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Rohingya


5 September 2011: More than 100 people rallied in front of the Burmese Embassy in London, UK to show solidarity in condemning human rights violations against Rohingyas in Burma.

In today's protest organised as part of the global action for the Rohingyas, the new government of Burma led by ex-Gen President Thein Sein is denounced for its 'baseless and concocted' allegation in the current political forum in Naypyidaw.

Tun Khin, Chairman of the Burmese Rohingya OrganisationUK, said: "We are here today to condemn Thein Sein's government because the Rohingyas are accused of being 'illegal immigrants', denied rights of citizenship, and attempted to completely eliminate the whole communities through ethnic cleansing."

Speaking to Chinland Guardian, Tun Khin said: "I would like to take this opportunity to express our thanks to all the people today for their support. It is also very important that we continue to keep this sense of togetherness and work together for our country in the future."

A joint statement released today by a total of 8 Rohingya communities worldwide called on Burma's government to immediately restore the fundamental human rights and freedom, citizenship rights and ethnic rights in the country.

The demonstration had other key speakers and representatives from Kachin, Karen, and Chin communities, and from organisations including Burma Campaign UK, 88 Generation Students, Christian Solidarity Worldwide, Burma Democratic Concern and Burmese Muslim Association UK.

Highlighting the situation in Burma, Wai Hnin Pwint Thon, whose father is still serving a jail sentence as one of the many political prisoners, said: "When we talk about freedom, it is not only for one person but for all the peoples in Burma."

Chin activist, Shwekey Hoipang, a Christian pastor working as a missionary in Arakan State in the 1990s, said he eye-witnessed a series of human rights violations, arbitrary persecution and discrimination against the Rohingyas by the military dictatorship.

The statement also urged the UN, EU, ASEAN and international communities to mount effective pressures on Thein Sein's government to cease its ongoing human rights violations against the Rohingyas, to protect their rights, freedom, and legitimate interests, and provide them necessary assistance.

It is estimated that there are about 2million Rohingyas living along the western border of Burma

Credit :Chinland Guardian
Van Biak Thang
vanbiakthang@chinlandguardian.com
There were around 200 Burmese nationals democratic activists protested outside Burmese Embassy in London the United Kingdom on 15 September 2011 at 12:00 – 13:30 today. The demonstration was organised by Burmese Rohingya Association – UK. The demonstrators have demanded Rohingya’s nationality rights, Human Rights, Religious Freedom, Ethnic equality and Federal Democratic Government in Burma. Key speakers: Mr. Nurul Islam – Arakan Rohingya Organisation, Mr. Chris Ring Du Lachung – Kachin National Organisation, Mr. Ko Aung – 88 Student Generation, Mr. Van Biak Thang – Chinland Guardian News, A representative – Burma Democratic Concern, Mr. Mathew Jones – Christian Solidarity Worldwide, Waihnin Pwintthon – A daughter of Political Prisoner, Mrs. Nant Bwa Bwa Phan – Karen Community UK, Anna Roberts – Burma Campaign UK, Mr. Kyaw Zwa – Burma Muslim Association and Mr. Shwekey Hoipang – Chin Community UK. Mr. Tun Khin – Burmese Rohingya Association was Chairperson throughout the demonstration.

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ျမန္မာ့လႊတ္ေတာ္အတြင္းရိုဟင္ဂ်ာအေရးထုတ္ေဖာ္ေျပာဆိုခ်က္မ်ားအေပၚ

သေဘာထားထုတ္ျပန္ခ်က္။

ရက္စြဲ႔။ ၁၄.၀၉.၂၀၁၁

မၾကာမီရက္ပိုင္းအတြင္း က်င္းပၿပီးစီးခဲ့ေသာ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံ ဦးသိန္းစိန္အစိုးရ၏ ပထမအႀကိမ္ အမ်ိဳးသားလႊတ္ေတာ္၊ ဒုတိယ ပံုမွန္အ စည္းအေ၀း၌ ရခုိင္ျပည္နယ္ရွိ မူဆလင္(မ္)ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာမ်ား ေတြ႔ၾကဳံေနရသည့္ အခက္အခဲ(လူ့အခြင့္အေရးခ်ဳိးေဖာက္မူမ်ား) ႏွင့္စပ္ လ်ဥ္းသည့္ ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာလႊတ္ေတာ္အမတ္မ်ားမွ စံုစမ္းေမးျမန္းခ်က္မ်ားအေပၚ ၀န္ႀကီးအသီးသီးမွ ရွင္လင္းေျဖၾကားမႈမ်ားႏွင့္ပတ္သက္၍ ႏုိင္ငံတကာရုိဟင္ဂ်ာအဖြဲ႔မ်ားမွ ေအာက္ပါအတုိင္းပူးတြဲ သေဘာထားထုတ္ျပန္လိုက္ပါသည္။


၁။         ၀န္ႀကီးမ်ား၏ ရွင္းလင္းေျဖၾကားမႈမ်ားသည္ လူမ်ိဳးမုန္းတီးမႈမ်ားႏွင့္ ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာတို႔၏ အခြင့္အေရးရပုိင္ခြင့္မ်ားကို ဆက္လက္ ျငင္းဆန္ရန္ အေၾကာင္းျပခ်က္မ်ား တမင္ဖန္တီးေျပာဆိုျခင္း မွ်သာလွ်င္ျဖစ္ပါသည္။ ႏိုင္ငံ့အစိုးရတစ္ရပ္အေနျဖင့္ လႊတ္ေတာ္ညီ လာခံအတြင္း လူမ်ိဳးစုလူနည္းစု တစ္ရပ္ႏွင့္စပ္လ်ဥ္း၍ ထိုသို႔ အဆင့္အတန္းနိမ့္က်စြာ ရုိင္းရုိင္းစုိင္းစုိင္း လိမ္လည္ေျပာဆိုမႈမ်ားသည္ လူမႈေရးေဖာက္ျပန္ျခင္းျဖစ္ၿပီး တစ္စံုတစ္ရာအေျခအျမစ္မရွိေပ။ ထို႔ေၾကာင့္ ဦးသန္းစိန္အစိုးရအဖြဲ႔တစ္ခုလံုးအား ယင္းကဲ့သို႔တမင္တ ကာေျပာဆိုမႈမ်ားအတြက္ ျပင္းထန္စြာရွဳတ္ခ်လိုက္ပါသည္။


၂။         အဏာရွင္ေန၀င္းလက္ထက္မွစ၍ စစ္အစိုးရအဆက္ဆက္သည္ ယင္းကဲ့သို႔ မမွန္မကန္ ဇာတ္လမ္းမ်ား လုပ္ႀကံဖန္တီးၿပီး ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာလူမ်ိဳးမ်ားအေပၚ လူမ်ိဳးသန္႔စင္ေရးေပၚလစီမ်ား စနစ္တက်ခ်မွတ္ကာ လူ႔အခြင့္အေရးမ်ားကို နည္းမ်ိဳးစံုျဖင့္ ခ်ိဳးေဖာက္ျခင္း၊ ေဒသတြင္းရွိ ရခိုင္-ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာ တိုင္းရင္းသားညီအစ္ကိုမ်ားအၾကား နည္းမ်ိုးစံုေသြးခြဲကာ ရန္သူမ်ားသဖြယ္ ဆက္ဆံေစရန္ ဖန္တီး လုပ္ေဆာင္ေနလာသည္မွာ ရာစုႏွစ္၀က္ခန္႔ ရွိေနၿပီးျဖစ္ပါသည္။


၃။         ယခုအခါ ဦးသိန္းစိန္အစိုးရ ၀န္ႀကီးမ်ား၏ တာ၀န္မဲ့လိမ္လည္ထြက္ဆိုမႈမ်ားသည္ ေဒသခံရိုဟင္ဂ်ာလူမ်ိဳးတို႔၏ အခြင့္အေရးႏွင့္ လြတ္လပ္မႈ၊ ႏိုင္ငံသားျဖစ္မႈႏွင့္ အတည္တက် အိုးအိမ္ေဆာက္ေနထိုင္ျခင္းတို႔ကို ၿခိမ္းေျခာက္ျခင္းျဖစ္ပါသည္။



၄။         အဆိုပါ ၀န္ႀကီးမ်ားသည္ ေမာင္းေတာခရိုင္အတြင္းေနထိုင္သူမ်ားအား အိမ္နီးခ်င္း ဘဂၤလားေဒ့ရွ္ႏိုင္ငံမွ တရားမဝင္ စိမ့္၀င္ လာသူ ဘဂၤါလားေဒ့ခ်္ႏုိင္ငံသားမ်ား/ဘဂၤါလီမ်ားျဖစ္သည္ဟူေသာ တာဝန္မဲ့ ထြက္ဆိုုမႈမ်ားသည္ ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာတို႔၏ သမိုင္းအခ်က္အ လက္ဆုိင္ရာ မွတ္တမ္းမ်ားကို ျငင္းဆန္သည့္အျပင္ ႏွစ္စဥ္ထုတ္ျပန္လ်က္ရွိသည့္ အျပည္ျပည္ဆိုင္ရာ အစုိးရအဖြဲ႕အစည္းမ်ားႏွင့္ အစုိးမဟုတ္သည့္အဖြဲ႔အစည္းမ်ား၏ အစီရင္ခံစာမ်ားႏွင့္လည္း လံုးဝဆန္႔က်င္္ကြဲလြဲေနပါသည္။
အမွန္မွာ ၁၉၄၂ ခုမွစ၍ ဖိႏွိပ္ခ်ဳပ္ခ်ယ္မူေၾကာင့္ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာလူမ်ဳိးမ်ားသည္ တုိင္းတပါးႏုိင္ငံမ်ားသုိ႔ ထြက္ေျပးခုိလုွံေနရသည့္ ဦးေရးမွာ ဆယ့္ငါးသိန္းနီးပါရွိေပသည္။ ထို႔အျပင္အထက္ပါေျပာဆိုခဲ့သည္အတိုင္း ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာမ်ားသည္ တဖက္ႏိုင္ငံမွ ခိုး၀င္ေနထိုင္သူ ဘဂၤါလီ မ်ားျဖစ္သည္ဆိုပါက ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲ မဲဆြယ္စည္းရံုးစဥ္ကာလအတြင္း ယင္းတို႔အေပၚ ကန္႔သတ္ခ်ဳပ္ခ်ယ္မႈမွန္သမွ် ရုပ္သိမ္းေပးၿပီး၊ အခြင့္အေရးအားလံုး ေပးေဆာင္သြားမည္ဟု ဦးသိန္းစိန္အပါအ၀င္ ၀န္ႀကီးအေတာ္မ်ားမ်ားက အဘယ္အတြက္ေၾကာင့္ ကတိက ၀တ္မ်ား ေပးေဆာင္ခဲ့ရသည္ကို မီးေမာင္းထိုးျပလိုပါသည္။
  
၅။         ယခုတဖန္ ဦးသိန္းစိန္အစိုးရ ၀န္ႀကီးမ်ားသည္ ယင္းကဲ့သို႔ မ်ာက္ႏွာေျဗာင္ထိုက္ လိမ္လည္ေျပာဆိုျခင္းျဖင့္  ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာတို႔ အား ႏုိင္ငံျခားသားသဖြယ္ ပံုစံ(၄)ျဖင့္ ခရီးသြားလာျခင္းျပဳရန္ ေျပာဆိုေနျခင္းသည္ ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာတစ္ရပ္လံုးအား ႏိုင္ငံျခားသားမ်ားဟု ေျပာဆိုသတ္မွတ္ရာေရာက္ၿပီး၊ လူသားတို႔အား အိုးအိမ္မဲ့၊ ႏိုင္ငံမဲ့ျဖစ္ေစရာမွ ဟန္႔တားအကာအကြယ္ေပးျခင္းဟူေသာ ႏိုင္ငံတကာ သေဘာတူညီခ်က္မ်ားႏွင့္ လုပ္ထံုးလုပ္နည္းမ်ားကို ႀကီးႀကီးက်ယ္က်ယ္ ခ်ိဳးေဖာက္ျခင္း၊ လူမႈႏွင့္ဆန္႔က်င္သည့္ ျပစ္မႈမ်ားကို က်ဴး လြန္သည့္အတြက္္ ဦးသိန္းစိန္အစိုးရအား ခါးသီးစြာ ျပစ္တင္လိုက္ပါသည္။


၆။         ဆက္လက္၍ ၀န္ႀကီးမ်ားမွ တဖက္ႏုိင္ငံသို႔ထြက္ေျပးသူမ်ား ျပန္လည္ခိုး၀င္လာၿပီး ယင္းတို႔၏ အမ်ိဳးသမီးမ်ားႏွင့္ ေပါင္း သင္းေနထိုင္ျခင္းအား တရားမ၀င္ေပါင္းသင္းေနထိုင္ျခင္းဟုေျပာ၍ ယင္းတို႔မွေမြးဖြားလာေသာ ကေလးသူငယ္မ်ားကို တရားမ၀င္ ကေလး (Black list baby) ဟု သံုးႏႈန္းထားပါသည္။ ဤအခ်က္သည္ အျပည္ျပည္ဆိုင္ရာ ကေလးသူငယ္မ်ား၏ ေမြးရာပါအခြင့္အ ေရးဟူေသာ ေဆာင္ပုဒ္အား ေျဗာင္ေျဗာင္တင္းတင္း ခ်ိဳးေဖာက္ျခင္းျဖစ္ပါသည္။


၇။         အျပည္ျပည္ဆုိင္ရာ ထုံးတမ္းဓေလ့ဥပေဒနဲ႔ ဆန္႔က်င္ျပဌါန္းထားသည့္ ၁၉၈၂ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံသားျဖစ္မူဥပေဒသည္ အထူးသ ျဖင့္ ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာလူမ်ိဳးမ်ားအား ႏိုင္ငံသားအျဖစ္မွ ျငင္းဆိုရန္ ဖန္တီးေရးသားထားသည့္ ဥပေဒျဖစ္ရာ၊ ယခုအခါ ထိုဥပေဒအရ ဆက္ လက္ေဆာင္ရြက္သြားမည္ဟု တင္ျပေျပာဆိုျခင္းသည္ ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာတို႔၏ ႏိုင္ငံသားျဖစ္မႈကို ဆက္လက္ျငင္းဆိုျခင္းသာမက၊ ဘဂၤလား ေဒ့ရွ္ အစိုးရအပါအ၀င္ ျပည္သူတစ္ရပ္လံုးကိုပါ ေစာ္ကားရာေရာက္ပါသည္။


၈။         ဦးသိန္းစိန္၏၀န္ႀကီးမ်ားမွ ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာလူမ်ိဳးမ်ားသည္ ဘဂၤါလီမ်ားႏွင့္ ရုပ္ရည္၊ ဘာသာစကား၊ ယဥ္ေက်းမႈ၊ ဓေလ့ထံုးတမ္း အစဥ္အလာမ်ား စသည္တူညီသည္ကို ႏိႈင္းယွဥ္ၿပီး ယင္းတို႔အားဘဂၤါလီေဒ့ရွ္ႏုိင္ငံသားဟု ေျပာဆိုခဲ့ပါသည္။ သို႔ေသာ္ ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံ သည္ လူမ်ဳိးစုံေနထုိင္ေသာႏုိင္ငံျဖစ္ရာ နယ္စပ္တေလွ်ာက္တြင္ မွီတင္းေနထုိင္ၾကေသာ တုိင္းရင္းသားလူမ်ဳိးစုမ်ား (ကခ်င္၊ကယား၊ ကရင္၊ခ်င္း၊မြန္၊ရခုိင္၊ရွမ္းစသျဖင့္) မွာ နယ္စပ္တဖက္ကမ္းတြင္ ေနထုိင္သူမ်ားႏွင့္ ယဥ္ေက်းမႈဘာသာစကား၊ ထုံးတမ္းဓေလ့မ်ား တူညီၾကသည္မွာ သမုိင္းသက္ေသခံ ဓမၼတာပင္ျဖစ္သည္။ ထို႔အတူ ျပည္ေထာင္စုဖြား တုိင္းရင္းသားရုိဟင္ဂ်ာမ်ားအား ဘဂၤလား ေဒ့ရွ္ႏိုင္ငံသားမ်ားျဖစ္သည္ဟု စြပ္စြဲေေျပာဆိုျခင္းသည္ USDP အစုိးရ၏ ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာလူမ်ဳိးမ်ား သုတ္သင္ေရးေပၚလစီကုိ ဆက္လက္ က်င့္သုံးမည္ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း ျခိမ္းေျခာက္မူသာျဖစ္သည္။


၉။         ၀န္ႀကီးမ်ားသည္ ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာမ်ားအား လံုး၀မ်ိဳးသုဥ္းေစမည့္စီမံကိန္းကုိ အမ်ိဳးသားလံုၿခံဳေရး အဆင့္အထိသတ္မွတ္ကာ အဆင့္အတန္း ယုတ္နိမ့္စြာေျဖၾကားလိုက္ျခင္းသည္ အစြန္းေရာက္၀ါဒီအာဏာရွင္မ်ားပီပီ ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာလူမ်ိဳးအား မည္မွ်ရြံရွားမုန္းတီး သည္ကို ထုတ္ေဖာ္ျပသလိုက္ျခင္း ျဖစ္ပါသည္။

ဤျခိမ္းေျခာက္မူမွာ ေဒသတြင္းအပါအဝင္ ႏုိင္ငံတကာျငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးႏွင့္ လုံျခဳံေရးကုိလည္း ထိပါးရာေရာက္ေၾကာင္း စုိးရိမ္းမကင္း ျဖစ္ရပါသည္။ ထို႕အတူ ကုလသမဂၢ လံုၿခံဳေရးေကာင္စီ အဖြဲ႔၀င္ႏိုင္ငံမ်ား၊ ဥေရာပသမဂၢ အဖြဲ႕၀င္ႏိုင္ငံမ်ား၊ အာဆီယံအဖြဲ႔၀င္ႏိုင္ငံ မ်ားႏွင့္ အစၥလာမစ္ႏုိင္ငံမ်ား (OIC)အဖြဲြြဲဲ႔မွ ဦးသိန္းစိန္အစုိးအေပၚ ထိထိေရာက္ေရာက္ ဖိအားေပးရန္၊ ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာမ်ားအား မိမိတုိ႔ရင္ ဆိုင္ေနရသည့္ ျမန္မာစစ္အစိုးရ၏ လူ့အခြင့္အေရးခ်ဳိးေဖာက္မႈမွ အခ်ိန္မီွ အာကာအကြယ္ေပးပါရန္ႏွင့္ လိုအပ္သည့္ အကူအညီအ ရပ္ရပ္ကို ေပးေဆာင္ၾကပါရန္ ေလးနက္စြာ ေတာင္းဆိုလိုက္ပါသည္။ တဆက္တည္းမွာ ဦးသိန္းစိန္အစုိးရမွ ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာမ်ား၏ လူအ ခြင့္အေရးႏွင့္ လြတ္လပ္မႈ၊ ႏုိင္ငံသားအခြင့္အေရးႏွင့္ တုိင္းရင္းသားအခြင့္အေရးမ်ားကုိ အျမန္ဆုံးျပန္လည္ ေပးေဆာင္ရန္ ေတာင္း ဆုိလုိက္ပါသည္။


ဤထုတ္ျပန္ခ်က္ကို ေအာက္ပါရုိဟင္ဂ်ာအဖြဲ ့အစည္းမ်ားက တညီတညြတ္တည္း ပူးတြဲထုတ္ျပန္လုိက္ပါသည္။

၁)အာရ္ကန္ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာအမ်ဳိးသားအဖြဲ႔                                    
၂) ျမန္မာရိုဟင္ဂ်ာမ်ားအဖြဲ ့ယူေက
၃) ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာဒီမုိကေရစီအဖြဲ ့ခ်ဳပ္(ျမန္မာ)
၄) ျမန္မာရိုဟင္ဂ်ာမ်ားအသင္း ဂ်ပန္                             
၅) ၾသစေၾတးလ်ား ျမန္မာရုိဟင္ဂ်ာမ်ားအဖြဲ ့
၆) ေနာ္ေဝ ျမန္မာရုိဟင္ဂ်ာမ်ားအဖြဲ ့
၇) ကေနဒီယန္ျမန္မာရုိဟင္ဂ်ာမ်ားအဖြဲ ့
၈) လြတ္လပ္ေသာရုိဟင္ဂ်ာလွဳပ္ရွားမႈအဖြဲ ့





ဆက္သြယ္ရန္။ ။
ထြန္းခင္ -    + ၄၄ ၇၈၈၈၇၁၄၈၆၆
ကုိကုိလင္း-  + ၈၈ ၀၁၇၂၆၀၆၈၄၁၃
ေနဆန္းဦး- +၁ ၆၄၆ ၈၂၁ ၁၄၇၅


Joint statement in response to the irresponsible racist statements in the parliament by the USDP Government Ministers against the ethnic Rohingyas


Dated: 14/09/2011

The following joint statement is issued by the Rohingya organizations worldwide against the responses of the concerned USDP ministers (one of them is former police chief U Khin Yi, Minister for Immigration and Population) to the questions raised by the Rohingya MPs at the first formal parliamentary sessions on the issues and problems (human rights violations) being faced by the Muslim Rohingyas of Arakan.

1. The responses of the USDP ministers in the parliament were full of hatred and are deliberate attempts to perpetrate human rights violations against the Rohingya people. We strongly condemn the Thein Sein government for its baseless and concocted allegation against the Rohingya people (of illegal immigrants) in the highest political forum. Such a foolish statement or uncivilized behavior is tantamount to committing crimes against humanity.

2. Since Dictator Ne Win, for about half a century, grave human rights violations and crimes against humanity have been perpetrated against the ethnic Rohingya by way inventing make-believe stories while putting the otherwise peacefully living communities of Rohingyas and Rakhine at loggerheads.

3. The irresponsible statements and lies in the parliament by the Thein Sein regime is nothing but an open threat to continue denying the Rohingya people of their rights and freedom, including their right to nationality and residence within the borders of the State.

4. The unfounded and irresponsible accusation against the ethnic Rohingya by the USDP ministers as illegal Bangladeshi infiltrators/Bengalis not only contradicts with the Rohingya historicity but also disagrees with the annual reports and statements of the various International Governmental and Non-Governmental Organizations. The real story is the other way, as about 1.5 million Rohingyas, who have had to leave their homeland to escape persecution since 1942, are already in Diasporas in many countries of the world. International community and UNHCR have confirmed that there is a protracted emergency in Bangladesh as result of the influx of Rohingya refugees from Burma.

If the Rohingyas were illegal Bengali infiltrators why Thein Sein and many other former SPDC ministers assured the Rohingya voters of restoring soon the Rohingya’s rights and freedom during their election campaigns to northern Arakan.

5. The open rejection of Rohingya people by Thein Sein government requiring them Form-4 to travel from place to place like aliens is tantamount to making them stateless in violation of the international covenants or treaties on reduction of statelessness and protection of minorities and the helpless people. We strongly denounce the Thein Sein government for having such wicked attitudes towards Rohingyas.

6. The USDP ministers hatefully tag the Rohingya children as black list babies accusing that their fathers have fled (in fact persecution) and illegally entered again into Arakan and have produced babies by unlawfully living together with their wives with whom they have legal wedlock. It is a clear violation of the Child’s Rights under Conventions and international law.
7. It is an affront to the humanity as well as to the people and government of Bangladesh that the Thein Sein government is firm to continue applying the so-called Burma Citizenship law of 1982, which was enacted in violation of the terms of international customary law, particularly to denationalize the Rohingya people by accusing them of illegal Bangladeshi immigrants.

8. Thein Sein government was particularly critical of the Muslim Rohingya’s common religion, culture, appearance and language with the people of Bangladesh in order to accuse them as aliens. Here it is worth-mentioning that Burma is an ethnically diverse country. Not only the Rohingya, all ethnic peoples (Kachin, Kayah, Karen, Chin, Mon, Rakhine, etc.) living along all the Burma borders have common religion, culture, appearance and language with the peoples living in the adjacent countries. Despite this the ministers made the Rohingyas special target for being Muslims with a view to accelerating its ethnic-cleansing policy.

9. The extreme view expressed by the USDP dictatorship implying the need for the ‘extermination of Rohingya’ as a national security plan reveals how much they abhor and preach systematic hatred against the Rohingyas (on grounds of ethnicity and religion). It is a serious concern that the foregoing statements of the Burmese civilianized military regime against the ethnic Rohingya people is a threat to regional and international peace and security. We, therefore, call upon the international community, UN Security Council and its member States, EU, ASEAN, OIC to mount effective pressures on the Thein Sein government to cease its ongoing human rights violations against the Rohingyas; to protect their rights and freedom and legitimate interests; and to provide them with necessary assistance. Meanwhile, we demand that the USDP government immediately restore the fundamental human rights and freedom, citizenship rights and ethnic rights of the Rohingya people.


The Rohingya organizations that signed this Joint statement:

1. Arakan Rohingya National Organization (ARNO)
2. Burmese Rohingya Organization UK (BROUK)
3. Rohingya League for Democracy Burma (RLDB)
4. Burmese Rohingya Association Japan (BRAJ)
5. Burmese Rohingya Community in Australia (BRCA)
6. Burmese Rohingya Community in Norway (BRCN)
7. Canadian Burmese Rohingya Organization (CBRO)
8. Free Rohingya Campaign (FRC)


For Contact:
Tun Khin :+ 44 788 871 4866
Ko Ko Linn :+ 88 0172 606 8413
Nay San Oo :+1 646 821 1475






ဦးသိန္းစိန္အစုိးရသည္ဒီမုိကေရစီနဳိင္ငံေတာ္သစ္တည္ေဆာက္ေရးလုပ္ငန္းေဆာင္ရြက္ရာတြင္အမည္ေျပာင္းလဲျခင္းကုိဦးစားေပးေဆာင္ရြက္ေနသည္ကုိေတြ.ေနရပါသည္။ မၾကာေသးမီကက်င္းပ ျပီးစီးခဲ့ေသာ လြတ္ေတာ္အ စည္းအေဝးမွာရုိဟင္ဂ်ာေတြကုိဘဂၤါလီအျဖစ္ေျပာင္းလဲေခၚေဝၚလုိက္သည္။
ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာလူမ်ိဳးသည္ေရွးအစဥ္အဆက္ကတည္းကပင္ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာအမည္ျဖင့္ရခုိင္လူမ်ိဳးမ်ားနွင့္အတူတကြေနထုိင္လာခဲ့သည္မွာျငင္းဘြယ္ရာမရွိပါ။ အစြန္းေရာက္အဆုိးျမင္ဝါဒီသမိုင္းလိမ္ဆရာဦးေအးေက်ာ္နွင့္ဦးေအးခ်မ္းတို့ သည္ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာမ်ားကုိရခုိင္ေျမေပၚမွေမာင္းတုတ္ရန္အျမဲၾကံစည္ေနပါသည္။ယခုအမည္ေျပာင္းရာတြင္လည္းသူတို့ပေယာဂမကင္းပါ။
ရခုိင္ျပည္အတြင္း လက္ရွိေနထုိင္ၾကေသာ ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာမ်ားသည္္ လြတ္လပ္စြာကိုးကြယ္ခြင့္၊လြတ္လပ္စြာခရီးသြား လာခြင့္၊အရြယ္ေရာက္ေသာသူမ်ားလက္ထပ္ခြင့္၊ပညာသင္ၾကားခြင့္၊အလုပ္အကုိင္ရွာေဖြခြင့္စေသာအခြင္အေရးမ်ားဆုံးရွဳံးေနပါသည္။သူတို့သည္ ရခုိင္ျပည္အတြင္း အက်ဥ္းခ်ခံေနရသည္ဟု ဆုိပါကမွားမည္မထင္ပါ။ထုိကဲသုိ့ ဒုကၡမ်ိဳးစုံခံစားေနရေသာ၊အင္အားနည္းေသာရုိဟင္ဂ်ာလူနည္းစုကုိအၾကမ္းဖက္သမားမ်ားဟုစြတ္စြဲေနသည္မွာအလြန္ေအာက္တန္းက်သည္ဟ ုဆုိရပါမည္။အစြန္းေရာက္ ေဒါက္တာေအးေက်ာ္သည္ အမ်ိဳးသားေရးစိတ္ဓါတ္ တက္ၾကြလာေအာင္ေသြးထိုးစည္းရုံးလွံဳံ့ေဆာ္ျပီးရုိဟင္ဂ်ာမုန္းတီးေရးတရားေဟာေျပာေနပါသည္။
ပညာရွင္မ်ားကဦးေဆာင္ျပီးတုိင္းျပည္မျငိမ္မသက္ျဖစ္ေအာင္လုပ္ေဆာင္ေနသည္မွာရုိဟင္ဂ်ာအတြက္သာမကနိုင္ငံေတာ္၏တည္ျငိမ္ေအးခ်မ္းေရးကိုပါျခိမ္းေျခာက္လာနုိင္ပါသည္။မဆလအစိုးရလမ္းစဥ္ကိုျပန္လည္အသက္သြင္းရန္အလို့ငွါျပည္တြင္းႏွင့္ျပည္ပတြင္ဟန္ခ်က္ညီညီၾကိုးပမ္းေနၾကပါသည္။
ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာတုိ့၏အနာဂတ္လွပေရး၊ေအးခ်မ္းစြာေနထုိင္ေရးအတြက္ ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာတုိ့သည္ စည္းလုံးညီညြတ္ဖုိ့လို့ပါ သည္။ေအးခ်မ္းသာယာေသာနိဳင္ငံေတာ္သုိ့ခ်ီတက္ရာတြင္ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာတို့သည္လည္းအုတ္တခ်ပ္၊သဲတပြင့္အျဖစ္ ပါဝင္ၾကရပါမည္၊။
စစ္မွန္ေသာဒီမ္ုကေရစီရရွိေရး……..ဒုိ့အေရး
စည္လုံးညီတ္မွဳမျပိဳကြဲေရး……….ဒို့မေရး
ေဒၚခင္လွ

P R E S S R E L E A S E
U . S . E M B A S S Y R A N G O O N
1 1 0 U n i v e r s i t y A v e n u e , K a m a y u t T o w n s h i p , R a n g o o n , B u r m a
 Press Statement
Special Representative and Policy Coordinator for Burma
Ambassador Derek J. Mitchell
September 14, 2011
Minglaba. Good Morning. Let me read a brief prepared statement. I have just completed my first visit to Burma as U.S. Special Representative and Policy Coordinator. I have spent the past five days in intensive consultations with a full spectrum of interlocutors in Nay Pyi Taw and in Rangoon to discuss the situation here and ways in which the United States can support and promote democracy, human rights, development, and national reconciliation in the country in our common interest.
I want to acknowledge the government’s excellent hospitality, Chargé d’Affaires Michael Thurston and his outstanding team at the U.S. Embassy for a quick turn around in organizing my visit, and all my interlocutors for their time and candor during our meetings over the past several days.
Being my initial visit, my primary goal was to introduce myself, listen to local perspectives, and establish relationships that I will build on as I proceed to fulfill my mandate and responsibilities for managing U.S. Burma policy.
In Nay Pyi Taw, I met with Union Parliament Speaker Khin Aung Myint, People’s Parliament Speaker Thura Shwe Mann, Foreign Minister Wunna Maung Lwin, Labor and Social Welfare Minister Aung Kyi, Border Affairs Minister Lieutenant General Thein Htay, Information Minister Kyaw Hsan, and USDP Secretary General Htay Oo. I also met with a cross section of opposition MPs, including representatives from ethnic minority regions.
I was encouraged by and pleased with the quality and openness of the exchanges, and the constructive and respectful tone of each interaction I had. During these meetings, my government interlocutors repeatedly stated that this country had opened a new chapter to a civilian-led democratic governing structure and expressed that they were sincerely committed to reform in the interest of human rights, democracy, development, and national reconciliation.
I responded that the United States recognized and welcomed recent gestures from Nay Pyi Taw, such as President Thein Sein’s meeting with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, the establishment of a National Human Rights Commission, public emphasis on dialogue with ethnic minority groups in the interest of national reconciliation, and moderate easing of media censorship. Among both the international community and the Burmese people, it is clear that there are heightened expectations and hopes that change may be on the horizon.
At the same time, I was frank about the many questions the United States – and others – continue to have about implementation and follow-through on these stated goals. I noted that many within the international community remain skeptical about the government’s commitment to genuine reform and reconciliation, and I urged authorities to prove the skeptics wrong.
To that end, I raised concerns regarding the detention of approximately 2,000 political prisoners, continued hostilities in ethnic minority areas accompanied by reports of serious human rights violations, including against women and children, and the lack of transparency in the government’s military relationship with the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea.
I offered respectfully that the government should take concrete actions in a timely fashion to demonstrate its sincerity and genuine commitment to reform and national reconciliation, including by releasing all political prisoners unconditionally, engaging in meaningful outreach to the political opposition, including Aung San Suu Kyi, and engaging in dialogue rather than armed conflict with ethnic minority groups. I affirmed the importance of establishing a legitimate and credible mechanism for investigating reported abuses in ethnic areas as a first step toward building trust and promoting national reconciliation through accountability. I also urged the government to adhere to all of its obligations under UN Security Council Resolutions related to proliferation.
I want to emphasize that our dialogue on these topics was respectful and open, which I greatly appreciated. I noted that progress on these issues will be essential to progress in the bilateral relationship, and that if the government takes genuine and concrete action, the United States will respond in kind.
Here in Rangoon, I continued the conversation on current conditions and trends in the country with a broad cross section of civil society. I consulted with the business and diplomatic communities, and local and international NGOs, including citizens doing heroic and courageous work providing free funeral services for the poor and treating those with HIV/AIDS.
And of course I met with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and leaders of the National League for Democracy to discuss their perspectives on recent developments in the country, the future of their party, and U.S. policy approaches. I was reminded consistently during my visit that Daw Suu remains deeply important to the citizens of this country, Burman and ethnic minority alike, and that any credible reform effort must include her participation. It was also clear that she remains fully committed to the cause of peaceful change through dialogue.
Unfortunately, I was only here for a few days and thus was unable to explore the full breadth and diversity of this beautiful country. However, the courage and commitment of those with whom I met give me great hope for the country’s future should genuine reform and reconciliation proceed. I will be following developments closely from afar, and look forward to many return visits here to continue the United State’s principled engagement policy.
Again, I would like to thank the government for hosting me so warmly for my inaugural visit in my new post, and to all my interlocutors for sharing their valuable insights. I consider this a highly productive visit. I now will take a few questions before I must catch my plane.


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BANGKOK - It isn't easy working as a journalist under Burma's military rulers. The army has run the country since 1962, and although there were elections in November 2010 - the first in two decades - the army's party won easily and the new Government is headed by Thein Sein, a former General and Prime Minister under the ancien regime.


On the face of it, the new man in charge is trying to 'do reform'. He recently met with Aung San Suu Kyi - the extra-parliamentary opposition leader and now subject of a Luc Besson-directed film 'The Lady' - who in turn praised Thein Sein. To some, the new President is cautious 'reformist', apparently battling against 'hardliners' elsewhere in the Burmese Government. Still others, however, see this apparent contest as theatre, more control freakery by the military strongman behind the scenes, Than Shwe. A Senior-General in the army, he took power in 1992, and ccording to US diplomatic cables from the Rangoon embassy, 'all roads lead to Than Shwe' when it comes to figuring out Burma's opaque power structures.

Reform talk aside, Burma still holds almost 2000 political prisoners, which the Government describes as mere criminals. Among their number are hundreds of Buddhist monks, and over 20 journalists. Just before Thein Sein's April speech lauding the '4th estate', a correspondent for Democratic Voice of Burma was sentenced to 13 years in jail, the seventeenth DVB reporter to be locked up.
Burma has a growing private-owned media sector, but it must run content by Government (read army) censors, who can cut and reject content as they see fit. In another token-looking gesture, the Burmese authorities loosened the censor rules a bit, removing non-news, non-political content from their workload.

According to Shawn Crispin, southeast Asia representative for the Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ), the 'relaxations' are meaningless. "If the new regime was serious about press freedom, it would dissolve its censorship department altogether and allow the private media to play the watchdog role it does in real democracies."

In a hint at who is really running the show in the 'new' Burma, Crispin concluded that "I doubt Thein Sein's military minders have the stomach for that."

CPJ will publish an assessment of Burma's media landscape in the coming weeks, but in the meantime, see http://www.simonroughneen.com/asia/seasia/burma/censorship-prevails-in-new-burma-despite-reform-talk-pbs-mediashift/#more-5126
 
Follow Simon Roughneen on Twitter: www.twitter.com/simonroughneen 

Credit : Huffington Post 
Sittwe: Nine Muslims, including four women, were sentenced to two and a half years in prison by a court in Arakan on 8 September for traveling to Burma proper without permission from the authorities, report relatives.

One relative said, "They were sentenced to two and a half years in prison by a female judge in the Sittwe court at 4 pm on 8 September for traveling to Burma proper. I heard the female judge was pressured by the high authority in Naypyidaw to pass down the sentence for traveling to Burma proper."

The Chief of Immigration in Arakan State reported forced the judges to rule against the defendants in the case. Because of this, they were all sentenced under Article 188 of the penal code, and Article 6 (2) and 6 (3).

According to sources, 12 Muslims, including five children from Arakan state, were arrested by a joint force of authorities while they were traveling to Yangon by truck on 29th August, 2011. However, some of them reportedly hold National Registration Cards.

"They were arrested when they arrived at the Max Toll Gate in Maw Be Township, near Yangon, at 8:30 am Yangon time. After being arrested, they were detained in Maw Be police station. Some of them have genuine national identity cards," the relative added.

A day after their arrest, on 30 August, they were taken back to Arakan State by the Yangon immigration personnel via the Payi Township - Taung Goak - Sittwe Highway.

On 4 September, they arrived in Sittwe, the capital Arakan, and were detained in a police station there. On 5 September, five children under the age of ten were released without charges. On 6 September, five men were released on bail by a female judge but were approached by immigration personnel at their respective homes for questioning. They were then taken again to the police station and detained.

The Chief of Immigration called upon the judge who granted them bail in court. At 9 pm, the chief forced the judge to open her court and file charges against the defendants.

"The Chief of Immigration told the female judge to punish them according to Article 188 of the penal code, as well as Article 6 (2) and 6 (3), because there was a command from Naypyidaw," the source said.

Finally, on 8 September, all nine individuals - five men and four women - were sentenced by the female judge to two years and six months in prison.

The current government has imposed strong restrictions on the travel of Muslims from Arakan State to central Burma, much like the previous military government, despite that many have national identity cards, out of fear that Muslims will settle in Burma proper.

Link:  ;http://www.narinjara.com/details.asp?id=3096


ေခတ္ႀကီးကအြန္လုိင္းေခတ္ ဆုိေတာ့ တေန႔ တစ္ေခါက္ႏွစ္ေခါက္ေလာက္ေတာ့ အီးေမးထဲအလွ်ံပယ္ဝင္လာတဲ့ သတင္းေတြ၊ ေဆာင္းပါးေတြ၊ ေဆြးေႏြးခ်က္ေတြ၊ ေၾကာ္ျငာေတြထဲက စိတ္ဝင္စားစရာေတြ ကုိဖတ္ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ အခ်ိန္ရတဲ့အခါေတာ့လည္း စိတ္ဝင္စားတဲ့၊ ေတြးမိတဲ့ အေၾကာင္းအရာေလးေပၚမွာ စာေကာက္ေရးျဖစ္၊ ေဆြး ေႏြးျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ အခုလည္း အမ်ားဒကာေျပာေနၾကလုိ႔ ရခုိင္ျပည္တြင္းကလူမ်ိဳးေရးကိစၥ သိမိ ၾကားမိ ေတြးမိ တာေလး ေရးလုိက္ရပါတယ္။

ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံ၏ လူမ်ိဳးစုမ်ားအေရး စဥ္းစားၾကတဲ့အခါမွာရခုိင္ျပည္တြင္းက ဘဂၤါလီလုိ႔ ရခုိင္မ်ားကဆုိတဲ့ (ရုိဟင္ ဂ်ာ) ဆုိသူေတြရဲ႕ အေရးကလည္း ျခြင္းခ်န္ထားလုိ႔မရဘူးဆုိတာ ၁၉၉၀-၉၁  ခုႏွစ္ေလာက္က မာနယ္ ပေလာ မွာ ရခုိင္ ေခါင္းေဆာင္တစ္ဦးျဖစ္တဲ့ ဗဟုိတရားရုံးေရွ႕ေနႀကီး ခုိင္ေစာထြန္းနဲ႔ လူမ်ိဳးစုအေရး စကားစပ္မိေျပာဆုိ ေဆြးေႏြးမိၾကတုန္းကတည္းက ျမင္မိခဲ့ပါတယ္။ တခ်ိန္တုံးကေတာ့ (ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာ)ဆုိတာေကာ သူတုိ႔ရဲ႕ဒုကၡသုကၡ ေကာ၊ ျမန္မာျပည္သူ အမ်ားစုက မသိၾက၊ (အထူးသျဖင့္ ဦးေနဝင္းရဲ႕အေမွာင္ခ်ေခတ္ မ်ိဳးဆက္လူငယ္မ်ား က ပုိ၍မသိၾက) မၾကားဖူးၾကပါဘူး၊ သိၾကသူအနည္းအက်ဥ္းတုိ႔ကလည္း၊ သာမန္အားျဖင့္ေတာ့ ဒါ ရခုိင္ျပည္ တြင္းကိစၥ၊ ရခုိင္ေတြသာ အသိဆုံး၊ ရခုိင္အမ်ိဳးသားေတြကဘဲေျဖရွင္းရမဲ့ကိစၥဆုိၿပီး ဖာသိဖာသာေနၾကပါတယ္။ အခုေတာ့ သူတုိ႔ကိစၥဟာ ႏိုင္ငံတကာမီဒီယာေတြ၊ ႏိုင္ငံတကာအစုိးရေတြ၊ ႏိုင္ငံတကာ လူ႔အခြင့္အေရး အဖြဲ႔ ေတြ၊ အဲန္ဂ်ီအုိေတြ၊ အျပင္ ကုလသမဂ အထိပါသိလာၾကပါတယ္။ မသိတာေတြ မသိသလုိေပ်ာက္ ကြယ္မ သြားဘဲ၊ သိလာတာကုိက သတိမူသင့္ အေလးထားသင့္ တဲ့အခ်က္လုိ႔ဆုိရမွာပါ။  

တဖက္မွာေတာ့ သူတုိ႔ေတြရဲ႕ ဒုကၡသုကၡကုိ စာနာသူေတြ ႏိုင္ငံတကာ အသုိင္းအဝုိင္း မွာေကာ ျမန္မာလူမ်ိဳး ထဲမွာပါပုိ ပုိလာတာ ေတြ႔ျမင္ေနရပါတယ္။ ရခုိင္အမ်ိဳးသားေတြေတာင္မွ (ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာ)တုိ႔ရဲ႕ ဒုကၡ သုကၡကုိ အမ်ားနည္းတူ စာနာမွဳရွိ ၾကပါတယ္လုိ႔ေျပာရင္ လြန္ရာက်မယ္မထင္ပါဘူး။ တဖန္ ဒီ(ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာ)ေတြဟာ ရခုိင္ေတြနဲ႔ တေျမထဲေန၊ တေရထဲေသာက္၊ ရခုိင္ျပည္တုိးတက္ေရး၊ ရခုိင္ျပည္အေရးကုိအတူတကြေဆာင္ရြက္ ၾကရမယ္လုိ႔ သေဘာပုိက္ထားတဲ့ ရခုိင္ေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ားလည္းအမ်ားအျပားရွိၾကပါတယ္။ ရခိုင္ေတာ္လွန္ေရး ေခါင္းေဆာင္ႀကီး ခုိင္မုိးလင္းရဲ႕တပ္ထဲမွာ (ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာ)ဆုိသူမ်ားပါဝင္ခဲ့တာရွိတယ္လုိ႔ဆုိတယ္၊ ဥကၠဌ ခုိင္မုိးလင္း က်ဆုံးမွဳနဲ႔အတူ သူတုိ႔ေတြလည္း ရခုိင္ျပည္အတြက္ အသက္ေပးခဲ့တာေတြရွိတယ္၊ ဦးေက်ာ္လွက အဲမ္အယ္လ္ အုိ ဆုိၿပီးေျပာင္းမဖြဲ႔ခင္၊ ေအအယ္အုိ (Arakan Liberation Organization)ကုိဖြဲ႔တယ္။ အဲဒီမွာ ရခုိင္ ဗုဒၼြဘာသာေတြ နဲ႔ေပါင္းဖြဲ႔ ခဲ့တာလုိ႔ဆုိတယ္။
စစ္အစုိးရကုိျဖဳတ္ခ်ၿပီးဒီမုိကေရစီ ဖြံ႔ၿဖိဳးတုိးတက္ေရး၊ ရခုိင္ျပည္အေရး ကိစၥေဆာင္ရြက္ေရးေတြမွာ ရခုိင္ျပည္ အ တြင္းက အင္အားစုမ်ားျဖင့္ စုစည္းေဖၚေဆာင္ရမယ္လုိ႔ ယူဆထားပုံရတဲ့ NUPA အဖြဲ႔က (ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာ)အဖြဲ႔မ်ားႏွင့္ မဟာမိတ္ဖြဲ႔ထား တာရွိသလုိ၊ (ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာ)ဆုိတဲ့ နာမယ္က တက႑ထား၊ သူတုိ႔ဟာ ႏွစ္ေပါင္းရာနဲ႔ခ်ီၿပီး ရခုိင္ ျပည္အတြင္းမွာ အတူေနလာၾကတဲ့ သူေတြျဖစ္တယ္။ လူမ်ိဳးမတူ၊ ဘာသာမတူတာက အေၾကာင္းမဟုတ္ ၿငိမ္း ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းခ်မ္းရွိဖုိ႔က အဓိကလုိ႔ အယူအဆရွိသူ တသီးပုဂလ မ်ားကလည္ အတူေနၾကဖုိ႔ဝန္မေလးၾကပါဘူးတဲ့။

ကဲ.. ဒါဆုိရင္ ျပႆနာက ဘာတဲ့လဲ။ ေလ့လာၾကည့္ရတာကေတာ့

ဒုတိယ ကမၻာစစ္တုန္းက အဂၤလိပ္နဲ႔ဂ်ပန္စစ္ပြဲရဲ႕ ဘက္ႏွစ္ဘက္ရပ္တည္မွဳအေပၚက ျဖစ္ပြားခဲ့ရတဲ့ လူမ်ိဳးေရး ပဋိပကၡ ကုိအေျချပဳၿပီး၊ လူမ်ိဳးမတူ၊ ကုိးကြယ္တဲ့ဘာသာမတူတဲ့ လူမ်ိဳးႏွစ္မ်ိဳးအၾကား အဖုအထစ္ေတြက၊ ေသး လုိက္၊ ႀကီးလုိက္နဲ႔သံသယေတြႀကီးထြားၿပီး ေပ်ာက္ကင္းေအာင္မကုႏိုင္တဲ့ ေရာဂါဆုိးလုိျဖစ္လာေနတာဘဲျဖစ္ တယ္ ။
ေျပာရရင္ ဒုတိယ ကမၻာစစ္မွာ အဂၤလိပ္ဘက္ကုိ (ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာ)ဆုိသူေတြက ရပ္တည္တယ္။ ဂ်ပန္ေတြကုိ ရခုိင္ မ်ားကကူတယ္။ ဒါနဲ႕လူမ်ိဳးေရးအဓိကရုန္းျဖစ္ခဲ့တယ္ လုိ႔ဆုိတယ္။ တခါ လြတ္လပ္ေရးရခါနီးေေတာ့၊ ( ရုိဟင္ ဂ်ာ)ဆုိသူ အစြန္းေရာက္ထဲက တခ်ိဳ႕က မူဂ်ာဟစ္ဆုိၿပီး လက္နက္ကုိင္ေတာ္လွန္တယ္။ အဲဒီတုန္းက အိႏၵိယ ထဲကေန ပါကစၥတန္ႏိုင္ငံဆုိၿပီး ခြဲထြက္ဖုိ႔ႀကိဳးစားတဲ့အခါ မြတ္စလင္အမ်ားစုရွိတဲ့ ရခုိင္ျပည္နဲ႔ နယ္စပ္ျဖစ္ေနတဲ့ အေရွ႕ ဘဂၤလားနယ္ကုိ ပါကစၥထဲထည့္ဖုိ႔ စီစဥ္ေနတဲ့အခ်ိန္ျဖစ္တယ္။ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံမွတခ်ိဳ႕လူမ်ိဳးစုေခါင္းေဆာင္ မ်ားကလည္း သီးျခားလြတ္လပ္ေရးယူဖုိ႔ ေျပာဆုိေနၾကတဲ့အခ်ိန္ျဖစ္တယ္။ မူဂ်ာဟစ္ေခါင္းေဆာင္တခ်ိဳ႕ က လည္း အဲ ဒါကုိအားက်ၿပီး မြတ္စလင္ျပည္ထူေထာင္ဖုိ႔ လုပ္ခဲ့ပုံရတယ္လုိ႔ဆုိတယ္။ အဲဒါ ဒုတိယကမၻာစစ္ အ တြင္းက ျဖစ္ခဲ့တဲ့ လူမ်ိဳးေရးပဋိပကၡအရွိန္ မကုန္ေသးလုိ႔ အစြန္းေရာက္တဲ့လူတစုရဲ႕ အစီအမံျဖစ္တယ္လုိ႔ဆုိ တယ္။ ဘယ္လုိဘဲ ျဖစ္ျဖစ္ ဒါက ႀကီးမားတဲ့ အဖုအထစ္ျဖစ္ေစခဲ့တယ္။

လြတ္လပ္ေရးရၿပီးတဲ့အခါ ဦးႏုေခတ္မွာေတာ့ ဗုိလ္မွဴးခ်ဳပ္ေအာင္ႀကီးက မူဂ်ာဟစ္ လက္နက္ကုိင္ကိစၥ သြား ေရာက္ ညွိႏွိဳင္းေျဖရွင္းခဲ့တယ္။ ဒီမွာ သူတုိ႔က သူတုိ႔ကို ဘဂၤါလီေခၚတာ ကုိမႀကိဳက္ေၾကာင္း၊ ဘဂၤါလီ မဟုတ္ ေၾကာင္း (ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာ)လုိ႔သာ ေခၚဖုိ႔တင္ျပတယ္လုိ႔ဆုိတယ္။ ဒီတင္ျပခ်က္အရ သူတုိ႔ကုိဦးႏု အစုိးရက ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာ တုိင္းရင္းသားဆုိၿပီး တရားဝင္သတ္မွတ္ေပးလုိက္ပုံရပါတယ္။ ဦးႏုအစုိးရ အေနနဲ႔ လက္နက္ကုိင္ ေတာ္လွန္မွဳ ကိစၥ ရပ္တစ္ခုကုိ ေျဖရွင္းလုိက္ႏုိင္ေပမဲ့၊ လူမ်ိဳးေရး၊ ဘာသာေရး အစြန္းေရာက္တဲ့ ရခုိင္အမ်ိဳးသား တခ်ိဳ႕က ေတာ့ သေဘာမေတြ႔ႏိုင္မွာအမွန္ပါ။
၁၉၆၁ ခုႏွစ္ကုန္ေလာက္မွာ ရခုိင္ျပည္နယ္ေတာင္းတဲ့ကိစၥေပၚလာေတာ့ တခ်ိဳ႕ရခုိင္အမ်ိဳးသားေတြက ခြဲထြက္ ခြင့္ကုိပါအေျခခံဥပေဒမွာထည့္ေပးဖုိ႔ေတာင္းဆုိၾကတယ္။ ဒီအေျခအေနမွာ ဘူးသီးေတာင္၊ ေမာင္းေတာေဒသ  က ေဒသခံေတြ(အထူးသျဖင့္ ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာေတြ) ႏွင့္ သံတြဲခရုိင္ ေဒသခံမ်ားက ရခုိင္ျပည္ နယ္ထဲကုိ သူတုိ႔ေဒသ ေတြမထည့္ဘဲ၊ ျပည္မႏွင့္တြဲဘက္ထားေပးဖုိ႔ ေတာင္းဆုိခဲ့ၾကတယ္။ ဒါကလည္း (ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာ) နဲ႔ ရခုိင္တုိ႔အၾကား ရွိေနတဲ့ အဖုအထစ္အတြက္ ေျမၾသဇာထည့္ ေရေလာင္းေပးသလုိျဖစ္ခဲ့ပုံရတယ္။  ျပည္နယ္မ်ားမဖြဲ႔စည္းမွဳႏိုင္ ေသးခင္မွာဘဲ ဦးေနဝင္း အာ ဏာသိမ္း လုိက္ပါတယ္။

 ဦးေနဝင္း အာဏာသိမ္းၿပီးသည့္ေနာက္ပုိင္းမွာ ဝန္ႀကီးခ်ဳပ္ဦးနဳႏွင့္ ဗုိလ္မွဴးခ်ဳပ္ေဟာင္း ဦးေအာင္ႀကီးတုိ႔ (ရုိဟင္ ဂ်ာကုိ အသိအမွတ္ျပဳေရးေဆာင္ရြက္ေပးခဲ့ၾကသူမ်ား) ဖမ္းဆီးထိန္းသိမ္းခံေနရစဥ္၊ ၁၉၆၅ ခုႏွစ္ေလာက္က စ ၿပီး ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာ ဆုိတာကုိ အသိအမွတ္ျပဳထားျခင္းမွ ဦးေနဝင္းက ရုတ္သိမ္းလုိက္ပါတယ္။ ဦးႏုေခတ္မွာ ရခုိင္ အမ်ိဳးသားမ်ား ျပည္နယ္ေတာင္းစဥ္က ခြဲထြက္ခြင့္ကိုပါေတာင္တာကုိ ဦးေနဝင္းက သတိျပဳၿပီး၊ ရခုိင္အမ်ိဳးသား မ်ားကုိ ႏွစ္သိမ့္ဖုိ႔လား၊ ဒါမွမဟုတ္ ရခုိင္ေခါင္းေဆာင္တခ်ိဳ႕သုိ႔မဟုတ္ ေဒါက္တာေအးေက်ာ္လုိ ပညာရွင္က ဦးေနဝင္းကို ခ်ဥ္းကပ္ေတာင္းဆုိလုိ႔လားေတာ့မသိပါ၊ (ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာ) ကုိတုိင္းရင္းသား အျဖစ္က ရုတ္သိမ္းလုိက္ပါ တယ္။ ဦးေနဝင္းက ရခုိင္အမ်ိဳးသားေရးဝါဒီမ်ားေက်နပ္ေအာင္၊ ဘူးသီးေတာင္၊ ေမာင္းေတာၿမိဳ႕နယ္ႏွင့္၊ သံတြဲေဒသမ်ားပါဝင္ေသာ ရခုိင္ျပည္နယ္ကုိလည္းဖြဲ႔စည္းေပးလုိက္ပါတယ္၊ ရခုိင္အမ်ိဳးသားမ်ားအေနႏွင့္ ျပည္ နယ္ေတာ့ ရလုိက္ပါတယ္၊ ဒါေပမဲ့ ဦးေနဝင္းသေဘာက် အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္တာပါ။
ဦးေနဝင္းေခတ္ ၂၆ ႏွစ္လုံးလုံး တုိင္းျပည္အတြင္း ခ်မွတ္ေဆာင္ရြက္သမွ်ေသာ ေပၚလစီမ်ားဟာ ဘာတခုမွ မွန္မွန္ကန္ကန္မရွိခဲ့၊ ေအာင္ျမင္မွဳမရွိခဲ့ပါ။ ပညာေရးေပၚလစီ၊ စီးပြားေရးေပၚလစီ၊ ေငြေၾကးဆုိင္ရာေပၚလစီ၊ ဘာသာေရးဆုိင္ရာေပၚလစီ၊ ဘာမွမမွန္ခဲ့ဘူး။ ဒီလုိဘဲ လူမ်ိဳးစုေရးရာေတြမွာ ကုိင္တြယ္ပုံကလည္းမမွန္ပါဘူး။


 ရခုိင္ျပည္ကိစၥမွာလည္း အဖုအထစ္မ်ားနဲ႔ အက္ေၾကာင္းထင္ေနတဲ့ ရခုိင္အမ်ိဳးသားေရး အစြန္းေရာက္သူမ်ားနဲ႔ (ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာ)ဆုိသူအစြန္းေရာက္တုိ႔အၾကား က်ားကြက္ေရြ႕ေနပါတယ္။  ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာဆန္႔က်င္သူ မ်ားေက်နပ္ ေအာင္ ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာဆုိသူမ်ားကုိ ေမာင္းထုတ္ျပလုိက္၊ ျပန္ေခၚလုိက္နဲ႔  ကုလသမဂ ဒုကၡသည္မ်ား ျပန္လည္ေနရာ ခ်ထားေရး အစီအစဥ္က လာတဲ့ႏိုင္ငံျခားေငြမ်ားကုိ အထက္လည္းအထက္အလုိက္၊ ေအာက္ကလည္း ေအာက္ အလုိက္ ဗိုက္မဆန္႔၊ အိတ္မဆန္႔ ေလာက္ေအာင္ထည့္ၾကတယ္လုိ႔ ခန္႔မွန္းေျပာဆုိခဲ့ၾကပါတယ္။ ထရန္စ္ပဲရင့္စီ တုိ႔ အေကာင္တီဘီလီတီတုိ႔ ဘယ္တုန္းကမွ မရွိခဲ့တာဘဲ၊ ႏိုင္ငံျခားေငြက သူတုိ႔ဘဲ ကုိင္ခြင့္ရွိတာဘဲ။ ဒီၾကားထဲ ေငြယူလူသြင္းဆုိတာလည္းရွိပါတယ္လုိ႔ဆုိတယ္။ ဒါကုိ ရခုိင္အမ်ိဳးသားမ်ားေအာင့္သက္သက္နဲ႔ခံေနရသလုိ၊ (ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာ) ဆုိသူမ်ား ချမာလည္း ဇေကာထဲ ေလာက္စလုံး ထည့္လိမ့္သလုိ အလူးအလဲခံေနရပါတယ္။
ဦးေနဝင္းေခတ္မွာ (ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာ) ဆုိတာကုိ ရုပ္သိမ္းလုိက္ေတာ့ (ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာ) လက္နက္ကုိင္ေတြ ထပ္ေပၚ လာပါတယ္။ ဒီေတာ့ (ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာ) လက္နက္ကုိင္မ်ားနဲ႔ ရခုိင္အမ်ိဳးသား လက္နက္ကုိင္မ်ားအၾကား ထပ္မံေပၚ လာတဲ့ နယ္ေျမကိစၥ၊ လက္နက္ကိစၥ စတဲ့ပဋိပကၡ ကေလးေတြကလည္း၊ ဆုိခဲ့တဲ့ အဖုအထစ္မ်ားကုိ အစုိင္အခဲ ျဖစ္ ေစလာပါတယ္။

ေျပာရရင္ေတာ့ ရခုိင္အမ်ိဳးသားမ်ားက (ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာ) ဆုိတာဟာ ဘဂၤါလီေတြ ပါလုိ႔ တြင္တြင္ေျပာေနပါတယ္။ သူတုိ႔ေျပာတာ သဘာဝက်တယ္လုိ႔ဆုိလုိ႔ရပါတယ္။ ဘာေၾကာင့္လည္းဆုိေတာ့ (ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာ)ဆုိသူေတြ ေျပာတဲ့ စကားက ဘဂၤါလီႏြယ္တဲ့စကား(ဒုိင္ယာလက္စကား)၊ ေနထုိင္တဲ့အရပ္က ဘဂၤလာေဒရွ္႕ နယ္နိမိတ္နဲ႔ နယ္စပ္ ျဖစ္ေနတဲ့ ရခုိင္ျပည္အေနာက္ဘက္ျခမ္းမွာ။ ဘဂၤလာေဒရွ္႕ ဆုိတာက စစ္တေကာင္း ေတာင္တန္းပါဝင္တဲ့ တခ်ိန္ကအေရွ႕ဘေဂၤါလ္ျပည္ပါ။ အေနာက္ဘေဂၤါလ္ျပည္က လက္ရွိအိႏၵိယႏိုင္ငံထဲမွာပါ။ အေရွ႕ ဘေဂၤါလ္ ေကာ အေနာက္ဘေဂၤါလ္ေကာ အဓိကအားျဖင့္ ဘဂၤါလီလူမ်ိဳးအမ်ားစုေနထုိင္ၾကတာပါ။ စကားအား ျဖင့္က ေတာ့ ဒုိင္ယာလက္ခြဲေတြအမ်ားႀကီးပါ။ ဘာသာကေတာ့ အေရွ႕ဘေဂၤါလ္(ဘဂၤလာေဒရွ္)က ဘဂၤါလီ မြတ္စလင္ မ်ားတယ္၊ ဘဂၤါလီဗုဒၼြဘာသာ၊ ဘဂၤါလီဟိႏၵဴ နဲ႕ ဘဂၤါလီ ခရစ္ယာန္ေတြလည္းရွိပါတယ္။ အေနာက္ ဘေဂၤါလ္ ျပည္နယ္မွာေတာ့ ဟိႏၵဴနဲ႔ ဗုဒၼြဘာသာဘဂၤါလီက ပုိမ်ားပါတယ္။ သမုိင္းေၾကာင္းအရ စစ္တေကာင္းေတာင္ တန္းေဒသအပါအဝင္ ဘေဂၤါလ္ ၁၂ ၿမိဳ႕ကုိ ရခုိင္ဘုရင္မ်ား နဲ႔ ဘဂၤလားဘုရင္မ်ား ဘတျပန္က်ားတျပန္ မင္းလုပ္ အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ခဲ႔ၾကတာ အထင္အရွားရွိပါတယ္။ ရခုိင္ေတြက ဗမာျပည္ကုိလာ ေရာက္အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္တဲ့ အႀကိမ္ေရ ရွားေပမဲ့ စစ္တေကာင္းျပည္ကုိ သြားအုပ္ခ်ဳပ္တဲ့ အႀကိမ္ေရကမ်ားပုံရပါတယ္။ ရခုိင္ဘုရင္မ်ားဟာ မြတ္စလင္ဘြဲ႕အမည္ ခံယူအုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ခဲ့တာေတြလည္း ရခုိင္သမုိင္းမွာရွိပါခဲ့ပါတယ္။ သမုိင္း ေၾကာင္းအရကလည္း ဆက္စပ္မွဳရွိေနတယ္။ နယ္စပ္လည္းျဖစ္ေနတယ္ဆုိရင္ လူမ်ိဳးတစ္မ်ိဳးဟာ ဟုိဘက္ဒီ ဘက္ႏွစ္ႏိုင္ငံ ခြရွိေနတတ္တာကေတာ့ သဘာဝ ေတာ့က်ပါတယ္။

ခ်င္းလူမ်ိဳးေတြ နယ္ေျမဆက္စပ္ေနတဲ့ အိႏၵိယႏိုင္ငံတြင္းမွာေကာ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံအတြင္းမွာပါသက္ဆုိင္ရာႏိုင္ငံ၏ တုိင္းရင္းသားေတြအျဖစ္ ရွိေနတယ္ဆုိရင္၊ ကခ်င္လူမ်ိဳးေတြ၊ ဝလူမ်ိဳးေတြ တရုပ္ျပည္ထဲမွာေကာ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံထဲ မွာပါ သက္ဆုိင္ရာႏိုင္ငံ၏ တုိင္းရင္းသားေတြအျဖစ္ရွိေနတယ္ဆုိရင္၊ ဘဂၤါလီဆုိတာ ရခုိင္ျပည္နယ္ထဲမွာေကာ ဘဂၤလာေဒရွ္႕ထဲမွာေကာ သက္ဆုိင္ရာႏိုင္ငံ၏ တုိင္းရင္းသားေတြျဖစ္တယ္ဆုိတာကုိ ျငင္းရင္ေကာ လက္ေတြ႔ က် မလား၊ သဘာဝက်မလားဆုိတာ စဥ္းစားဘြယ္ရာျဖစ္ပါတယ္။  

လူမ်ိဳးတမ်ိဳးဟာ သူတုိ႔လူမ်ိဳးအားလုံးသေဘာတူၿပီး လူမ်ိဳးအမည္ကို ေျပာင္းလဲသုံးစြဲေခၚေဝၚမယ္ဆုိရင္ သူတုိ႔ အခြင့္အေရးဘဲ၊ ေခၚေဝၚခြင့္ရွိမယ္ထင္ပါတယ္။
 သူတုိ႔က တဖက္က ဘဂၤါလီမ်ားနဲ႔ ေျပာစကား ဒုိင္ယာလက္ မတူတဲ့အတြက္ ဟုိဘက္က လူမ်ားနဲ႔ သီးျခားျဖစ္ ခ်င္ လုိ႔ သူတုိ႔ကိုယ္ သူတုိ႔ (ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာ) လုိ႔ေျပာင္းလဲ ေခၚေစလုိတဲ့သေဘာျဖစ္မယ္လုိ႔ယူဆရပါတယ္။ သူတုိ႔က ပုိအသိဆုံးျဖစ္မွာပါ။ ေနာက္တခုက ဘဂၤါလီလုိ႔သတ္မွတ္လုိက္ရင္ သူတုိ႔ကုိ ႏိုင္ငံျခားသားတံဆိပ္ကပ္ ၿပီးတြန္းပုိ႔မွာ စုိးရိမ္ပုံရပါတယ္။ လြန္ခဲ့တဲ့ ႏွစ္ႏွစ္ေလာက္က (ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာ) ဆုိသူပညာတတ္လူငယ္ တစ္ေယာက္ စကားေျပာၾကည့္တုံးက၊ ..ခင္ဗ်ားတုိ႔က ရခုိင္အမ်ိဳးသားေတြနဲ႔နီးနီးစပ္စပ္ ရင္းရင္းႏွီးႏွီး ေနဖုိ႔လုိတာေပါ့…လုိ႔ က်ေနာ္ေျပာေတာ့၊… ဒီလူငယ္ျပန္ေျပာတာက …က်ေနာ္တုိ႔က ေနခ်င္ပါတယ္..ေနတယ္… သူတုိ႔က က်ေနာ္တုိ႔ ကုိ တခါတည္းအမ်ိဳးပါျပဳတ္ေအာင္ ဘဂၤါလီကုလား၊ ႏိုင္ငံျခားသားဆုိၿပီး ေမာင္းထုတ္ေနတယ္ေလ…ဗမာကုိေခၚ တယ္၊ ဗမာစစ္တပ္ကုိေခၚတယ္၊ က်ေနာ္တုိ႔ကုိ ေမာင္းထုတ္တယ္။ က်ေနာ္တုိ႔က ဒုကၡေတာ့ေရာက္တယ္ေလ… ဒါေပမဲ့ မျပဳတ္ဘူး.. သူတုိ႔က ဒုကၡမေရာက္ဘူး… တျဖည္းျဖည္းကုန္လာၿပီ..တဲ့။ အင္း…စဥ္းစားစရာေတာ့ ေကာင္းသား။
၉၂ ခုႏွစ္ေလာက္ကထင္ပါတယ္၊ ခ်င္းမုိင္မွာ လူအခြင့္အေရးသင္တန္းတစ္ခုမွာ ဆရာဦးတင့္ေဇာ္က ဘာသာျပန္လုပ္ေပးေနတုန္း သူနဲ႔ ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာ ကိစၥေမးျမန္ၾကည့္ျဖစ္တယ္။ ဦးတင့္ေဇာ္ ရွင္းျပတာက ရခုိင္ျပည္မွာ ေရွး အစဥ္အဆက္ကတည္းက မြတ္စလင္ေတြ အတူတကြ ေနထုိင္လာခဲ့တယ္ဆုိတာ ျငင္းဘြယ္မရွိပါဘူး။ ဒါေပမဲ့ ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာဆုိတာ မရွိခဲ့ဘူး။ ေရွးက ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာဆုိတာမရွိဘူး၊ လူဦးေရကလည္း ရွိသင့္တယ္ထင္တာထက္ မ်ားေနတယ္လုိ႔ဆုိတယ္။ တခ်ိဳ႕ကေတာ့ ၁၉၇၈ ခုႏွစ္ နဂါးမင္းစစ္ဆင္ေရးတုန္းက ထြက္သြားတာထက္ ျပန္လက္ခံလုိက္ရတာက ပုိမ်ားတယ္လုိ႔ဆုိတယ္။ ကုိယ့္ဆီကမဟုတ္ရင္ ျငင္းခြင့္ရွိတာဘဲ (မ်ားမ်ားလက္ခံေလ ကုလသမဂ ဒုကၡသည္ ျပန္လက္ခံေရး အစီအစဥ္အရေပးတဲ့ေဒၚလာ ေငြပုိရေလေလ ေၾကာင့္မ်ားလားမသိပါ။)


(ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာ) ရွိျခင္း၊ မရွိျခင္း လက္ခံျခင္း၊ မခံျခင္း အျငင္းပြားကိစၥကုိ က်ေနာ္အေနနဲ႔ ေထာက္ခံျခင္း၊ ကန္႔ကြက္ ျခင္း မလုပ္ခဲ့ပါ။ အခုလည္းလုပ္မည္မဟုတ္ပါ။ ဘာ့ေၾကာင့္ လဲဆုိေတာ့ ေရွ႕ေနႀကီး ခုိင္ေစာထြန္း ရဲ႕စကား အသြားအလာ ကုိသတိျပဳမိၿပီးသကာလ ဒီလူမ်ိဳးစုႏွစ္စု(ရခုိင္ႏွင့္ရုိဟင္ဂ်ာဆုိသူတုိ႔) တခ်ိန္ခ်ိန္မွာ နားလည္မွဳရ ေျပလည္သြားခဲ့ၾကရင္ ၾကားထဲကက်ေနာ္မ်ားတုိ႔ ငေပါႀကီး ျဖစ္က်န္ခဲ့မွာစုိးတာေၾကာင့္၊ ၿပီးေတာ့ ေရွ႕မ်က္ႏွာ ေနာက္ထားၿပီးက်ေနာ္ ေထာက္ခံမိ(သုိ႔မဟုတ္)မေထာက္ခံမိတာ မွားပါတယ္လုိ႔ စိတ္တြင္းကေသာ္ လည္း ေကာင္း၊ အျပင္ပန္းအားျဖင့္ေသာ္လည္းေကာင္း ေတာင္းပန္ရမဲ့အလုပ္မ်ိဳးမလုပ္ျခင္တာေၾကာင့္လုိ႔ပါ။ ဒါ့အျပင္ ေကာင္းေသာအႀကံျပဳျခင္းအားျဖင့္ အားလုံးႏွင့္ ထာဝရမိတ္ေဆြ ညီေနာင္မ်ားအျဖစ္သာေနလုိ၍ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။

ဒါေၾကာင့္ ဒီလုိအႀကံျပဳလုိက္ရပါတယ္။ အထက္တြင္ ဆုိခဲ့သည့္ အဖုအထစ္ေတြေရာဂါႀကီး ေပ်ာက္ကင္းဖုိ႔ ဆုိရင္ လက္ရွိသြားေနတဲ့နည္းလမ္းက ႏိုင္ငံေရးအသျပာဆရာဝန္ကုိ အားထားကုေနသလုိျဖစ္ေနတယ္။ ေပ်ာက္ေတာ့ေပ်ာက္မယ္။ ေရာဂါေရာ လူနာေရာ တပါတည္းပါ။ ဒါေၾကာင့္ ရခုိင္ျပည္ညီေနာင္အေနျဖင့္ ေမာင္ႏွစ္မမ်ား အခ်င္းခ်င္းအတြင္း  ကိန္းေအာင္းေနတဲ့ လူမ်ိဳးေရး၊ ဘာသာေရး အစြဲအလမ္းေတြ၊ အာဃာတ ေတြ၊ သံသယေတြ၊ စုိးရိမ္စိတ္ေတြကုိေဘးဖယ္ထုတ္ၿပီး အရင္းအျမစ္ ကုိ ဓမၼဒိဌာန္က်က် စဥ္းစားအေျဖရွာပါမွ ရခုိင္ျပည္သူတရပ္လုံး ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းသာယာေရး၊ တုိးတက္ေရးမ်ားကုိ လုပ္ငန္းကုိ အားသြန္ေဆာင္ရြက္ႏိုင္ၾကမည္ သာျဖစ္ပါေၾကာင္း၊ ဆက္လက္၍ ဒီကိစၥကုိစိတ္ဝင္စား ေဆြးေႏြးေနသူမ်ားအေနျဖင့္လည္း၊ ရခုိင္ျပည္သူ ညီ အစ္ကုိေမာင္ႏွစ္မမ်ား စုစည္းညီညြတ္လွ်က္၊ တုိးတက္ဖြံ႔ၿဖိဳးေသာေဒသသူ ေဒသသားမ်ားအျဖစ္ေရာက္ၾကရ ေလေအာင္ အျပဳသေဘာျဖင့္ အေလးအနက္ထား စဥ္းစားေဆြးေႏြးေပး သင့္ပါေၾကာင္းတုိက္တြန္းလုိက္ရပါ တယ္။

ဝင္းေမာင္ (ဟဲဟုိးသား)
၁၁ ရက္၊ စက္တင္ဘာလ၊ ၂၀၁၁ ခုႏွစ္။
By David Henry Poveter >>>

The new nominally elected government of Myanmar has made recent headlines by freeing and trying to accommodate previously jailed opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi. President Thein Sein's government is clearly trying to legitimize his "democratic" regime by showing to its people and international observers that he is willing to work with the pro-democracy leader and trying to ameliorate the country's reputation as a serial violator of human rights. 

Although these changes are recent and might be another facade of openness to gain international support for its new government, there is great potential for Myanmar to actually move toward its own style of democracy. Indeed, if Myanmar continues its transformation and normalizes its behavior enough to be recognized as the sole legitimate authority in the country, it could actually one day become a "real" democracy. 

After the international outcry of the "Depaying massacre" in 2003, when a group of thugs attacked Suu Kyi's convoy and killed many of her supporters, Myanmar's military government revealed its "seven step roadmap" toward democracy, which was meant to serve as a transitional guideline from military to civilian rule. 

The roadmap outlined seven stages, namely: 
1. The establishment of a National Convention to draft a new constitution. 
2. Proposal of steps needed to establish a democracy after the National Convention was concluded.
3. Drafting of a constitution based on the principles laid down by the National Convention.
4. A national referendum to approve the new charter.
5. Election of a democratically representative government.
6. Convention of parliament.
7. Building of a modern, developed and democratic nation by the newly elected parliamentarians. 

After the 2008 constitutional referendum, stage-managed general elections were held in November last year. The military backed Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) won 883 (or 76.5%) of the 1,154 seats at stake. This majority, combined with the 25% of the seats reserved for the military as stipulated by the 2008 constitution, means that the military's USDP dominates the newly convened parliament, known as the Hluttaw, and has the numbers to unilaterally amend the constitution. All that is left is the seventh and arguably most difficult step, to build a modern, democratic nation. 

With six of the seven steps now accomplished, it is important to elaborate on a few points. Firstly, the 2008 constitution establishes a set of new institutions, including a parliamentary elected president, a bicameral parliament, and 14 regional governments. It also calls for regular elections and the presence of several political parties to contest them. In theory, at least, the interplay of these institutions differs substantially from the previous centralized military regime. Since these institutions are still very much new, it will be interesting to see how the new balance of power is established. 

Secondly, the government has shown certain signs of reconciliation. A week after the November 2010 elections, the junta released pro-democracy leader Suu Kyi after having detained her for 15 of the past 21 years. Furthermore, Kim Aris, one of Suu Kyi's sons who lives in the United Kingdom, was issued a visa allowing him to visit his mother for the first time in over a decade. In May 2011, Thein Sein's government freed 14,600 prisoners, among them a small number of political detainees. (Rights groups estimate there are still over 2,100 political prisoners being held in Myanmar.) 

Moreover, in July, Suu Kyi was allowed to visit the ancient city of Bagan on a private pilgrimage. A month later, she made her first political trip outside Yangon to Bago, about 80 kilometers north of the old capital. During her trip, she delivered a speech to more than 600 people in which she proclaimed cooperation with Myanmar's government by stating that "unity is strength, unity is needed everywhere and it is needed especially in our country". A week later, Suu Kyi met for the first time with President Thein Sein in Naypyidaw, the new capital. 

Seeing Suu Kyi free and travelling around the country is an image that seemed unfathomable only a year ago, when she was still under house arrest. But even if these changes are only a facade and the new opening is quickly closed, for now it appears that Myanmar's new government has broken somewhat from the previous junta's iron-fisted approach. 

These gestures have established a new platform from which democratic changes could become a reality and democratic ideologies could grow. Morten Pedersen, a research fellow at the Center for International Governance & Justice in Australia, argues that "formal institutions, once established, have a tendency to change the interest of the people involved, to become new power centers, and ultimately become 'real'." Taking that analysis forward, the newly established institutions combined with a more reconciliation-minded government is moving towards a unique, Myanmar-style of democracy. 

At the same time, the government is looking outward and trying to legitimize its regime to the international community. In this direction, the government has expressed its desire to take up the chairmanship of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) in 2014, a prestigious position that would bolster the country's credibility not just among regional neighbors but also the wider international community as well. 

Now that its political party has been nominally elected, the previous junta is bidding to normalize its behavior in regard to both internal and external issues. Even if these changes prove more cosmetic than substantive, the fact that Suu Kyi has been liberated, that her son has been allowed to visit her, and that she is holding political meetings means for now change is in the air. 

If Myanmar's "democratic developments" continue to gain international credibility and legitimacy, then the positive momentum could eventually push the country towards genuine democracy. If Myanmar manages to establish a democracy that can bring peace and stability within its own borders, the governments of the world will have no other choice but to recognize and accept Myanmar's unique roadmap toward democracy. 

David Henry Poveter, a pseudonym, is an independent strategic analyst based in Shanghai.

Credit : Asia Times
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