္။
ထိုအေျခအေနမွ လြတ္ေျမာက္ရန္ ဦးသိန္းစိန္အစိုးရအေနႏွင့္ အတိုက္အခံမ်ားအေပၚ သေဘာထားႀကီးႀကီးထားၿပီး ႐ိုးသားစြာ ပူးေပါင္းေဆာင္႐ြက္ျခင္း၊ ဒီမိုကေရစီအႏွစ္သာရမ်ားကို အေလးထားေသာအားျဖင့္ အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ေရးဌာနမ်ားတြင္ ဒီမိုကေရစီစံနစ္ႏွင့္ ကိုက္ညီေသာ ဥပေဒမ်ားကို ျပ႒ာန္းျခင္း၊ အတိုက္အခံႏိုင္ငံေရး အက်ဥ္းသားမ်ားကို လႊတ္ေပး၍ ၎တို႔၏ အျမင္မ်ားကို လြတ္လပ္ပြင့္လင္းစြာ ေဆြးေႏြးမႈေပးျခင္း၊ သတင္းမီဒီယာမ်ားကို လြတ္လပ္စြာ ေရးသားထုတ္ေဝ ျဖန္႔ခ်ီခြင့္ေပးျခင္းတို႔ကို ရဲဝံ့စြာျပဳလုပ္ျခင္းျဖင့္ အတိုက္အခံဟူသည္ မိမိ၏ လုပ္ေဘာ္ကိုင္ဘက္အျမင္ မတူညီေသာ္လည္း ၎တို႔႐ႈေဒါင့္မွ တုိင္းျပည္ခ်စ္စိတ္ျဖင့္ မိမိတို႔အျမင္ကို တင္ျပေသာ လုပ္ေဖာ္ကိုင္ဖက္မ်ားသာျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း ႏွလုံးသြင္းၿပီး ခ်ီတက္လက္တြဲၾကမည္ဆိုလွ်င္ ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံႀကီးတ႐ုတ္ကြ်န္ ဘဝမွလည္းေကာင္း၊ အျခားလူမ်ဳိးျခားတို႔၏ စီးပြားေရးကြ်န္ဘဝမွလည္းေကာင္း အခ်ိန္တိုတိုျဖင့္ ႐ုန္းထြက္ႏုိင္ၾကမည္ျဖစ္ပါသည္။
ေလးစားစြာျဖင့္
ထြန္းေအာင္ေက်ာ္
မွီးျငမ္းစာမ်ား-
(၁) DVB မွ ထုတ္ေဝသည့္ Indonesia’s Lessons for the Asia ဘာသာျပန္ေဆာင္ပါး “အတိတ္ႏွင့္လမ္းခြဲလိုက္ပါ”
(၂) A history of Asia, Rhoads Murphey, University of Michigan, Harper Collins Publishers, 1992, P.311, 312, 313.
Credit : ထြန္းေအာင္ေက်ာ္
By Zaw Nay Aung
The US Senate has approved the renewal of a ban on Burmese imports that is part of the Burmese Freedom and Democracy Act of 2003. The House approved the sanctions bill in July, and so the agreement is expected to get the signature of President Barack Obama soon. This is welcome, as were the words of US special envoy Derek J. Mitchell, who concluded a five-day visit to the country last week with comments arguing that the Burmese regime needs to take concrete steps over dialogue with the opposition, the release of political prisoners and investigating human rights abuses.
The problem is that words aren't always being followed up with action in Western nations.
Since the 2010 elections, the Burmese regime has grown increasingly tactical in its dealings with the opposition and international community. It’s unclear whether the supreme leader of the regime, Than Shwe, has completely left the political arena, but the post-election strategic moves of former Gen. Thein Sein have certainly become more calculated.
Thein Sein appears to be using a little sweet talk and some cunning diplomacy to demonstrate that he can change the way the international community sees the government. Now clad in civilian garb, the president of the ‘new’ government has made powerful speeches on economic and political reforms. Yet, in the past few months, no substantive or tangible changes have actually been seen. It’s certainly true that there’s no quick fix to the decades-long political and economic stagnation that plagues Burma. But there also hasn’t yet been any sign of much-needed progress in terms of basic rights and freedoms, such as the release of political prisoners.
The continued incarceration of more than 2,000 political prisoners, as well as the need for Daw Aung San Suu Kyi’s National League for Democracy to re-register as a political party, is testament to the unshakeable attitudes of the old dictatorship. Furthermore, the regime is still using various forms of diplomacy to try to gain global recognition as an ‘elected and democratic’ government. To secure its bid to chair ASEAN for the 2014 summit, and with an eye on avoiding the possible establishment of a UN commission of inquiry into alleged abuses, the Thein Sein administration has started to feign acceptance of political opposition.
But despite the largely superficial changes in Burmese politics, calls to end sanctions against the regime have been growing louder since the beginning of this year. No matter whether one views the elections and subsequent developments as progress, many still have doubts over the efficacy of Western sanctions against the regime. Furthermore, many observers argue that sanctions hurt the people rather than the ruling generals. Given the apparent improvements in Burma—the release of Suu Kyi and the emergence of a parliament (albeit one dominated by the military)—the sanctioning states have in recent months been pressed to withdraw their punitive measures.
Suu Kyi and the NLD called for an independent analysis of sanctions in November 2010. No such initiative has yet taken place. In the midst of contradictory views from both pro-sanction and anti-sanction groups, the countries imposing punitive actions should review their measures and renew them accordingly. In the current political climate in Burma, it’s vital that the sanctions controversy is clearly seen to be resolved.
Burma Independence Advocates, a human rights advocacy and think tank based in London, recently published an assessment of the political and humanitarian conditions under sanctions. It showed that the direct impact of sanctions on humanitarian conditions has been negligible. And, although sanctions have so far failed to have a significant impact on Burmese politics, it’s important to understand that it isn’t the sanctions themselves that are at fault, but the way they have been implemented and enforced.
While the majority of sanctions are targeted, those that could have dealt a significant blow to the regime were implemented far too late. Meanwhile, sanctioning countries have continued to invest in a nation still rife with persecution. The continued heavy investment in Burma by the EU and United States between 1995 and 2005 also raises questions over the consistency of their Burma policy.
It’s easy to point fingers at Burma’s neighbours—ASEAN countries and China—and chastise them for their economic ties with the regime. But one doesn’t have to look far to see the influence of Western companies. For example, the continued presence over the past two decades of Western oil companies such as Chevron and Total shows that sanctioning countries prefer Burmese oil to the Burmese people’s freedom. The blood money that the regime has accumulated was never intended for Burma’s citizens, but instead for buying weapons, building up military academies, and sending scholars to Russia to learn about nuclear technology.
Yet, there are still many who believe Burma should receive development assistance and who naively think the regime would spend this overseas aid wisely on making the country a better place in which to live. Just as the Burma Socialist Programme Party (BSPP) of General Ne Win turned the country into one of the poorest in the world despite having received substantial overseas assistance, there’s no sign the new generation of military leaders would put this aid to good use. Indeed, the post-1988 regime has extended its defence capabilities dramatically compared with its predecessor, the BSPP. Over the past two decades, for example, about 20 percent of government expenditure has been on defence, while the army has swelled to more than 400,000 since 1997—double its size in 1989.
Having seen the effects of Burmese sanctions, it’s becoming clearer who has been helping the regime realise its military ambitions over the past 23 years. Although Western democracies like to take the moral high ground on human rights and freedoms, their unethical foreign policies are in practice little better than those of Burma’s neighbours, who nakedly abuse its resources. If the so-called liberal democracies want to demonstrate a genuine desire to promote democracy in Burma, they must cut off their economic ties with the regime. Unless unified and well-coordinated multilateral measures that can genuinely isolate the regime are introduced, the Burmese people will continue to suffer under a thinly disguised dictatorship.
Even if other countries in the region can be neither forced nor convinced to stop exploiting Burmese resources, the West staying away from doing business in the country could still hurt the regime and give Burmese a fighting chance.
Of course, eventually, it will be up to the people of Burma to stand on their own feet. Still, it’s crucial for those who have the luxury of freedom in their own countries to behave ethically and take their business elsewhere—not to Burma, where a dictatorship flourishes in a plethora of colourful disguises.
Zaw Nay Aung is director of Burma Independence Advocates in London
Credit : The Diplomat
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