Media release from the International Bar Association’s Human Rights Institute
High-level discussions on the urgent need for the establishment of a United Nations (UN) Commission of Inquiry (COI) into war crimes and crimes against humanity in Burma, will take place on September 6 in Brussels. The meeting is scheduled ahead of European Union (EU) representatives gathering at the Meeting of the Human Rights Working Group (COHOM) of the European Council to discuss, among other human rights issues, the UN General Assembly (UNGA) resolution on Burma for 2011, which must include a provision for a COI if its establishment is to be realised in the near future.
In the context of the widely-held view that such a COI could help reduce human rights abuses in Burma, the International Bar Association’s Human Rights Institute (IBAHRI) and the Open Society Foundations, organised the meeting to provide expert opinions on the establishment of a COI to those with responsibility for deciding the stipulations of the UNGA resolution on Burma; EU member states. To this end the United Nations Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Burma, Tomás Ojea Quintana; together with representatives from Burma Campaign UK; the Burma Lawyers’ Council; the International Federation of Human Rights; and Human Rights Watch will brief EU diplomats.
The experts will summarise the current human rights situation in Burma, taking into account recent political developments there, and explain why a COI is the best way forward for deterring the commission of further crimes – reported as murder, systematic rape, sexual violence, torture, the recruitment of children as soldiers, warrantless detention, widespread forced relocations and forced labour – and ensuring justice for victims. The technicalities of such a COI, including the terms of reference, will also be discussed.
Dr Mark Ellis, Executive Director of the International Bar Association said, ‘The Burmese people have suffered grave human rights violations for more than 20 years. The perpetrators act with immunity in an environment absent of action by the international community. The United Nations General Assembly should act promptly and decisively to establish a UN commission of enquiry into human rights abuses in Burma.’ He added, ‘A transparent, impartial and independent UN commission of inquiry is an established tool for investigating allegations of international crimes committed by all parties to a conflict. Establishing a commission for Burma would be a crucial and long overdue step in bringing accountability to Burma.’
Mr Quintana recently stated that, ‘Justice and accountability measures, as well as measures to ensure access to the truth, are fundamental for Myanmar to face its past and current human rights challenges, and to move forward towards national reconciliation.’
The briefing will take place at the Open Society Institute – Brussels, 9-13 Rue d’Idalie, B-1050 Brussels, between 12h00 and 13h30 (local time) under the Chatham House Rule.
The Speakers:
• Tomás Ojea Quintana, UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Burma, (via video-link);
• Neil Campbell, Head of EU Policy Development, Open Society Institute-Brussels;
• Mr Gregoire Thery, Permanent Representative to the European Union, International Federation of Human Rights;
• Ms Lotte Leicht, European Union Director, Human Rights Watch;
• Ms Zoya Phan, Campaigns Manager, Burma Campaign UK; and
• Mr U Aung Htoo, Secretary General, Burma Lawyers’ Council.
If you would like to interview any of the speakers after the meeting please contact the moderator, Shirley Pouget of the International Bar Association atshirley.pouget@int-bar.org
ENDS
For further information please contact:
Romana St. Matthew - Daniel
Press Office
International Bar Association
4th Floor, 10 St Bride Street,
London EC4 4AD
Direct Line: +44 (0)20 7842 0094
Main Office: +44 (0)20 7842 0090
Fax: +44 (0)20 7842 0091
E-mail: romana.daniel@int-bar.org
Website: http://www.ibanet.org
Notes for editors
The Chatham House Rule:
“When a meeting, or part thereof, is held under the Chatham House Rule, participants are free to use the information received, but neither the identity nor the affiliation of the speaker(s), nor that of any other participant, may be revealed”.
COHOM
The Human Rights Working Group (COHOM) was created under the Council of the European Union in 1987 (with the extension of its mandate in 2003) and is responsible for human rights issues in the EU’s external relations.
It is composed of human rights experts from Member States and the European Commission. Click here to read the text of the mandate.
The Human Rights Working Group meets regularly. The agendas of meetings cover the various aspects of the EU’s human rights policy such as action in international fora, dialogues with third countries, thematic issues and mainstreaming. The agenda always includes standing items on human rights situations of urgent concern. COHOM promotes the systematic inclusion of human rights issues in the agenda of expert’s meetings on thematic issues and at summits between the EU and third countries.
COHOM: http://eeas.europa.eu/human_rights/workgroup/index_en.htm
About the International Bar Association
the global voice of the legal profession
The International Bar Association (IBA), established in 1947, is the world’s leading organisation of international legal practitioners, bar associations and law societies. Its membership includes over 40,000 lawyers and almost 200 bar associations and law societies spanning every continent. The IBA influences the development of international law reform and shapes the future of the legal profession throughout the world.
The IBA’s administrative office is in London; regional offices are located in São Paulo, Brazil and Dubai, United Arab Emirates.
Grouped into two divisions – the Legal Practice Division and the Public and Professional Interest Division – the IBA offers its members access to leading experts and up-to-date information across all areas of legal practice and professional interest. Through a network of specialised committees, the IBA enables an exchange of information and opinions regarding laws, practices and professional responsibilities pertaining to the practice of law globally. High-quality publications and world-class conferences further provide unrivalled professional development and networking opportunities for legal practitioners and professional associates.
The IBA’s Bar Issues Commission provides a forum for IBA member bar associations and law societies to discuss any matter relating to law at an international level.
The IBA’s Human Rights Institute works to promote, protect and enforce human rights under a just Rule of Law, and to preserve the independence of the judiciary and the legal profession worldwide.
In partnership with the Open Society Initiative for Southern Africa , the IBA created the Southern Africa Litigation Centre, based in Johannesburg, South Africa, to promote human rights and the Rule of Law in Angola, Botswana, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Lesotho, Malawi, Mozambique, Namibia, Swaziland, Zambia and Zimbabwe.
The IBA was instrumental in establishing the International Legal Assistance Consortium in Stockholm, Sweden. This global consortium of non-governmental organisations provides technical legal assistance to post-conflict countries.
Through a grant-funded project, the IBA also maintains an office in The Hague which manages the IBA’s International Criminal Court (ICC) Programme . This office follows the work and proceedings of the ICC, focusing primarily on the fair trial rights of the accused and the manner in which the Rome Statute and other legal documents of the Court are implemented and encourages the legal community to engage with the work of the Court. The programme also produces a dynamic news magazine about the ICC called Equality of Arms Review or EQ which is available on the IBA website.
Contact information:
International Bar Association
4th Floor, 10 St Bride Street,
London EC4 4AD
Tel: +44 (0)20 7842 0090
Fax: +44 (0)20 7842 0091
Website: http://www.ibanet.org
Credit : Burma Campaign for UK
High-level discussions on the urgent need for the establishment of a United Nations (UN) Commission of Inquiry (COI) into war crimes and crimes against humanity in Burma, will take place on September 6 in Brussels. The meeting is scheduled ahead of European Union (EU) representatives gathering at the Meeting of the Human Rights Working Group (COHOM) of the European Council to discuss, among other human rights issues, the UN General Assembly (UNGA) resolution on Burma for 2011, which must include a provision for a COI if its establishment is to be realised in the near future.
In the context of the widely-held view that such a COI could help reduce human rights abuses in Burma, the International Bar Association’s Human Rights Institute (IBAHRI) and the Open Society Foundations, organised the meeting to provide expert opinions on the establishment of a COI to those with responsibility for deciding the stipulations of the UNGA resolution on Burma; EU member states. To this end the United Nations Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Burma, Tomás Ojea Quintana; together with representatives from Burma Campaign UK; the Burma Lawyers’ Council; the International Federation of Human Rights; and Human Rights Watch will brief EU diplomats.
The experts will summarise the current human rights situation in Burma, taking into account recent political developments there, and explain why a COI is the best way forward for deterring the commission of further crimes – reported as murder, systematic rape, sexual violence, torture, the recruitment of children as soldiers, warrantless detention, widespread forced relocations and forced labour – and ensuring justice for victims. The technicalities of such a COI, including the terms of reference, will also be discussed.
Dr Mark Ellis, Executive Director of the International Bar Association said, ‘The Burmese people have suffered grave human rights violations for more than 20 years. The perpetrators act with immunity in an environment absent of action by the international community. The United Nations General Assembly should act promptly and decisively to establish a UN commission of enquiry into human rights abuses in Burma.’ He added, ‘A transparent, impartial and independent UN commission of inquiry is an established tool for investigating allegations of international crimes committed by all parties to a conflict. Establishing a commission for Burma would be a crucial and long overdue step in bringing accountability to Burma.’
Mr Quintana recently stated that, ‘Justice and accountability measures, as well as measures to ensure access to the truth, are fundamental for Myanmar to face its past and current human rights challenges, and to move forward towards national reconciliation.’
The briefing will take place at the Open Society Institute – Brussels, 9-13 Rue d’Idalie, B-1050 Brussels, between 12h00 and 13h30 (local time) under the Chatham House Rule.
The Speakers:
• Tomás Ojea Quintana, UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Burma, (via video-link);
• Neil Campbell, Head of EU Policy Development, Open Society Institute-Brussels;
• Mr Gregoire Thery, Permanent Representative to the European Union, International Federation of Human Rights;
• Ms Lotte Leicht, European Union Director, Human Rights Watch;
• Ms Zoya Phan, Campaigns Manager, Burma Campaign UK; and
• Mr U Aung Htoo, Secretary General, Burma Lawyers’ Council.
If you would like to interview any of the speakers after the meeting please contact the moderator, Shirley Pouget of the International Bar Association atshirley.pouget@int-bar.org
ENDS
For further information please contact:
Romana St. Matthew - Daniel
Press Office
International Bar Association
4th Floor, 10 St Bride Street,
London EC4 4AD
Direct Line: +44 (0)20 7842 0094
Main Office: +44 (0)20 7842 0090
Fax: +44 (0)20 7842 0091
E-mail: romana.daniel@int-bar.org
Website: http://www.ibanet.org
Notes for editors
The Chatham House Rule:
“When a meeting, or part thereof, is held under the Chatham House Rule, participants are free to use the information received, but neither the identity nor the affiliation of the speaker(s), nor that of any other participant, may be revealed”.
COHOM
The Human Rights Working Group (COHOM) was created under the Council of the European Union in 1987 (with the extension of its mandate in 2003) and is responsible for human rights issues in the EU’s external relations.
It is composed of human rights experts from Member States and the European Commission. Click here to read the text of the mandate.
The Human Rights Working Group meets regularly. The agendas of meetings cover the various aspects of the EU’s human rights policy such as action in international fora, dialogues with third countries, thematic issues and mainstreaming. The agenda always includes standing items on human rights situations of urgent concern. COHOM promotes the systematic inclusion of human rights issues in the agenda of expert’s meetings on thematic issues and at summits between the EU and third countries.
COHOM: http://eeas.europa.eu/human_rights/workgroup/index_en.htm
About the International Bar Association
the global voice of the legal profession
The International Bar Association (IBA), established in 1947, is the world’s leading organisation of international legal practitioners, bar associations and law societies. Its membership includes over 40,000 lawyers and almost 200 bar associations and law societies spanning every continent. The IBA influences the development of international law reform and shapes the future of the legal profession throughout the world.
The IBA’s administrative office is in London; regional offices are located in São Paulo, Brazil and Dubai, United Arab Emirates.
Grouped into two divisions – the Legal Practice Division and the Public and Professional Interest Division – the IBA offers its members access to leading experts and up-to-date information across all areas of legal practice and professional interest. Through a network of specialised committees, the IBA enables an exchange of information and opinions regarding laws, practices and professional responsibilities pertaining to the practice of law globally. High-quality publications and world-class conferences further provide unrivalled professional development and networking opportunities for legal practitioners and professional associates.
The IBA’s Bar Issues Commission provides a forum for IBA member bar associations and law societies to discuss any matter relating to law at an international level.
The IBA’s Human Rights Institute works to promote, protect and enforce human rights under a just Rule of Law, and to preserve the independence of the judiciary and the legal profession worldwide.
In partnership with the Open Society Initiative for Southern Africa , the IBA created the Southern Africa Litigation Centre, based in Johannesburg, South Africa, to promote human rights and the Rule of Law in Angola, Botswana, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Lesotho, Malawi, Mozambique, Namibia, Swaziland, Zambia and Zimbabwe.
The IBA was instrumental in establishing the International Legal Assistance Consortium in Stockholm, Sweden. This global consortium of non-governmental organisations provides technical legal assistance to post-conflict countries.
Through a grant-funded project, the IBA also maintains an office in The Hague which manages the IBA’s International Criminal Court (ICC) Programme . This office follows the work and proceedings of the ICC, focusing primarily on the fair trial rights of the accused and the manner in which the Rome Statute and other legal documents of the Court are implemented and encourages the legal community to engage with the work of the Court. The programme also produces a dynamic news magazine about the ICC called Equality of Arms Review or EQ which is available on the IBA website.
Contact information:
International Bar Association
4th Floor, 10 St Bride Street,
London EC4 4AD
Tel: +44 (0)20 7842 0090
Fax: +44 (0)20 7842 0091
Website: http://www.ibanet.org
Credit : Burma Campaign for UK
New Delhi - More than 100 Indian MPs have urged the Myanmar president to free more than 2,000 political prisoners.
The appeal has been made by Ram Jethmalani, convener of the Indian Parliamentarians' Forum for Democracy in Burma (IPFDB), and members of the group.
They are backing a call from Myanmar democratic leader and Nobel Peace laureate Aung San Suu Kyi for the release of political prisoners.
There are still more than 2,000 political prisoners in prisons in Myanmar, and many are in deplorable conditions, the group said.
Most of them have been sentenced to 65 years and more, it said.
"We, Indian parliamentarians, hope to see a genuine democratic system in Burma and ... call upon the government to release all political prisoners in the country.
"Their release will be a positive step in the spirit of conciliation and dialogue that Burma now needs."
Credit :indiavision
ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံမွာ ယုံၾကည္ခ်က္ေၾကာင့္ အက်ဥ္းက်ခံေနရတဲ့ ႏုိင္ငံေရး အက်ဥ္းသား ၂,၀၀၀ ေက်ာ္ကို ခ်က္ခ်င္း လႊတ္ေပးဖုိ႔ သမၼတ ဦးသိန္းစိန္ဆီကုိ အိႏၵိယ လႊတ္ေတာ္အမတ္ ၁၀၀ ေက်ာ္ လက္မွတ္ေရးထုိး ေတာင္းဆုိလုိက္ပါတယ္။ ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံမွာ ဒီမုိကေရစီေရး၊ လူ႔အခြင့္အေရးနဲ႔ တရားဥပေဒဆုိင္ရာ ျပဳျပင္ ေျပာင္းလဲမႈေတြ တကယ္လုပ္ခ်င္တဲ့ဆႏၵ ရွိမယ္ဆုိရင္ အတိုက္အခံေတြရဲ႕ အသံတခု ျဖစ္လာတာကလြဲလို႔ ႏုိင္ငံအတြက္ ဘာအႏၲရာယ္မွ မရွိတဲ့ ဒီ ႏုိင္ငံေရး အက်ဥ္းသားေတြကို ျမန္မာအစုိးရသစ္က ျပန္ၿပီး လႊတ္ေပးဖုိ႔ အိႏၵိယ လႊတ္ေတာ္အမတ္ေတြက ေတာင္းဆုိၾကတာ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ အျပည့္အစုံကို ေဒၚခင္မ်ဳိးသက္က တင္ျပေပးထားပါတယ္။
ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံမွာ အခုထိ ႏုိင္ငံေရး အက်ဥ္းသား ၂,၀၀၀ ေက်ာ္ ရွိေနၿပီး သူတုိ႔ကို ထိန္းသိမ္းထားတဲ့ ေထာင္ေတြဟာ မႏွစ္ၿမိဳ႕ဖြယ္ ရွိ႐ုံမက လူမဆန္တဲ့ အေနအထားမ်ဳိးနဲ႔ ထားတာ ေတြ႕ရသလို တခ်ဳိ႕ဟာ ေထာင္ဒဏ္ ၆၅ ႏွစ္လို ႏွစ္ရွည္ေထာင္ဒဏ္ေတြ အခ်ခံေနရတာမို႔ အသက္ရွင္လ်က္နဲ႔ လြတ္လမ္းမျမင္တဲ့ အေနအထားမ်ဳိးမွာ ရွိေနတဲ့အတြက္ ဒီႏုိင္ငံေရး အက်ဥ္းသားေတြကို ႁခြင္းခ်က္မရွိ ခ်က္ခ်င္း ျပန္ၿပီး လႊတ္ေပးဖုိ႔ သမၼတ ဦးသိန္းစိန္ကုိ ျမန္မာ့အေရး ေဆာင္ရြက္ေနတဲ့ အိႏၵိယ လႊတ္ေတာ္အမတ္မ်ားအဖြဲ႕ IPFDB က ေတာင္းဆုိလုိက္တယ္လို႔ အဖြဲ႕ ညိႇႏႈိင္းေရးမွဴး ေဒၚသင္းသင္းေအာင္က ေျပာပါတယ္။
“ဦးသိန္းစိန္ဆီ ပို႔မယ့္စာကို အမတ္ေပါင္း ၁၀၀ ေက်ာ္က လက္မွတ္ ေရးထုိးထားတာ ျဖစ္တယ္။ အဲဒီထဲမွာ ထင္ရွားတဲ့ အမတ္ေတြဆုိရင္ မစၥတာ ရမ္း ဂ်က္သ္မလာနီ (Ram Jethmalani)၊ ေဒါက္တာ ခ်န္ဒန္း မစ္ထရာ (Dr. Chandan Mitra) တုိ႔၊ မစ္စ္ ဆူပရီယာ ဆူေလး (Supriya Sule) တုိ႔ ႏုိင္ငံေရးပါတီ အသီးသီးပါပဲ၊ ကြန္ဂရက္လည္းပါတယ္၊ BJP လည္း ပါတယ္၊ အဓိက ပါတီေလးေတြက ေတာင္းဆုိထားတာ ျဖစ္တယ္။”
ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ကုိ ေနအိမ္အက်ယ္ခ်ဳပ္ ခ်ထားရာက ျပန္ၿပီး လႊတ္ေပးခဲ့တဲ့အတြက္ ႀကိဳဆုိေပမဲ့ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ တေယာက္တည္းကို ျပန္ၿပီး လႊတ္ေပး႐ုံနဲ႔ ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံမွာ ဒီမိုကေရစီ အသြင္ကူးေျပာင္းၿပီလို႔ မေျပာႏုိင္ဘူးလုိ႔ ျမန္မာ့အေရး လႈပ္ရွားတဲ့ အိႏၵိယ ပါလီမန္အမတ္ ရမ္း ဂ်က္သ္မလာနီက တနလၤာေန႔မွာ ထုတ္ျပန္တဲ့ ေၾကညာခ်က္မွာ ေဖာ္ျပထားပါတယ္။
ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံမွာ ဒီမုိကေရစီေရး၊ လူ႔အခြင့္အေရးနဲ႔ တရားဥပေဒေရးဆုိင္ရာ ျပဳျပင္ ေျပာင္းလဲေရးေတြကို ျမန္မာအစိုးရက တကယ္လုပ္ေဆာင္ခ်င္တဲ့ ဆႏၵ ရွိတယ္ဆုိရင္ အတိုက္အခံေတြရဲ႕ အသံတခု ျဖစ္လာတာကလြဲလို႔ ႏုိင္ငံအတြက္ ဘာမွ အႏၲရာယ္ မရွိတဲ့ ယုံၾကည္ခ်က္ေၾကာင့္ အက်ဥ္းက်ေနသူေတြကုိ ျမန္မာအစုိးရသစ္က ျပန္ၿပီး လႊတ္ေပးဖုိ႔ လုိတယ္လို႔ ဆုိပါတယ္။
ဒါ့အျပင္ ျမန္မာ့ဒီမုိကေရစီ ေခါင္းေဆာင္ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ရဲ႕ ၆၆ ႏွစ္ေျမာက္ ေမြးေန႔ အထိမ္းအမွတ္ကို နယူးေဒလီမွာ က်င္းပတုန္းက ေပးပို႔တဲ့ ဗြီဒီယို သ၀ဏ္လႊာထဲမွာ ႏုိင္ငံေရး အက်ဥ္းသားေတြ လႊတ္ေပးဖုိ႔အတြက္ ေတာင္းဆုိထားတာမို႔ ဒါကို ေထာက္ခံေၾကာင္းလည္း ေျပာပါတယ္။
“ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ရဲ႕ ၆၆ ႏွစ္ျပည့္ ေမြးေန႔ အခမ္းအနားကို ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္က ဗီြဒီယို မက္ေဆ့ခ်္တခု ပုိ႔ေပးတာ ရွိတယ္။ အဲဒီ ဗြီဒီယို မက္ေဆ့ခ်္ထဲမွာ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္က က်မကို သတိရတာ ၀မ္းသာတယ္ေပါ့၊ ဒါေပမဲ့ က်မကိုတင္ မဟုတ္ဘဲ က်မ ျပည္သူေတြ၊ အထူးသျဖင့္ ႏုိင္ငံေရး အက်ဥ္းသားေတြကို သတိရေပးပါ၊ အဲဒီအက်ဥ္းသား ၂,၀၀၀ လည္း ရွိေသးတယ္။ သူတို႔ လြတ္ေျမာက္ေရး အတြက္လည္း က်မတို႔ အိႏၵိယ မိတ္ေဆြေတြက ကူညီၾကပါ ဆုိတာကို သူက ေျပာခဲ့တယ္။
“အဲဒီကေနစၿပီး က်မတုိ႔ ဒီမွာရွိတဲ့ ျမန္မာ့ဒီမုိကေရစီေရး လႈပ္ရွားတဲ့ သူေတြက ပါတီက ေခါင္းေဆာင္ေတြ၊ အမတ္ေတြဆီက လက္မွတ္ေကာက္ၿပီး မနက္ျဖန္က်ရင္ Press Conference နဲ႔ အမတ္ေတြရဲ႕ Signature ၁၀၀ ေက်ာ္ကုိ ထုတ္ျပန္မယ္။”
အိႏၵိယ လႊတ္ေတာ္အမတ္ ၁၀၀ ေက်ာ္ဟာ ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံမွာ စစ္မွန္တဲ့ ဒီမုိကေရစီေရး ေျပာင္းလဲမႈေတြ ျမင္ရဖို႔ ေမွ်ာ္လင့္ထားသလုိ ေျပာင္းလဲမႈအတြက္ လုပ္ေဆာင္မယ့္ ပထမေျခလွမ္း အေနနဲ႔ ႏုိင္ငံေရး အက်ဥ္းသား အားလုံးကုိ လႊတ္ေပးဖုိ႔ လက္မွတ္ေရးထုိး ေတာင္းဆုိခဲ့တာျဖစ္ၿပီး အဂၤါေန႔ သတင္းစာ ရွင္းလင္းပြဲ အၿပီးမွာ အိႏၵိယႏုိင္ငံမွာရွိတဲ့ ျမန္မာသံ႐ုံးကတဆင့္ စုေဆာင္းထားတဲ့ အိႏၵိယ လႊတ္ေတာ္အမတ္ေတြရဲ႕ လက္မွတ္ေတြကို သမၼတ ဦးသိန္းစိန္ဆီ ေပးပို႔မယ့္ အစီအစဥ္ ရွိတယ္လို႔လည္း ေဒၚသင္းသင္းေအာင္က ေျပာပါတယ္။
Credit : VOA Burmese
ကခ်င္ျပည္နယ္၀ိုင္းေမာ္ၿမိဳ႕နယ္၊ကဇူးေက်းရြာရွိ ခရစ္ယာန္ ဘုရားေက်ာင္းအတြင္း အစိုးရစစ္တပ္က မုိင္းေထာင္ထားျခင္းကိစၥတိုင္ၾကားစာ
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က်ေနာ္ရန္ကုန္ၿမိဳ႕ ဒဂံုၿမိဳ႕နယ္ ဇီ၀ကလမ္း (ယခင္ ဇဖားရ္ရွားလမ္း) ရိွ အိႏိၵယႏိုင္ငံမွ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံသို႔ပါေတာ္မူခဲ့ေသာ ေနာက္ဆုံး မဂိုဧကရာဇ္ ဗဟာဒူးရွားဇဖားရ္၏သခၤ်ဳိင္းဂူဗိမာန္သို႔ သြားေရာက္ေလ့လာၾကည့္႐ႈမိသည္။
တခ်ိန္က ေရႊနန္းေတာ္၌ မင္းစည္းစိမ္ခံစားခဲ့ရေသာ အိႏိၵယႏိုင္ငံ၏ မဂိုဧကရာဇ္သည္ ေရျခားေျမျခား ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံ၌ ရန္သူ၏လက္တြင္းတြင္ နတ္ရြာစံခဲ့ပံုကို ေတြးမိရင္း ကြၽႏု္ပ္တို႔၏ ျမန္မာဘုရင္သီေပါမင္းတရား အိႏိၵယျပည္ရတနာဂီရိအရပ္၌ ဆင္းရဲခ်ဳိ႕တဲ့စြာ နတ္ရြာစံခဲ့ရပံုကို ျပန္ လည္ယွဥ္တြဲ အေတြးပြားေနမိပါေတာ့သည္။
ဤပါေတာ္မူ ဘုရင္ႏွစ္ပါး၏ဘ၀ကံၾကမၼာမွာ တနည္းတဖံု ဆင္တူယိုးမွားတူညီေနေပ၏။ အိႏၵိယျပည္ ေဒလီၿမဳိ႕ေတာ္၌ အိႏိၵယျပည့္ရွင္ မဂိုဘုရင္အား အဂၤလိပ္တို႔ကဖမ္းဆီး၍ ဇာတိေနျပည္ေတာ္ႏွင့္ေ၀းေသာ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံ ရန္ကုန္ၿမိဳ႕သို႔ ျပည္ႏွင္ဒဏ္ပို႔လိုက္သည္။ အက်ဥ္းစံ နန္းက်ဘုရင္တပါးအျဖစ္ေနထိုင္ရင္း ရန္ကုန္ၿမိဳ႕ဒဂံုအရပ္၌ နတ္ရြာစံခဲ့ရေလသည္။
ကုန္းေဘာင္မင္းဆက္၏ ေနာက္ဆံုးမင္းျဖစ္သည့္ သီေပါမင္းတရားအားလည္း ၁၈၈၅ ခုႏွစ္ ႏို၀င္ဘာလ ၂၉ ရက္ေန႔တြင္ ဖမ္းဆီး၍ နယ္ခ်ဲ႕ အဂၤလိပ္တို႔သည္ ေရေၾကာင္းခရီးျဖင့္ ပထမ အိႏိၵယႏိုင္ငံမဒရပ္ၿမိဳ႕၊ ယင္းေနာက္ အိႏိၵယႏိုင္ငံအေနာက္ဘက္ပင္လယ္ကမ္းေျခရိွ ရတနာ ဂီရိသို႔ ၁၉၁၀ ျပည့္ႏွစ္ ႏုိ၀င္ဘာလ ၁၃ ရက္ေန႔တြင္ ေျပာင္းေရႊ႕ခဲ့သည္။ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံ၏ ေနာက္ဆံုးဘုရင္ျဖစ္သည့္ သီေပါမင္းတရားသည္ အိႏၵိယႏိုင္ငံ၌ အက်ယ္ခ်ဳပ္ဘ၀ျဖင့္ ႏွစ္ ၃၀ နီးပါး ေနထိုင္ခဲ့ရၿပီးေနာက္ ၁၉၁၆ခုႏွစ္ ဒီဇင္ဘာလ (၁၆) ရက္ေန႔တြင္ နတ္ရြာစံခဲ့သည္။
သို႔ကလို ျမန္မာဘုရင္အား အိႏၵိယျပည္၌ေခြထားၿပီး အိႏိၵယဘုရင္အား ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံ၌ေခြထားျခင္းမွာ အဂၤလိပ္နယ္ခ်ဲ႕တို႔၏ နည္းပရိယာယ္ တခုပင္ျဖစ္သည္။
္မာႏိုင္ငံသို႔ ပါေတာ္မူခဲ့ရေသာ အိႏိၵယႏိုင္ငံ၏ေနာက္ဆံုး မဂိုဧကရာဇ္မဟာဒူးရွားဇဖားရ္ (Bahadur Shah Zafar) သည္ ခရစ္ႏွစ္ ၁၇၇၅ ခုႏွစ္တြင္ ေဒလီၿမိဳ႕ေတာ္ရိွ ရွားဂ်ဟန္းဘုရင္ႀကီး၏ လာလ္ကီယာနန္းေတာ္တြင္ ဖြားျမင္ခဲ့သည္။ ခမည္းေတာ္ ဒုတိယေျမာက္ အကၠဘာရ္ရွား (Emperor Akbar Shah II) က သားေတာ္အား ‘မိုဟာမက္ေစရာဂြၽန္ဒင္း’ ဟု မွည့္ေခၚခဲ့၏။ အရြယ္ေရာက္လာေသာအခါ ‘အဘူဇဖားရ္’ ဘြဲ႕အမည္ျဖင့္ အိမ္ေရွ႕စံအပ္ႏွင္းခဲ့သည္။
မန္
ခမည္းေတာ္သည္ သားေတာ္အား ငယ္စဥ္ကပင္ နန္းတြင္း၌ပင္ အႀကီးေတာ္ဆရာမ်ားခန္႔အပ္၍ မင္းသားတို႔တတ္အပ္ေသာ ပညာရပ္မ်ားကို သင္ၾကားေစသည္။ အဘူဇဖားရ္သည္ ဘာသာေရးအဆံုးအမတို႔ကို ေလးစားလိုက္နာသူလည္းျဖစ္သည္။ ဘာသာေရးစာေပကို ႀကိဳးစား သင္ယူသည္။ သူသည္ ငယ္စဥ္ကပင္ ကဗ်ာလကၤာမ်ားဖတ္႐ႈျခင္း၊ ေရးသားသီကံုးျခင္းကို အထူးပင္၀ါသနာပါသည္။ နန္းတြင္းကဗ်ာစာဆို မ်ားျဖစ္ၾကေသာ အီဘရာဟင္ေဇာက္၊ ဟာဆန္ႏြလ္လာခန္းဂါလစ္တို႔သည္ သူ႔အား ကဗ်ာဆရာတဦးအျဖစ္သို႔ေရာက္ေအာင္ ဆရာစားမခ်န္ သင္ၾကားျပသေပး ခဲ့ၾကသည္။ ထို႔ျပင္ အာေရဗီ (အာရပ္ဘာသာစကား)၊ ဖာရစီ (အီရန္ဘာသာစကား) ႏွင့္ အူရဒူ (ပါ ကစၥတန္ဘာသာစကား)မ်ားႏွင့္ စာေပမ်ားကို ဂ႐ုတစိုက္သင္ၾကားခဲ့ရာ အဘူဇဖားရ္သည္ ဖာရစီဘာသာ၊ အူရဒီဘာသာတို႔ျဖင့္ ကဗ်ာလကၤာတို႔ကို ရသေျမာက္ ေအာင္ ဖြဲ႕ဆိုသီကံုးႏိုင္ခဲ့သည္။
အသက္ ၄၀ တြင္ အိမ္ေရွ႕စံမင္းသားအဘူဇဖားရ္မင္းသားသည္ ၾကင္ယာေတာ္မိဖုရားေလးပါးျဖင့္ သားေတာ္၊ သမီးေတာ္မ်ားထြန္းကားေနၿပီျဖစ္သည္။
ထို႔ေနာက္ ဇဖားရ္ရွားဘုရင္၏အဘိုး ‘ဒုတိယေျမာက္ရွားအာလမ္’ (Shah Alam II) သည္ ၁၈၀၆ ခုႏွစ္တြင္ နတ္ရြာစံ၍ ခမည္းေတာ္ အကၠဘာရ္ရွားသည္ နန္းတက္ခဲ့ေလသည္။ နန္းတက္ၿပီးမၾကာမီမွာပင္ သားေတာ္အားအိမ္ေရွ႕ႏွင္းခဲ့သည္။ ခမည္းေတာ္ ဒုတိယေျမာက္ အကၠဘာရ္ရွားသည္ ႏွစ္ ၃၀ နီးပါးနန္းစံခဲ့ၿပီးေနာက္ ၁၈၃၇ ခုႏွွစ္ စက္တင္ဘာလ ၂၈ ရက္ေန႔တြင္ နတ္ရြာစံခဲ့သည္။
ဗဟာဒူးရွားသည္ ခမည္းေတာ္နတ္ရြာမစံမီ ၁၀ ရက္အလို ၁၈၃၇ ခုႏွစ္ စက္တင္ဘာလ ၁၈ ရက္ေန႔၌ပင္ ‘အဘူဇဖားရ္ မိုဟာမက္ေစရာဂြၽန္ ဒင္းမဟာဒူးရွား’ ဘြဲ႕အမည္ျဖင့္ ရာဇဘိေသကခံခဲ့သည္။ နန္းတက္စဥ္ မဟာဒူးရွားသည္ အသက္ (၆၂) ရိွေနၿပီျဖစ္သည္။
စိတ္သေဘာထားႏူးညံ့သိမ္ေမြ႕ေသာ၊ ဘာသာတရားကိုေလးစားလိုက္နာေသာ၊ ဘာသာေရးက်င့္စဥ္ႏွင့္ ကဗ်ာလကၤာမ်ားတြင္ ေမြ႕ေလ်ာ္ ေသာ မဂိုဘုရင္ႀကီးဗဟာဒူးရွားသည္ ထီးနန္းစည္းစိမ္ကိုရရိွေသာ္လည္း စိတ္ေက်နပ္ေပ်ာ္ရႊင္မႈကို အျပည့္အ၀မရခဲ့ေပ။
သူသည္ အသက္၂၀ ေက်ာ္ေလာက္ကပင္ ‘တစပ္၀မ္’ ေခၚ မေဖာက္ျပန္ေသာ တရားလမ္းစဥ္ဘက္သို႔ ေလ့လာလိုက္စား၍ အသက္ (၄၀) ေက်ာ္အရြယ္တြင္ ကိုယ္တိုင္က်မ္းစာမ်ားျပဳစုျခင္း၊ တရားျပဆရာအျဖစ္ ေဆာင္ရြက္ျခင္းတို႔ကို ျပဳခဲ့သည္။
ဗဟာဒူးရွားသည္ အိႏိၵယျပည့္ရွင္ မဂိုဧကရာဇ္ဟုဆိုေသာ္လည္း အမွန္စင္စစ္အားျဖင့္ အမည္ခံဘုရင္တပါးမွ်သာျဖစ္သည္။ သူနန္းစံသည့္ ၁၈၃၇ ခုႏွစ္သို႔မေရာက္မီကပင္ ၿဗိတိသွ်အေရွ႕ကုမၼဏီႀကီးသည္ အိႏိၵယျပည္၏အခ်က္အျခာေဒသမ်ား၊ အထူသျဖင့္ ပင္လယ္ကမ္း႐ိုးတမ္း ဆိပ္ကမ္းၿမိဳ႕မ်ားကို သိမ္းပိုက္ထားၿပီးျဖစ္ေလသည္။ ၾသဇာအာဏာတိကၠိမႀကီးမားေသာ နယ္စားပယ္စားေစာ္ဘြားမ်ားကုိလည္း စည္း႐ံုး သိမ္းသြင္းထားၿပီျဖစ္သည္။ ထိုစဥ္က အိႏိၵယဘုရင္ခံခ်ဳပ္မွာ ေလာ့ဒ္ေအာက္လန္(Lord Auk-Land) ျဖစ္သည္။
ဘဂၤလားျပည္နယ္ ကာလကတၱားၿမိဳ႕ (ယခုကိုးလ္ကတၱား) ကို ဖို႕ဒ္၀ီလ်ံဟုသမုတ္၍ ကုမၼဏီဌာနခ်ဳပ္႐ုံး စိုက္ကာ အိႏိၵယျပည္ရိွ မိမိပိုင္နက္ မ်ားကို အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ေနေလၿပီ။ ဗဟာဒူးရွားအား တလလွ်င္ ႐ူးပီးေငြတစ္သိန္းက် ကုမၼဏီကေထာက္ပံ့ထား၏။ သူသည္ ၿမိဳ႕ေတာ္ရိွ အခ်ဳိ႕စံ အိမ္ေတာ္မ်ားမွလည္း အိမ္ငွားခရရိွသည္။
တဖက္ကလည္း ေဒလီျပည့္ရွင္ မဂိုဧကရာဇ္ဟု ဆက္လက္အသိအမွတ္ျပဳထားေလသည္။ သို႔ေသာ္လည္း ဗဟာဒူးရွားမွာ မိမိေနထိုင္ရာ လာလ္ကီယာနန္းေတာ္တြင္း၌ရိွေသာ ေမာင္းမမိႆံႏွင့္မင္းမႈထမ္းမ်ားအေပၚ ၾသဇာမရိွေပ။ မရိွေအာင္လည္း အဂၤလိပ္တို႔က ဖန္တီးထား သည္ကို ေတြ႕ရိွရသည္။
ဗဟာဒူရွားကို ေလာကီစည္းစိမ္ခံစားႏိုင္ေစရန္ ေငြေၾကးေထာက္ပံ့ထားေသာ္လည္း အိႏိၵယျပည္တ၀န္းလံုးကို သြားလာမႈမျပဳႏိုင္ေအာင္ တားျမစ္ထားသည္။ ၿမိဳ႕စား၊ နယ္စားမ်ားႏွင့္လည္း ဆက္သြယ္မႈမျပဳႏိုင္ေအာင္ ျဖတ္ေတာက္ထားသည္။ ၿမိဳ႕စား၊ နယ္စားမ်ားကို ၿဗိတိသွ် အေရွ႕အိႏိၵယ ကုမၼဏီႏွင့္သာ ဆက္သြယ္ရန္ ဖန္တီးထားသည္။ အခ်ဳိ႕ၿမိဳ႕စား၊ ေစာ္ဘြားမ်ားကုိ ‘ဆာ’ (Sir) ဘြဲ႕မ်ားခ်ီးျမႇင့္၍ သူေကာင္းျပဳ ထားသည္။ ၎တို႕၏ အကူအညီျဖင့္ ျပည္တြင္းမွပုန္ကန္သူအင္အားစုမ်ား ကို အစြမ္းကုန္ ၿဖိဳခြဲပစ္သည္။
ထိုစဥ္က အိႏိၵယျပည္၏ နာမည္ႀကီးပုဆိန္႐ိုးမ်ားမွာ ဂြါလီ၀ါမွဘင္အင္ကာေရာင္း၊ ဟုိက္ဒါရာဘတ္မွ ဘာဆလာဂ်န္၊ နီေပါလ္မွ ဆာဂ်န္ ဗဟာဒူးတို႔ျဖစ္ေလသည္။
ထို႔ေနာက္ ၿဗိတိသွ်တို႔ အိႏိၵယကုိသိမ္းပိုက္ၿပီး အိႏိၵယႏိုင္ငံသားတို႔ အံုႂကြေတာ္လွန္ခဲ့သည့္ ပထမဆံုးလြတ္လပ္ေရးစစ္ပြဲ ၁၈၅၇ ခုႏွစ္တြင္ စတင္ျဖစ္ပြားခဲ့ရာ ၿဗိတိသွ်တို႔က ထိုအံုႂကြမႈကို ရက္စက္စြာႏိွမ္နင္းခဲ့ၿပီးေနာက္ ၁၈၅၈ ခုႏွစ္ မတ္လ ၉ ရက္ေန႔တြင္ ဇဖားရ္ရွားဘုရင္အား အိႏိၵယဘုရင္ခံခ်ဳပ္က ဖမ္းဆီး၍ စစ္ခံု႐ုံးတြင္စစ္ေဆးကာ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံသို႔ ျပည္ႏွင္ဒဏ္ေပးလိုက္သည္။ ပါေတာ္မူစဥ္ မဂိုဘုရင္ႀကီးသည္ အ သက္ ၈၅ ႏွစ္ရိွၿပီျဖစ္သည္။ သူႏွင့္အတူေဆြေတာ္မ်ိဳးေတာ္အပါအ၀င္ နန္းတြင္းမင္းမႈထမ္း (၃၅) ဦး လိုက္ပါလာခဲ့သည္။ ဇဖားရ္ရွားပါ ေတာ္မူစဥ္က မင္းတုန္းမင္းတရားႀကီး အမရပူရၿမိဳ႕ေတာ္မွ မႏၱေလးၿမိဳ႕စံနန္းေတာ္၌ စံျမန္းေနစဥ္က ျဖစ္သည္။
နန္းက်ဘုရင္ ဇဖားရ္ရွားသည္ ပါေတာ္မူခံရၿပီးေနာက္ ရန္ကုန္ၿမိဳ႕၊ ေရႊတိဂံုေစတီေတာ္ေျခေတာ္ရင္း ဒဂံုၿမိဳ႕နယ္၊ ဇီ၀ကလမ္း (ယခင္ ဇဖားရ္ ရွားလမ္း) ရိွ သစ္သားအေဆာက္အအံုတခုတြင္ နတ္ရြာစံသည္အထိ ဆင္းရဲက်ပ္တည္းစြာ ေနထိုင္ခဲ့ရ၏။ ေထာက္ပံ့ေငြမေလာက္ငွ၍ သား ေတာ္မ်ားက ျမင္းလွည္းေမာင္းခဲ့ရသည္ဟု ဆိုသည္။
ဗဟာဒူးရွားဇဖားရ္ႏွင့္အတူ ေနထိုင္ခဲ့သူမ်ားမွာ မိဖုရားေခါင္ႀကီး ဇိနတ္မဟာလ္ဘီဂမ္ (The Nawab Zinath Mahal Begum)၊ သားေတာ္ ဂ်၀မ္ဘတ္၊ သမီးေတာ္ ကုလ္စြန္ဇမာနေဘဂမ္၊ ေရာင္နတ္ဇမာနိေဘဂမ္၊ ႏုိ႔စို႔အရြယ္သားေတာ္ ဂ်မ္ရွစ္ဘတ္၊ ဂ်၀မ္ဘတ္၏ဆရာ ဟာဖြဇ္အီ ဘရာ ဟင္ေဇာက္တို႔ႏွင့္ အေစအပါးအေႁခြအရံမ်ားျဖစ္ၾကသည္။
ဇဖားရ္ရွား၏စံအိမ္ေတာ္သည္ လက္ရိွ ဇီ၀ကလမ္း (ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံေဆး၀ါးသုေတသနဌာနေဘး) ရိွ သခၤ်ဳိင္းေတာ္ရိွသည့္ေနရာပင္ ျဖစ္သည္။ ထိုစဥ္က ထိုလမ္း၏အမည္မွာ စီဒါးရ္ဘဇားလမ္း၊ အိမ္အမွတ္ ၅၈ ျဖစ္၏။ ၁၉၃၈ ခုႏွစ္တြင္ ေရွ႕ေနဒါ၀တ္ဂ်ီ (M.E. Darwood Je) က ရန္ ကုန္ၿမိဳ႕ျမဴနီစီပါယ္၌ အဆိုတရပ္တင္သြင္း၍ စီဒါးရ္ဘဇားလမ္းကို ဇဖားရ္ရွားလမ္းဟု အမည္ေျပာင္းရန္ တင္ျပခဲ့သည္။
ဤသို႔ျဖင့္ အိႏိၵယႏိုင္ငံ၏ေနာက္ဆံုး မဂိုဘုရင္ဗဟာဒူးရွားဇဖားရ္အမည္အစား သူ၏ကေလာင္အမည္ ‘ဇဖားရ္ရွား’ အမည္ျဖင့္ ေက်ာ္ၾကား သြားေလသည္။
ထို႔ေနာက္အိႏိၵယႏိုင္ငံ၏ နန္းက်ဘုရင္ဗဟာဒူးရွားသည္ ၁၈၆၆ ခုႏွစ္ ႏို၀င္ဘာလ ၇ ရက္ ေသာၾကာေန႔တြင္ သက္ေတာ္ ၈၉ ႏွစ္အရြယ္၌ နတ္ရြာစံခဲ့ေလသည္။ ဇဖားရ္ရွားဘုရင္နတ္ရြာစံၿပီး ေနာက္ႏွစ္၂၀ အၾကာ ၁၈၆၆ ခုနွစ္ဇူလိုင္လ ၁၇ ရက္ေန႔တြင္ မိဖုရားႀကီး ဇိနတ္မဟာလ္ ဘီဂမ္သည္ နတ္ရြာစံခဲ့ေလသည္။
မိဖုရား၏ႂကြင္းက်န္ေသာ ႐ုပ္ကလာပ္ကို သူ၏ၾကင္ရာေတာ္ ဗဟာဒူးရွား၏သခၤ်ဳိင္း၌ပင္ သၿဂဳႋလ္ခဲ့ေလသည္။ သို႔ေသာ္ ထိုစဥ္က ၿဗိတိသွ် အစိုးရသည္ မဂိုနန္းက်ဘုရင္ႏွင့္ မိဖုရားတို႔၏ျမႇဳပ္ႏွံထားရာအုတ္ဂူသည္ ေနာင္တခ်ိန္တြင္ အိႏိၵယႏိုင္ငံသားတို႔အတြက္ ကိုလိုနီစနစ္ကို ေတာ္လွန္ေရးအထိမ္းအမွတ္သေကၤတသဖြယ္ အသံုးျပဳလာမည္ကို စိုးရိမ္၍ အုတ္ဂူေနရာအစစ္ကုိ စနစ္တက်ဖံုးကြယ္၍ လွ်ိဳ႕၀ွက္စြာ ျမႇဳပ္ႏွံ ခဲ့သည္။ လူအမ်ားက ယခင္သိရိွခဲ့ေသာ အုတ္ဂူဗိမာန္သံုးလံုးတြဲကိုသာ ဘုရင္ေဟာင္းဇဖားရ္ရွား၊ မိဖုရားႏွင့္ ေျမးေတာ္တို႔၏အုတ္ဂူအစစ္ဟု ထင္ျမင္ခဲ့ၾကသည္။ သို႔ေသာ္ ယခုအခါ ကဗ်ာစာဆုိဘုရင္၏ အုတ္ဂူအစစ္ကို ရန္ကုန္ၿမိဳ႕ ဒဂံုၿမိဳ႕နယ္ ဇီ၀ကလမ္းသခၤ်ဳိင္းဂူဗိ မာန္အနီးေန ရာ၌ပင္ ၁၉၉၁ ခုႏွစ္တြင္ အေဆာက္အအံုသစ္ေဆာက္လုပ္ရန္ ေျမႀကီးတူးေဖာ္ရာမွ ရွာေဖြေတြ႕ရိွခဲ့သည္။ အုတ္ဂူအစစ္ကို အလြယ္တကူ ရွာေဖြ၍ မေတြ႕ႏိုင္ေစရန္ ၿဗိတိသွ်တို႔က ေသသပ္ပိရိစြာ ဖံုးကြယ္ထားခဲ့ျခင္းေၾကာင့္ မဂိုနန္းက်ဘုရင္ႀကီး နတ္ရြာစံၿပီးႏွစ္ ၁၃၀ အၾကာတြင္မွ ေျမတူးလုပ္ငန္းျပဳလုပ္စဥ္အတြင္း တူးေဖာ္ေတြ႕ရိွခဲ့ျခင္းျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း အိႏိၵယႏိုင္ငံထုတ္ ဟင္ဒူစတန္တိုင္း (Hindustan Time) သတင္းစာက ေဖာ္ျပခဲ့သည္။
မည္သို႔ဆိုေစကာမူ အိႏိၵယႏိုင္ငံ၏ေနာက္ဆံုး မဂိုဘုရင္ဗဟာဒူးရွားဇဖားရ္ကို ယခုအခါ အစၥလာမ္ဘာသာ၀င္တို႔က သူေတာ္စင္ကဗ်ာစာဆိုဘုရင္တပါးအျဖစ္ သတ္မွတ္ကိုးကြယ္လ်က္ရိွေနေပသည္။
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၁။ ဦးသန္း (ျမန္မာျပန္)၊ မဂိုဘုရင္ ဘဟာဒူးရွားဇဖားရ္၊ ျပည္သူ႔အလင္းပံုႏိွပ္တိုက္၊ ပႀကိမ္ ၁၉၈၇၊ စက္တင္ဘာလ။
၂။ ေအးသိန္း၊ ရန္ကုန္ၿမိဳ႕ေရာက္ အိမ္နိမ့္စံဘာဟာဒူးရွားဇဖားရ္ဘုရင္၊ ဂုဏ္ထူးစာေပ၊ ပႀကိမ္၊ ၂၀၀၄။
၃။ ေကာင္းထက္၊ နန္းက်ဘုရင္ ႏွစ္ပါး ၊ အားမာန္သစ္စာေပ၊ ပႀကိမ္ ၂၀၀၉။
၄။ “ပါေတာ္မူေသာ ဘုရင္ႏွစ္ပါး” ၊ ေသြးေသာက္မဂၢဇင္း၊ အမွတ္ ၂၂၅ (၁၉၄၆ ေအာက္တိုဘာလ) စာ ၁၀၉-၁၁၂။
Credit : Moe Ma Ka
Foreign Minister Dr Dipu Moni on Monday urged Myanmar for quick repatriation of the remaining Rohingya refugees from Nayapara and Kutupalong camps in Cox’s Bazar.
Dipu Moni made the call while Myanmar Ambassador in Dhaka Min Lwin met her at her office.
During the meeting, the Foreign Minister underlined the importance of improving connectivity between the two countries through direct air, rail and water ways.
She appreciated the progress made through the ongoing bilateral meetings under the auspices of Foreign Office Consultations, Joint Trade Commission and Joint Boundary Working Group.
Dipu Moni proposed Myanmar to reach a broader framework agreement with Bangladesh for cooperation in multifaceted areas.
She urged the envoy to persuade the Myanmar businessmen to import more Bangladesh products, including pharmaceuticals, readymade garment and jute.
The Foreign Minister renewed Bangladesh’s interest to import surplus electricity and gas from Myanmar.
Referring to the sincere efforts made by the present Bangladesh government to resolve issues with neighbouring countries on the basis of friendship and goodwill, Dipu Moni requested the new Myanmar government to come forward to avail of the goodwill and sincerity in the best interest of the two countries and their people.
Min Lwin appreciated the ideas of the Foreign Minister and said all pending issues with Bangladesh will be resolved through discussion.
source : here
source : here
ေနာက္ဆံုးထြက္ေပၚလာတဲ့ Wikileaks အင္တာနက္စာမ်က္ႏွာက အေမရိကန္အစိုးရ သံရံုး သတင္း ေပးပို႔ခ်က္မ်ားထဲမွာ ၂ဝဝ၆ ခုႏွစ္က ေျမာက္ကိုရီးယားနဲ႔ ျမန္မာစစ္အစိုးရတို႔ဟာ လက္နက္အေရာင္းအဝယ္ ရွိခဲ့ၿပီး ဒီအေရာင္းအဝယ္အတြက္ ျမန္မာဘက္က ဆန္နဲ႔ ေပးေခ်ခဲ့တယ္လုိ႔ ေဖာ္ျပထားပါတယ္။
ေျမာက္ကိုရီးယား ကာကြယ္ေရးဝန္ႀကီးဌာန ခန္းမေဆာင္တြင္ ျမန္မာစစ္တပ္၏ အဆင့္ျမင့္ ကိုယ္စားလွယ္အဖြဲ႕ ေခါင္းေဆာင္ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ႀကီး သူရေ႐ႊမန္း (ထိုင္ေနသူ၊ ဝဲ) ႏွင့္ ေျမာက္ကိုရီးယား ကာကြယ္ေရး ဦးစီးခ်ဳပ္ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ႀကီး ကင္ဂ်ဳပ္ဆစ္ (ထိုင္ေနသူ၊ ယာ) တို႔ ၂၀ဝ၈ ခုႏွစ္၊ ႏိုဝင္ဘာလ ၂၆ ရက္က နားလည္မႈ စာခြ်န္လႊာ လက္မွတ္ေရးထိုးေနပံု ျဖစ္ပါသည္။ (Photo: RFA)
ဒီအေၾကာင္းေတြနဲ႔ ပတ္သက္လို႔ ဒီကေန႔ ကိုရီးယားထုတ္ Arirang ရုပ္ျမင္သံၾကားသတင္းမွာ ေဖာ္ျပထားတာ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။
ဒါ့အျပင္ အဲဒီ သံရံုးအစီရင္ခံစာမွာ ေနာက္ပိုင္း သံရံုးေၾကးနန္းစာေတြအရ ျမန္မာဘက္က ဆန္တန္ခ်ိန္ ၂ ေသာင္းကို ၂ဝဝ၉ ခုႏွစ္ ဇန္နဝါရီလနဲ႔ ဇြန္လအၾကား ေျမာက္ကိုရီးယားကို လက္နက္ဖိုးအတြက္ ေပးေခ်ခဲ့တယ္လို႔လည္း သတင္းမွာ ေဖာ္ျပထားပါတယ္။
ဒီသတင္းမွာပဲ ေျမာက္ကိုရီးယားနဲ႔ ပတ္သက္လို႔ ၂ဝဝ၆ ခုႏွစ္က အေမရိကန္အစိုးရနဲ႔ ေတာင္ကိုရီးယား အၾကား သေဘာထား ကြဲခဲ့တယ္လို႔ ေဖာ္ျပထားပါတယ္။
၂ဝဝ၆ ခုႏွစ္ ဇူလိုင္လက ေျမာက္ကိုရီးယားက ေတပိုေဒါင္း-၂ ဒံုးပ်ံ စမ္းသပ္အၿပီး အဲဒီအခ်ိန္က ေတာင္ကိုရီးယား သမၼတ ယိုမူးယြန္ အစိုးရနဲ႔ အေမရိကန္သမၼတ ေဂ်ာ့ရွ္ ဒဗလ်ဴဘုရွ္ အစိုးရတို႔အၾကား ေျမာက္ကုိရီးယားကို ခ်ဥ္းကပ္မႈအေပၚ သေဘာထား ကြဲခဲ့တယ္လုိ႔ ဆိုပါတယ္။
credit : RFA Burmese
ဒါ့အျပင္ အဲဒီ သံရံုးအစီရင္ခံစာမွာ ေနာက္ပိုင္း သံရံုးေၾကးနန္းစာေတြအရ ျမန္မာဘက္က ဆန္တန္ခ်ိန္ ၂ ေသာင္းကို ၂ဝဝ၉ ခုႏွစ္ ဇန္နဝါရီလနဲ႔ ဇြန္လအၾကား ေျမာက္ကိုရီးယားကို လက္နက္ဖိုးအတြက္ ေပးေခ်ခဲ့တယ္လို႔လည္း သတင္းမွာ ေဖာ္ျပထားပါတယ္။
ဒီသတင္းမွာပဲ ေျမာက္ကိုရီးယားနဲ႔ ပတ္သက္လို႔ ၂ဝဝ၆ ခုႏွစ္က အေမရိကန္အစိုးရနဲ႔ ေတာင္ကိုရီးယား အၾကား သေဘာထား ကြဲခဲ့တယ္လို႔ ေဖာ္ျပထားပါတယ္။
၂ဝဝ၆ ခုႏွစ္ ဇူလိုင္လက ေျမာက္ကိုရီးယားက ေတပိုေဒါင္း-၂ ဒံုးပ်ံ စမ္းသပ္အၿပီး အဲဒီအခ်ိန္က ေတာင္ကိုရီးယား သမၼတ ယိုမူးယြန္ အစိုးရနဲ႔ အေမရိကန္သမၼတ ေဂ်ာ့ရွ္ ဒဗလ်ဴဘုရွ္ အစိုးရတို႔အၾကား ေျမာက္ကုိရီးယားကို ခ်ဥ္းကပ္မႈအေပၚ သေဘာထား ကြဲခဲ့တယ္လုိ႔ ဆိုပါတယ္။
credit : RFA Burmese
In December 1941, the Japanese invasion of Burma (now Myanmar) opened what would be the longest land campaign fought by the British in the Second World War. It began with defeat and retreat for Britain, as Rangoon fell to the Japanese in March 1942. But the fighting went on, over a varied terrain of jungles, mountains, plains and wide rivers, until the Japanese forces surrendered in August 1945.
Some 100,000 African soldiers were taken from British colonies to fight in the jungles of Burma against the Japanese. They performed heroically in one of the most brutal theatres of war, yet their contribution has been largely ignored, both in Britain and their now independent home countries.
In the villages of Nigeria and Ghana, these veterans are known as 'the Burma Boys'. They brought back terrifying tales from faraway lands. Few survived, even fewer are alive today.
Al Jazeera's Barnaby Phillips travels to Nigeria, Burma and Japan to find a Nigerian veteran of the war and to talk to those who fought alongside him as well as against him. He even finds the Rohingya family that saved the life of the wounded veteran in the jungles of Myanmar.
Watch the Video
The laws set to criminalize peaceful dissent continue to reign in the Thein Sein regime, marking the month of August. Reports emerged that two youths were arrested and allegedly tortured for having three posters under their motorbike seat calling for the release of political prisoners. This is not unlawful, especially in light of recent calls by the Parliament requesting the release of political prisoners. Approximately 430 political activists are currently behind bars because of this oppressive law that dates back to the British colonial era, allowing for arbitrarily detention and arrests of activists.
The practice of arbitrarily extending sentences continued in August, with Sithu Zeya appearing in court to face further charges under the Electronic Transactions Act. The 23 year old DVB reporter, currently serving an 8 year sentence, was brutally tortured both during interrogation and in Insein prison, where he was placed in a military dog cell for not following prison regulations.
Updates on the case of Nay Myo Zin, former army captain turned charity worker, reveal the particular contempt in which defecting military personnel are held in. Nay Myo Zin was handed a 10 year sentence for discussing the merits of national reconciliation in an e-mail to a friend overseas. His rights to a fair trial were egregiously violated on a number of counts, beginning with his initial arrest in April without a warrant. Further, Nay Myo Zin’s health rapidly deteriorated since then, strongly hinting he has been tortured. This does not come as a surprise – as former government and military officials who begin to work towards to democracy are subjected to the most brutal torture. His lower vertebrae are shattered and he is also said to have a broken rib, leaving him unable to sit, walk or stand. His requests for external hospitalization have been denied on numerous occasions, forcing him to attend court while lying on a hospital stretcher. Nay Myo Zin’s sentence comes just one day after the conclusion of UN Special Rapporteur Quintana fact-finding mission to Burma, confirming the regime’s absolute insincerity towards achieving national reconciliation.
These cases are a far cry from Thein Sein’s open invitation to all Burmese exiles to return home, saying they will be received with a “benevolent attitude.” The military-backed regime escalated campaigns to court the international community, granting Quintana a 5-day visa into the country for the first time in over a year. He had since been denied entry immediately following his suggestion for an independent investigation into crimes against humanity at the UN General Assembly. During his most recent tour, Quintana was allowed to visit Insein Prison and meet with prisoners , including Nyi Nyi Tun, placed in a military dog cell for his perceived role in organizing a hunger strike, and Phyo Wai Aung, held in solitary confinement since his initial imprisonment over a year ago, and Sithu Zeya. In his concluding press conference, Quintana reiterated his calls for release of political prisoners while raising concerns of the deteriorating prison conditions, including the use of forced labor and prolonged solitary confinement.
The lack of independence and impartiality of the judiciary system was also an issue of major concern to Quintana, who called for “accelerated” efforts to respect the rule of law. The previously mentioned cases coupled with the recent cases of a human rights defender lawyer, Tin Aung Tun, having his license revoked and the enforced disappearance of Man Nyein Maung, a Karen National Union leader, reflect a continued campaign of persecution designed to stop all political activities that oppose the ruling regime. Parliamentary efforts this month to reform the grievously outdated Prison Act and to revoke the crippling 1950 Emergency Provisions Act were immediately rejected. Thein Sein’s international charm campaign thus rings hollow, as the laws that detain activists and criminalize political and peaceful dissent remain solidly in place.
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Thanks N Regards,
Assistant Association for Political Prisoners (Burma)
email: info@aappb.org
Office Ph: 66(၀)55-545495
"There can be no national reconciliation in Burma, as long as there are
political prisoners."
ၿမန္မာ႔စြယ္စံုက်မ္းနဲ႔ ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာ (Rohingya in Myanmar Encyclopedia)
ၿမန္မာ႔ သမိုင္းမွာ မက္ခရာ မင္းသားၾကီးဆိုတဲ႔ အမည္နဲ႔ မင္းသားႏွစ္ပါးရွိပါတယ္။ ၿမန္မာ႔ အဘိဓါန္ကို ခ်ားလ္လိန္း နဲ႔ အတူ ၿပဳစုခဲ႔တဲ႔ မင္းသားၾကီးက ပထမ မက္ခရာ မင္းသားၾကီး ၿဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ဘိုးေတာ္ဘုရား (ဗဒံုမင္း) နဲ႔ ေၿမာက္နန္းမိဖုရား သီရိမဟာ ရတနာေဒ၀ီတို႔က ေန ၁၁၅၃ ခုႏွစ္ နတ္ေတာ္လဆန္း ၁၅ ရက္ေန႔မွာ ဖြားၿမင္ခဲ႔တာ ၿဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ငယ္နာမည္ ေမာင္ၿဖိဳးလို႔ ေခၚၿပီး အေလာင္းမင္းတရားၾကီးနဲ႔ ရုပ္ခ်င္း ဆင္တယ္လို႔ ဆိုၾကပါတယ္။ စာေပကို အလြန္တရာ လိုက္စားခဲ႔ၿပီး က်မ္းေပါင္း ၂၀၀ ေက်ာ္ကို ၿမန္မာဘာသာကို ၿပန္ဆိုခဲ႔ပါတယ္။
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အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ေရးေပၚေပါက္ျခင္း
မနုႆေဗဒပညာရွင္မ်ား၏အလုိအရ လြန္ခဲ့တဲ့ ႏွစ္ေပါင္းသုံေသာင္းေလာက္ကစျပီး လူဟာ သူတုိ ့ရဲ့လူ ့အဖြဲ ့အစည္းမ်ားကုိ စတင္ထူေထာင္ႏုိင္ခဲ့ျပီလို ့ဆုိပါတယ္။ လူသားရဲ့ ပထမဆုံးေအာင္ျမင္စြာေပၚထြက္လာခဲ့တဲ့ အဖြဲ ့အစည္းသ႑န္ဟာ မိသားစုဘ၀ျဖစ္တည္ဖုိ ့နဲ ့သားရဲတိရိစၦာန္တုိ ့အႏၱရာယ္ေတြက ကာကြယ္ႏုိင္ဖုိ ့အတြက္ မရွိမျဖစ္ ဖြဲ ့စည္းေနထုိင္ခဲ့ရတာျဖစ္တယ္လုိ ့ဆုိပါတယ္။ ဒါေပမဲ့သည္လုိစုဖြဲ ့ေနထုိင္ျခင္းအတြင္းမွာ ဗဟုိဦးစီးခ်ဳပ္ကုိင္မူမရွိသလုိ အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ပုံ စည္းမ်ဥ္းဥပေဒမ်ားလည္း မရွိခဲ့ပါ။ သုိ ့ေသာ္ လြန္ခဲ့ေသာ ႏွစ္ေပါင္းတေသာင္းေလာက္ကစျပီး အာရွမုိင္နား (Asia Minor) နဲ ့မက္ဆုိပုိေတးမီးယား(Mesopotamia) ေျမာက္ပုိင္းေဒသမ်ားမွာ လူမူေရးနဲ ့ႏုိင္ငံေရးဆုိင္ရာ အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္မူေတရွိလာခဲ့ျပီလုိ ့ဆုိပါတယ္။ ေနာက္ပုိင္းကာလေတြမွာေတာ့ လူေတြဟာ ျမဳိ ့ျပေတြကုိတည္ေထာင္လာႏုိင္ခဲ့ခ်ိန္မွာ လူမူေရးျပႆနာေတြကုိထိမ္းသိမ္းႏုိင္ရန္အတြက္ ရွဳပ္ေထြးတဲ့
အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ေရးဆုိင္ရာ နည္းလမ္းေတြကုိ အစျပဳက်င့္သုံးလာရပါေတာ့တယ္။ ျမဳိ ့ျပေတြမွာတုိးပြါးလာေသာ လူဦးေရေၾကာင့္ျဖစ္ေပၚလာတဲ့ ျပႆနာရပ္ေတြကုိ ေျဖရွင္းႏုိင္ရန္အတြက္ တရားဥပေဒအက်ဳံး၀င္ေသာ ႏုိင္ငံေရးဆုိင္ရာအစုအဖြဲကအုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ေရးအာဏာကုိကုိင္စြဲအုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ရတဲ့အဆင့္ကုိရာက္ရွိေစခဲ့ပါေတာ့တယ္။'အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္သည္' (Govern) ဟူေသာ စကားလုံးသည္ အလယ္ေခတ္အဂၤလိပ္အသုံးအနွဳံးgovernen နဲ ့ေရွးေဟာင္း ျပင္သစ္စကားလုံး governor တုိ ့ကဆင္းသက္လာခဲ့ျပီးလက္တင္ဘာသာအရ gubernare ဆုိတာ လမ္းညႊန္သည္ ထိမ္းေက်ာင္းသည္ လုိ ့အဓိပၸါယ္ရပါတယ္။ ဂရိဘာသာမွာေတာ့ kubernan လို ့ေရးသားျပီး "လမ္းညႊန္ထိမ္းေက်ာင္းသည္" ဆုိတဲ့အဓိပၸါ့ယ္ကုိေဆာင္ပါတယ္။ သည့္ေနာက္ kubernetes လုိ ့ေခၚတဲ့'ထိမ္းေက်ာင္းသူ' ဆုိတဲ့ ဂရ္ိေ၀ါဟာရကုိ အစုိးရလုိ ့သတ္မွတ္ခဲ့ၾကပါတယ္။ မူရင္းအဓိပၸါယ္ကေတာ့ "ထိမ္းေက်ာင္းသူ" (Steersman) သုိ ့မဟုတ္ "ပဲ့ကုိင္သူ(Helmsman) ပါပဲ။ ဂရိအယူအဆမွာ သေဘၤာႏွင့္တုိင္းျပည္ကုိ တင္စားထားျခင္းပါပဲသည္လုိ သေဘၤာတစီးနဲ ့တုိင္းျပည္ကုိ ထပ္တူတင္စားမူမ်ဳိးကုိ ပေလးတုိးနဲ ့ အရစၥတုိတယ္လ္တုိ ့ရဲ့ လြန္ခဲ့တဲ့ ႏွစ္ေပါင္း (၂၄၀၀) ကအေရးအသားေတြမွာ the ship of state ဆုိျပီးသုံးႏွုံးခဲ့တာကုိ ေတြ ့ရွိရပါတယ္။
သတင္းေခတ္နဲ ့အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ေရး တုိက္ရုိက္သက္ဆုိင္မူ
အေမရိကန္ႏုိင္ငံေရးသိပၸံပညာရွင္ ကားလ္ဒုတ္ခ်္ (Karl Deutch) ကေတာ့သူ ့ရဲ့Cybernetics ေခၚ 'ဆက္သြယ္ေရးသိပၸံပညာ' အရ အစုိးရတရပ္ရဲ့ အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ထိမ္းေက်ာင္းျခင္းဆုိတာနဲ ့ပတ္သက္ျပီး ေအာက္ပါအတုိင္းဖြင့္ဆုိထားပါတယ္။ "ယေန ့ေခတအစုိးရတရပ္ရဲ့ ထိမ္းေက်ာင္းပဲ့ကုိင္ျခင္းဟာ - ျပင္ပကမၻာၾကီးက ၀င္ေရာက္လာတဲ့သတင္းအခ်က္အလက္မ်ားအား သုိေလွာင္သိမ္းဆည္းျပီးေနာက္ လုိအပ္သလုိေျပာင္းလဲအသုံးခ်မူျဖစ္တယ္" (လက္ခံရရွိေသာ သတင္းဟုဆုိရာ၌ ႏုိင္ငံျခားတုိင္းျပည္မ်ားရွိသံရုံးမ်ား ေရျခားေျမျခားေရာက္စစ္တပ္မ်ား အစုိရမဟုတ္ေသာအဖြဲ ့အစည္းမ်ား ႏုိင္ငံျခားတုိင္းျပည္မ်ားသုိ ့သြားေရာက္အေျခစုိက္ လုပ္ကုိင္ေနေသာစီးပြါးေရးလုပ္ငန္းဆုိင္ရာ ကုမၼဏီမ်ား စသည္တုိ ့ထံမွ သတင္းမ်ား အခ်က္အလက္မ်ား ပါ၀င္တယ္လုိ ့ဆုိပါတယ္။
ကားလ္၏အယူအဆသည္ အစုိးရတရပ္၏လုပ္ငန္းစဥ္အား ေခတ္သစ္ကမၻာ၏ရွဴ ့ေဒါင့္ထခုမွ သုံးသပ္ေသာ ျမင္ကြင္းတခုသာျဖစ္သည္ဟုယူဆႏုိင္စရာရွိေသာ္လည္း သူ၏တင္ျပခ်က္ႏွင့္ စစ္လွ်ဥ္း၍ ေစာဒကတက္စရာမရွိေအာင္ မွန္ကန္ေနေသာအခ်က္မ်ားလည္းရွိပါသည္။ အေၾကာင္းကေတာ့ သတင္း (ေကာင္းသတင္းျဖစ္ေစ ဆုိးသတင္းျဖစ္ေစ) နဲ ့ေကာလဟာလ (မွန္သည္ျဖစ္ေစ မွားသည္ျဖစ္ေစ)မ်ားသည္ လူတုိ ့၏စိတ္ခံစားခ်က္မွ တုိက္ရုိက္ေစစားႏုိင္ျပီး အဆုိပါေစစားမူမွတဆင့္ စိတ္ပုိင္းဆုိင္ရာႏွင့္ ရုပ္ပုိင္းဆုိင္ရာ တုံ ့ျပန္မူမ်ားရွိေသာေၾကာင့္ပင္ျဖစ္ပါသည္။ ဒုတိယကမၻာစစ္အတြင္း (မတ္လ ၁၉၊ ၁၉၄၅) က ပစၥိဖိတ္သမုဒၵရာအတြင္း၌ လူတေထာင္ေက်ာ္ေသေၾကပ်က္စီးခဲ့တဲ့ အေမရိကန္ေလယာဥ္တင္သေဘၤာ 'ယူအက္စ္အက္စ္ ဖရန္ကလင္' ရဲ့အေၾကာင္းကုိ စစ္ႏုိင္လုိတဲ့အေမရိကန္အာဏာပုိင္ေတြက လအတန္ၾကာသည္အထိ ျပည္သူကုိအသိမေပးခဲ့ပဲ မစ္ဒ္ေ၀တုိက္ပဲြမွာ ဂ်ပန္ေရတပ္ကုိ သူတုိ ့အႏုိင္ရျပီးတဲ့ေနာက္မွ သည္သတင္းကုိထုတ္ေဖၚေျပာဆုိခဲ့ပါတယ္။
ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံက အာဏာရွင္အစုိးရအဆက္ဆက္သည္လည္း သူတုိ ့အာဏာတည္ျမဲေရးအတြက္ ျပည္တြင္းကေနျပည္ပကုိထြက္မည့္ သတင္းမ်ားကုိထိမ္းခ်ဳပ္ေနသလုိ ျပည္ပကေန၀င္လာမည့္သတင္းမ်ားကုိလည္း ေၾကာက္လန္တၾကားအထူးသတိထားထိမ္ခ်ဳပ္ေနသည္ကုိေတြ ့ၾကရမွာျဖစ္သည္။ ျပည္သူေတြမခံမရပ္ႏုိင္ျဖစ္မဲ့ ျပည္တြင္းျပည္ပ သတင္းတခုဟာ မတရားသျဖင့္ အဓမၼရယူထားတဲ့သူတုိ ့ရဲ့ ရာထူးစည္းစိမ္ ေတြနဲ ့အာဏာကုိ အခ်ိန္မေရႊးထိပါးႏုိင္တဲ့အတြက္ေၾကာင့္ပါပဲ။ သည့္အတြက္ ကြန္ျပဴတာသတင္းကြန္ယက္ (Internet)ေတြကုိ ေၾကာက္လန္ ့ ေသြးပ်က္ျပီး အဓမၼထိမ္းခ်ဳပ္ထားျခင္းဟာ သတင္းနဲ ့ႏုိင္ငံေရးရဲ့ တုိက္ရုိက္သက္ဆုိင္ေနမူပါပဲ။ ယေန ့ျမန္မာျပည္မွာ အင္တာနကကုိ အျခားတုိးတက္တဲ့ လူ ့အဖြဲ ့အစည္းေတြလုိ အျပည့္အ၀သုံးစြဲခြင့္ျပဳလုိက္မယ္ဆုိရင္ သူတုိ ့လည္ပင္းကုိ သူတုိ ့ျကုိးကြင္းစြပ္ျခင္းျဖစ္တယ္ဆုိတာကုိေကာင္းေကာင္း သိေနၾကတဲ့အတြက္ေၾကာင့္ပါပဲ။
'အစုိးရ' ႏွင့္ 'ႏုိင္ငံေတာ္'
ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံသားအမ်ားစုသည္ 'အစုိးရ' (Government) ႏွင့္ 'ႏုိင္ငံေတာ္'(Nation-State) ဟူေသာ ေ၀ါဟာရႏွစ္ခုအား ျပက္ျပက္ထင္ထင္ နားမလည္ၾကပဲ 'ႏုိင္ငံေတာ္' ဟူေသာ ေ၀ါဟာရတလုံးေၾကာင့္ တုိင္းျပည္ စုံးစုံးျမဳတ္ရမည့္အျဖစ္ကုိ ေရာက္ခဲ့သည္မွာ အႏွစ္ေလးဆယ္ေက်ာ္ၾကာျမင့္ခဲေလျပီ။ မ.ဆ.လေခတ္ကတည္းက ေန၀င္း စန္းယု တုိ ့ပါးစပ္မွအကြပ္အညွပ္မရွိပရမ္းပတာထြက္က်လာေသာအမိန္ ့မ်ားကုိ 'ႏုိင္ငံေတာမွခ်မွတ္ေသာ မူ၀ါဒမ်ား' ဟုဆုိကာေလးတန္းအထိမသင္ဖူးခဲ့ေသာ ရပ္ကြက္ေကာင္စီဥကၠဌမ်ား၊ (၇) တန္းမေအာင္ေသာ ေစာေမာင္ႏွင့္ ေျခာက္တန္းမေအာင္ေသာ စိန္လြင္ကဲ့သုိ ့စစ္အရာရွိမ်ားတလကုိသၾကားတဆယ္သားရ၍ မ၀င္မျဖစ္၀င္ခဲ့ရေသာ အလုပ္သမားအစည္း
အရုံးအဖြဲ ့၀င္ ဆုိကၠားသမားႏွင့္ ကြမ္းယာသည္မ်ား၊ ဓါတ္ေျမၾသဇာကုိ အစုိးရထုတ္ေစ်းႏွင့္ရရွိရန္ မ၀င္မျဖစ္၀င္ခဲ့ရေသာ ေတာင္သူလယ္သမားအစည္းအရုံး၀င္ လယ္သမားမ်ား၊ အလြန္တရားရုိးစင္းလွသည္ လူငယ္ဘ၀ကုိမ်က္မွန္စိမ္းတပ္ေပးထားျခင္းခံရေသာ လမ္းစဥ္လူငယ္ဆုိသူမ်ား - အားလုံး (အားလုံး) တုိ ့
၏ ႏွဳတ္ဖ်ား၌ 'ႏုိင္ငံေတာ္က ခ်မွတ္ေသာမူ၀ါဒမ်ား' 'ႏုိင္ငံေတာ္ကခ်မွတ္ေသာလုပ္ထုံးလုပ္နည္းမ်ား' စသည္ျဖင့္ အမိန္ ့အာဏာျဖင့္ဆုိင္ေသာ ကိစၥရပ္အားလုံးသည္ 'ႏုိင္ငံေတာ္' ဟူေသာ ေ၀ါဟာရတလုံးျဖင့္ လုံးတုပ္ ထားခံရသည္မွာ ယေန ့ကာလအထိပင္ျဖစ္သည္။
ႏုိင္ငံေတာ္အတြက္ အသက္ေပးရသည္။ ႏုိင္ငံေတာ္အတြက္လုပ္အားေပးရသည္။ႏုိင္ငံေတာ္သုိ ့စပါးေပးသြင္းရသည္။ စသည္ျဖင့္ ႏုိင္ငံေတာ္ဆုိသည္မွာ အလုံးလားအျပားလား သက္ရွိလား သက္မဲ့လား မသိ။ ႏုိင္ငံေတာ္ဆုိတာ ငါ့အထက္ကလားငါ့ေအာက္ကလား ေမးခြန္းထုတ္ရန္ အခြင့္မသာခဲ့ၾက။ 'ႏုိင္ငံေတာ္' ကိစၥသည္သမ၀ါယမဆုိင္က ႏုိ ့ဆီ သၾကား ငစိန္ဆန္ မီးထြန္းရန္ ေရနံဆီတုိ ့ေလာက္အေရးမၾကီးေသာ္လည္း ဆင္းရဲတြင္း၌အသက္ဆက္ဖုိ ့ အတြက္ မ.ဆ.ေခတ္ (၂၆) ႏွစ္တြင္ ႏုိင္ငံေတာ္ ဆုိေသာအသုံးအႏွဳံးသည္ အမိန္ ့အာဏာကဲ့သုိ တည္ေသာ ေ၀ါဟာရျဖစ္ခဲ့သည္။ "ဒါႏုိင္ငံေတာ္က ခ်မွတ္ထားတာ" ဟုတစုံတဦးကေျပာလုိက္ပါက အေျပာခံရသူမွာ ေစာဒက တစုံတရာမတက္ရဲေလာက္ေအာင္ပင္ အမိန္ ့အာဏာဆန္ခဲ့ပါသည္။ ၁၉၈၈ ေနာက္ပုိင္းတြင္ ႏုိင္ငံေတာ္ဆုိတာဘာလဲလုိ ့ ေမးခြန္းထုတ္ရေကာင္း စူးစမ္းရေကာင္းမွန္းသိလာၾကသည္။
'အစုိးရ' ႏွင့္ 'ႏုိင္ငံေတာ္' သည္သေဘာသဘာ၀အားျဖင့္ အလြန္တရာကြာျခားလွပါသည္။ အစုိးရ ဆုိသည္မွာ ႏုိင္ငံေတာ္ေၾကာင့္ျဖစ္လာရျပီး ႏုိင္ငံေတာ္သည္အစုိးရအတြက္ ျဖစ္တည္ေနရျခင္းမဟုတ္ပါ။ အစုိးရသည္သာ ႏုိင္ငံေတာ္ကုအလုပ္အေျကြးျပဳရန္ ဖြဲ ့စည္းပၚေပါက္လာရျခင္းျဖစ္သည္၊ (ဤသုိ ့- အစုိးရ
ေၾကာင့္ ႏုိင္ငံေတာ္ျဖစ္ေနရတဲ့ သ႑န္ဟုတ္ေယာင္မူ အဓမၼစံနစ္ဆုိးမ်ားေၾကာင့္ ျမန္မာျပည္ေရတိမ္နစ္ရေတာ့မည့္ အေျခကုိဆုိက္ခဲ့ရ ျခင္းျဖစ္ပါသည္)။
ႏုိင္ငံေတာ္ (Nation-State) ဆုိသည္မွာ Sovereignty ေခၚအခ်ဳပ္အျခာအာဏာပုိင္ျပီး
Demarcation နယ္နိမိတ္ သတ္မွတ္ထားတဲ့ ဧရိယာအက်ယ္အ၀န္းထဲမွာ ေနထုိင္ၾကသူေတြအားလုံးက တရားစီရင္ေရးအာဏာ၊ ဥပေဒျပဳအာဏာ နဲ ့အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္မူအာဏာ သုံးရပ္ကုိပုိင္ဆုိင္တဲ့အ၀န္းအ၀ုိင္း ကုိေခၚဆုိျခင္းျဖစ္သည္။ 'ႏုိင္ငံေတာ္' ၏အမည္အတြင္း၌ျပည္သူ၊ တုိင္းျပည္နယ္နိမိတ္၊ ယဥ္ေက်းမူ သယံဇာတ အစုိးရကာကြယ္ေရးအတြက္စစ္တပ္ စသည္ တုိ ့အားလုံးပါ၀င္တဲ့ ႏွစ္ကာလၾကာျမင့္စြာရွိေနခဲ့တဲ့ ခုိင္ခန္ ့ေသာယႏၱယားျဖစ္တယ္လုိ ့ဖြင့္ဆုိပါတယ္။
မည္သည့္အစုိးရတက္တက္ တုိင္းျပည္မပ်က္သ၍ ႏုိင္ငံေတာ္သည္ပကတိအတုိင္းတည္ရွိေနမည္သာျဖစ္သည္။ ထုိ ့အတြက္ ႏုိင္ငံေတာ္က မည္သည့္အမိန္ ့အာဏာကုိမွ်ျပည္သူကုိခ်မွတ္ခုိင္းေစလိမ့္မည္မဟုတ္ပဲ - ႏုိင္ငံေတာ္ကသာ ယင္း၏ တည္တံ့ခုိင္ျမဲေရးအတြက္ အစုိရေတြကုိေမြးဖြားေစျခင္းျဖစ္ေပသည္။ ယေန ့ႏုိင္ငံတကာရဲ့ဥပေဒအရ တုိင္းျပည္တခုရဲ့ အစုိးရေျပာင္းလဲမူဟာ သည္တုိင္းျပည္ရဲ့ အခ်ဳပ္အခ်ာအာဏပုိင္ဆုိင္မူ တနည္းအားျဖင့္ မူလ 'ႏုိင္ငံေတာ္' တည္ရွိမူကုိ ေျပာင္းလဲမူမရွိ လုိ ဖြင့္ဆုိထားပါတယ္။
'အစုိးရ' ဆုိတာ စုစည္းထားတဲ့ အစုအဖြဲ ့တခုမွ်သာျဖစ္ျပီး သည္အဖြဲ ့အစည္းဟာႏုိင္ငံေရးအာဏာ တရားစီရင္ေရးအာဏာနဲ ့ ဥပေဒျပဳမူအာဏာေတြကုိ အခ်ိန္ကန္ ့သတ္ခ်က္အရ စည္းမ်ဥ္းစည္းကမ္းနဲ ့အညီ အကန္ ့အသတ္နဲ ့လုပ္ပုိင္ခြင့ေပးထားျခင္းခ့ရတဲ့ အစုအဖြဲ ့သာလွ်င္ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ပညာရွင္ေတြရဲ့ ဖြင့္ဆုိခ်က္အရ'အစုိးရ' ဆုိတာ 'ႏုိင္ငံေရးဆုိင္ရာ' (Political) လို ့သတ္မွတ္ျပီး အတက္အကအနိမ့္အျမင့္ရွိတယ္လို ့ဖြင့္ဆုိပါတယ္။
သည္ေတာ့ 'ျပည္ေထာင္စုျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံေတာ္' ဆုိတာ တိက်တဲ့အခ်ဳပ္အခ်ာအာဏာ
နဲ ့ခုိင္မာတဲ့ နယ္နိမိတ္သတ္မွတ္ခ်က္ရွိတဲ့ ယႏၱရား ျဖစ္ျပီး 'ျပည္ေထာင္စုျမန္မာ
ႏုိင္ငံေတာ္အစုိးရ' ဆုိတာ ျမန္မာနုိင္ငံေတာ္နဲ ့လက္ရွိ ပစၥဳပၸန္မွာတင္ သက္ဆုိင္
ေနတဲ့ ႏုိင္ငံေတာ္ကုိ အလုပ္အေၾကြးျပဳေနတဲ့ အစုအဖြဲ ့ကုိဆုိလိုပါတယ္။
သည္အစုအဖြဲ ့ဟာ ဘယ္လုိအစုအဖြဲ ့ပဲျဖစ္ျဖစ္ ႏုိင္ငံေတာ္ကုိ အပုိင္စားရထား
ျခင္းမဟုတ္ပါ။ ႏုိင္ငံေတာ္၏အေရးသည္ 'အမ်ဳိးသားေရး' ဟူေသာ ေလးနက္မူ
အသြင္ကုိအျပည့္အ၀ေဆာင္ယူသည္။ အခါမ်ားစြာတြင္ အမ်ဳိးသားေရးသည္
အစုိးရဟူေသာ အစုအဖြဲ ့၏လုပ္ပုိင္ခြင့္ ဆုံးျဖတ္ပုိင္ခြင့္ထက္ ေက်ာ္လြန္သြားေသာ
'ႏုိင္ငံေတာ္၏အေရး' ျဖစ္သည္။ ဤသုိ ့ေသာအမ်ဳိးသားေရး ကိစၥမ်ားျဖစ္ေပၚလာခ်ိန္
တြင္ ျပည္သူတရပ္လုံးသည္ 'ႏုိင္ငံေတာ္အဓြန္ ့ရွည္တည္တန္ ့ေရးအတြက္' မလႊဲ
မေရွာင္သာ ပါ၀င္လာရေပေတာ့သည္။ ( ဥပမာ ႏုိင္ငံျခားရန္ကုိ ခုခံကာကြယ္မူ
ႏုိင္ငံႏွင့္အ၀ွမ္း သဘာ၀ေဘးဒုကၡကပ္ဆုိးၾကီးမ်ားက်ေရာက္မူ၊ တုိင္းျပည္တြင္
အငတ္ေဘးရင္ဆုိင္ရမူ၊ ဧရာ၀တီျမစ္ဆုံဆည္ကဲ့သုိ ့ေသာ ႏုိင္ငံေတာ္ ပ်က္စီးမည့္
အေရးကိစၥၾကီးမ်ား)။ ထုိအခါ ႏုိင္ငံေတာ္အတြင္းရွိ ႏုိင္ငံသားအားလုံးသည္ မူလ
'အထြဋ္အထိပ္' ျဖစ္ေသာ 'ႏုိင္ငံေတာ္' ကုိေစာင့္ေလွ်ာက္ကာကြယ္ရန္အတြက္
ပါ၀င္လာၾကရေပေတာ့သည္။
အမ်ဳိးသားေရး
တုိတုပ္တိက်စြာဖြင့္ဆုိရလွ်င္ 'ႏုိင္ငံေတာ္' တည္ရွိမူကုိ တနည္းနည္းနဲ ့ခ်ိနဲလာေစမူ
မွန္သမွ်ကုိ ကာကြယ္ခ်ိန္တြင္ - အမ်ဳိးသားေရး အသြင္သ႑န္ဟာ ထင္ထင္ရွားရွား
ေပၚထြက္လာပါေတာ့တယ္။
ကေန ့ျမန္မာျပည္ရဲ့ လူဦးေရ သန္း (၅၅ - ၆၀) မွာ ခုခံအားက်ေရာဂါ ေခၚတဲ့ ကမၻာနာ
(AIDS / HIV) ျဖစ္ေနသူ ငါးသိန္းေက်ာ္ရွိေနျပီး သည္ကိန္းဂဏန္းဟာ ျမန္မာလူမ်ဳိး
(၁၀၀) မွာ တေယာက္နီးပါးဟာ သည္ေရာဂါေ၀ဒနာရွင္ေတြျဖစ္ေနတဲ့ ျဖစ္ေနတဲ့
သေဘာပါပဲ (မွတ္ခ်က္ - လူဦးေရ သန္း သုံးဆယ္ရွိတဲ့ ကေနဒါႏုိင္ငံမွာ အဆုိပါေရာ
ဂါရွင္ တေသာင္းပဲရွိတဲ့အတြက္ ကေနဒီယံ သုံးေထာင္မွာ တေယာက္သာသည္ေရာဂါရွိ
သူျဖစ္ပါတယ္)။ ကေန ့ျမန္မာလူမ်ဳိးအမ်ားစုၾကီးဟာ အဟာရဓါတ္ခ်ဳိ ့တဲ့မူ အထူးသျဖင့္
ေမြးစ ကေလး (၄) ဦးမွာ (၂) ဦးဟာ ေပါင္ခ်ိန္မျပည့္ျဖစ္ေနပါျပီ။ က်န္ေပါင္ခ်ိန္ျပည့္ေသာ
ကေလး (၂) ေယာက္ထဲက (၁) ေယာက္ကလည္း ထမင္းရည္ေသာက္ျပီးၾကီးေနရတဲ့
အေျခအေနပါပဲ။ ျမန္မာတုိင္းရင္းသားစစ္စစ္ အရြယ္ေရာက္သူ အရြယ္ေကာင္းေတြ
က်န္းမာေရးေကာင္းသူေတြ ပညာတတ္ေတြ ျပည္ပကုိအလုံးအရင္းနဲ ့ထြက္ေနခ်ိန္မွာ
တုိင္းျပည္ကုိ လာဘ္စားမူနဲ ့လည္ပတ္အုပ္ခ်ုဳပ္ေနတဲ့ အာဏာရွင္ေတြကုိ အခြင့္ေကာင္း
ယူျပီး ျမန္မာျပည္တြင္းကုိျပည္ပကလူမ်ဳိးျခားေတြ အလုံးအရင္းနဲ ့၀င္ေရာက္ေနရာယူ
ေနပါတယ္ (ရာဇ၀င္ထဲက မႏၱေလးျမဳိ ့ၾကီး ရာဇ၀င္ထဲမွာက်န္ခဲ့ပါျပီ)။ ျမန္မာလူမ်ဳိး
ႏွစ္သန္းေက်ာ္ဟာ (မိမိတုိ ့အဘုိးအေဘးေတြထက္ထက္က ႏုိင္ခ်င္တုိင္းနုိင္ခဲ့တဲ့) ထုိင္း
ႏုိင္ငံမွာမ်က္ႏွာငယ္နဲ ့ကြ်န္ခံေနၾကရပါတယ္။ က်န္တဲ့ ျမန္မာပညာတတ္လူငယ္လူရြယ္
သိန္းေပါင္းမ်ားစြာဟာ ကုိရီးယား၊ ဂ်ပန္၊ စကၤာပူ၊ မေလးရွား ယူေအအီး စတဲ့တုိင္းျပည္
ေတြမွာ ကြ်န္ခံေနၾကရပါတယ္။ ျပည္ေထာင္စုျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံေတာ္ကုိ ေမြးဖြားေပးခဲ့တဲ့
ျမန္မာ့အေမြအႏွစ္ ျမန္မာအမ်ဳိးသားပုိင္ အမိဧရာ၀တီျမစ္ၾကီးဟာ ျကုိးမိန္ ့ေပးခံထား
ရျပီး ျမန္မာတမ်ဳိးသားလုံးရဲ့ အနာဂတ္ဟာ မေတြး၀ံ့စရာအေျခအေနမ်ဳိးနဲ ့လည္း
ရင္ဆုိင္ေနရပါတယ္။ နာဂစ္နဲ ့ဂီရိလုိ စုနမီနဲ ့မုန္တုိင္းၾကီးေတြေၾကာင့္ ျမန္မာလူမ်ဳိး
ေတြ သိန္းခ်ီေသခဲ့ျပီး အခုထက္ထိနလန္မထူေသးပါဘူး။ တုိင္းရင္းသားေတြအတြင္း
မွာ ဘယ္တုံးကနဲ ့မွမတူတဲ့ ေသြးကြဲမူ နာက်ည္းမူေတြနဲ ့တဘက္နဲ ့တဘက္ စစ္ပြဲ
ေတြျဖစ္ေနၾကပါတယ္။ အခုလုိ ျမန္မာ့သမုိင္းမွာဘယ္တုံးကမွ မျကုံခဲ့ရဖူးတဲ့
အျဖစ္ဆုိးေတြ ကုိခံစားေနရတဲ့ အခုအခ်ိန္ကုိ National Crisis ျဖစ္ေနတယ္လုိ ့
မုခ်ေျပာလုိ ့ရခဲ့ပါျပီ။ ျမန္မာတမ်ဳိးသားလုံး အမ်ဳိးသားေရးအျမင္နဲ ့ 'နုိင္ငံေတာ္'
ကုိအဖက္ဖက္က ကာကြယ္ေစာင့္ေရွာက္ဖုိ ့အလွ်င္အျမန္လုိအပ္ေနခဲ့ပါျပီ။
အစုိးရရဲ့တာ၀န္
အဂၤလိပ္အေတြးအေခၚပညာရွင္ ေသာမတ္စ္ေဟာဗ္စ္ (Thomas Hobbes) က
အစုိးရရဲ့ပ်က္ကြက္မူေၾကာင့္ ျပည္သူတဦးခ်င္းစီမွာ က်ေရာက္တဲ့ေ၀ဒနာေတြကုိ
'အထီးက်န္ျခင္း၊ ဆင္းရဲႏြမ္းပါးျခင္း၊ အသုိက္အျမဳံပ်က္ျခင္း၊ လူအဆင့္မွယုတ္
ေလ်ာ့ရျခင္း၊ အသက္တုိရျခင္း' တုိ ့ျဖစ္ရသည္လုိ ့ေရးသားခဲ့ပါတယ္။ ေခတ္
အဆက္ဆက္က အေတြးအေခၚပညာရွင္ေတြအားလုံး သေဘာတူတဲ့အခ်က္
ကေတာ့ 'အစုိးရရဲ့တာ၀န္' ဆုိတာ သူ ့တုိင္းျပည္ထဲက ျပည္သူကုိအဖက္ဖက္မွ
အကာအကြယ္ေပးဖုိ ့ပါပဲ။ သည္လုိကာကြယ္ဖုိ ့အတြက္ လုိအပ္လွ်င္ခြန္အား
သုံးရမယ္လုိ ့လည္း အသိအမွတ္ျပဳခဲ့ၾကပါတယ္။ ကပ္ေရာဂါၾကီးမ်ားက်ေရာက္
မူ၊ တဘက္ႏွင့္တဘက္အစုလုိက္အျပဳံလုိက္သတ္ျဖတ္မူ၊ သဘာ၀ေဘးရန္မ်ား
ကုိျကုိတင္ကာကြယ္တားဆီးမူ၊ မိမိတုိ ့ရဲ့ ဘုိးဘြားပုိင္ ယဥ္ေက်းမူအေမြအႏွစ္
မ်ားကုိထိမ္းသိမ္းမူ၊ ျပည္သူ ့ပစၥည္းဥစၥာကုိ ကာကြယ္ေစာင့္ေရွာက္မူ၊ အသိ
ပညာရွင္အတတ္ပညာရွင္မ်ားကုိ တုိင္းျပည္ျပင္ပသုိ ယုိဖိတ္မူမရွိေစရန္
ကာကြယ္ေစာင့္ေရွာက္မူ၊ ႏုိင္ငံေတာ္၏ သယံဇာတမ်ားေလလြင့္ဆုံးရွဳံးမူမရွိ
ေစရန္ကာကြယ္ေစာင့္ေရွာက္မူ၊ သဘာ၀၀န္းက်င္မပ်က္စီးေစရန္ ကာကြယ္
ေစာင့္ေရွာက္မူ၊ တုိင္းတပါးရန္မွကာကြယ္မူ - အစရွိသည္တုိ ့ပဲျဖစ္ပါတယ္။
လြန္ခဲ့တဲ့ အႏွစ္ေလးဆယ္ေက်ာ္ကေန ကေန ့အထိ ျမန္မာတမ်ဳိးသားလုံး
ရရွိခဲ့တဲ့ အစုိရအဆက္ဆက္ဟာ အထက္ကအခ်က္ေတြနဲ ့ဖီလာဆန္ ့က်င္
ဘက္ျဖစ္ေနတဲ့ နုိင္ငံေတာ္ရဲ့ရန္သူအစုအေ၀း မ်ားသာျဖစ္ေနခဲ့ျပီး - နုိင္ငံေတာ္
ဆုိတာကုိခုတုံးလုပ္ျပီး နုိင္ငံေတာ္ကုိဆန္က်င္ဖ်က္ဆီးေနတဲ့ အမ်ဳိးသား
ေသစၥာေဖါက္ နုိင္ငံျခားလက္ေ၀ခံ (အ၀တ္အစားအမ်ဳိးမ်ဳိးေျပာင္း၀တ္ေနတဲ့)
ကုိယ္က်ဳိးရွာ အသံေကာင္းလႊင့္ ဖက္ခြက္စား ႏုိင္ငံေရးသမားေတြျဖစ္ေနတာ
ကုိသာေတြ ့ရမွာပါ။ သည္ေတာ့ ကေန ့ျမန္မာျပည္က အစုိးရဆုိတဲ့ 'စနစ္
တက်ဖြဲ ့စည္းထားေသာလူစုလူေ၀း' (Organized Mob) ဟာဘယ္လုိအတန္း
အစားမွာရွိသလဲဆုိတာ အပ်က္ျမင္ျဖင့္ ေျပာျခင္းမျဖစ္ရန္အတြက္ လြန္ခဲ့ေသာ
ႏွစ္ေပါင္း (၂၄၀၀) ေက်ာ္က ဂရိအေတြးအေခၚပညာရွင္ အရစၥတုိတယ္လ္ရဲ့
ခြဲျခမ္းစိတ္ဖ်ာခဲ့မူ ့နဲ ့ ယွဥ္ထုိးၾကည့္ႏုိင္ပါတယ္။
အစုိးရအမ်ဳိးအစားမ်ား
အရစၥတုိတယ္ရဲ့ အထက္ပါ စံနစ္ (၆) မ်ဳိးတြင္ ဒီမုိကေရစီ ဟာအမ်ားအုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ေသာ
နည္းစံနစ္ျဖစ္ေသာ္လည္း လူနည္းစုေကာင္းစားေရးလုိ ့ေဖၚျပထားတာကုိေတြ ့ရ
ပါလိမ့္မယ္။ အရစၥတုိတယ္လ္၏ အေတြ ့အျကုံအယူအဆတြင္ လူထုအျကုိက္
ေသြးထုိးေျမွာက္ပင့္တတ္သူမ်ား (Demagouges) မွ ယင္းတုိ ့အား အမ်ားစုလၡံမူ
ရရွိေစရန္စြမ္းေဆာင္ကာ ျပည္သူအမ်ားစုကုိ ေသြးေဆာင္းဖ်ားေယာင္ျပီးေနာက္
အာဏာလက္၀ယ္ရရွိခ်ိန္တြင္ ယင္းတုိ ့.လူနည္းစု (အနည္းစု) ေကာင္းစားေရးကုိ
သာလုပ္ေလ့ရွိၾကတယ္လုိ ့ယူဆတဲ့အတြက္ အရစၥတုိတယ္က သူ ့ေခတ္က
ဒီမုိကေရစီစံနစ္ကုိ လူနည္းစုေကာင္းစားေရးစံနစ္လုိ ့ေဖၚျပခဲ့တာျဖစ္ပါတယ္။
(သည္အေျခအေနဟာ ၂၁ ရာစုရဲ့ အတုအေယာင္ ေရႊရည္စိမ္ ဒီမုိကေရစီေတြ
အျဖစ္မ်က္၀ါးထင္ထင္ေတြ ့ႏုိင၈္ပါတယ္။ ျပည္သူကုိ မဲခုိးမဲလိမ္ျပီး အင္အား
သုံးျပီး အာဏာကုိအရယူခဲ့တဲ့ သန္းေရႊ ေမာင္ေအး သိန္းစိန္တုိ ့ရဲ့ ျမန္မာျပည္က
အာဏာရွင္ေတြေျပာတဲ့ ဒီမုိကေရစီဆုိတာ လြန္ခဲ့တဲ့ အႏွစ္ ၂၄၀၀ က အရစၥတုိတယ္လ္
ရဲ့ စုိးရိမ္သုံးသပ္မူဟာ တကယ္ျဖစ္လာခဲ့တာပါပဲ)။
သည္လုိပဲ လြန္ခဲ့တဲ့ (၂၀) ရာစုအတြင္းက တရုတ္သမတ ခ်န္ေကရွိတ္နဲ ့ ဖိလစ္ပုိင္
သမတ ဖာဒီနန္မားကုိစ့္ တုိ ့ဟာ အမ်ားသေဘာက် ဒီမုိကေရစီနည္းအရ
ေရြးေကာက္တင္ေျမွာက္ခဲံခဲ့ရတဲ့ သမတမ်ားျဖစ္ခဲ့ၾကေပမဲ့ အာဏာရရွိျပီးေနာက္
မိမိေဆြမ်ဳိး မိမိႏွင့္သက္ဆုိင္ရာလူနည္းစု ေကာင္းစားေရးကုိသာလုပ္ခဲ့ၾကျပီးေနာက္
မိမိအ၀န္းအ၀ုိင္းရဲ့ အာဏာနဲ ့အက်ဳိးစီးပြါးကုိသာကာကြယ္ရင္း ရာဇာပလႅင္ေပၚက
ဆင္းမေပးေတာ့ပဲ တေသြးတသံတမိန္ ့နဲ ့အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္တဲ့ အာဏာရွင္ေတြျဖစ္သြား
ခဲ့ၾကတာကုိေတြ ့ရပါလိမ့္မယ္။
ေခတ္သစ္ကမၻာၾကီးနဲ ့အစုိးရသုံးမ်ဳိး
ေခတ္သစ္ႏုိင္ငံေရးသိပၸံပညာရွင္ေတြကေတာ့ ေခတ္ျပဳိင္ကမၻာၾကီးရဲ့ တုိင္းျပည္
အားလုံးမွာ ျဖစ္ေနတဲ့ျဖစ္စဥ္မ်ားအရ - အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္တဲ့အစုိးရေတြကုိ အမ်ဳိးအစား
သုံးခုအတြင္းမွာပဲ ထည့္သြင္းႏွဳိင္းယွဥ္ထားတာကုိ ေအာက္ပါအတုိင္းေတြ ့ရွိရ
မွာျဖစ္ပါတယ္။
အထက္ပါအစုိးရသုံးမ်ဳိးစလုံးတြင္ အမိန္ ့အာဏာျဖင့္အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္သည့္အစုိးရ
ႏွစ္မ်ဳိးျဖစ္ေသာ အာဏာရွင္အစုိးရ (Authoritarian Government ) ႏွင့္
တပါတီဗဟုိဦးစီးစံနစ္ျဖင့္အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ေသာ (Totalitarian Government) စံနစ္
ႏွစ္မ်ဳိး ၏မတူျခားနားမူမွာ တပါတီဗဟုိ ဦးစီးစံနစ္၌ တိက်ေသာအယူ၀ါဒႏွင့္
လမ္းစဥ္ 'မူ' ကုိကုိင္စြဲျပီး၊ အာဏာရွင္စံနစ္မွာေတာ့ မည္သည့္မူ မွ်မရွိပဲ မူအစား
အေျခအျမစ္မခုိင္ေသာ အေၾကာင္းျပခ်က္မ်ားျဖင့္ စိတ္ထင္ရာကုိဥပေဒျပဳျပီး
တုိင္းျပည္ကုိ အမိန္ ့အာဏာ ေသနတ္တုိ ့ျဖင့္အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ျခင္းပဲျဖစ္ပါတယ္။
တပါတီဗဟုိဦးစီးစံနစ္မွာ တုိင္းျပည္စီးပြါးေရးကုိ စီမံကိန္းျဖင့္အေကာင္အထည္
ေဖၚေလ့ရွိျပီး အာဏာရွင္စံနစ္မွာေတာ့ စီးပြါးေရးလုပ္ငန္းဆုိင္ရာအားလုံးကုိ
အာဏာရ အာဏာရွင္အုပ္စုႏွင့္ သူတုိ ့ရဲ့သက္ဆုိင္ရာနီးစပ္ရာေတြကုိ အခြင့္
အေရးေပး လုပ္ကုိင္တဲ့ စီးပြါးေရးမ်ဳိးျဖစ္ပါတယ္ (ဥပမာ အာဏာရွင္တုိ ့၏
ျမန္မာ့ဦးပုိင္လိမိတက္၊ ႏွင့္ ဘိန္းဘုရင္ခြန္ဆာ၏သား စတီဗင္ေလာ၏ ေအးရွား
ေ၀ါဒ္။ သန္းေရႊ႔သားမက္ ေတဇ အစရွိသည္ျဖင့္)။
သုိ ့ေသာ္ တပါတီဗဟုိဦးစီးစံနစ္၌ စာရြက္ေပၚတြင္ေရးဆြဲထားေသာ စီမံကိန္း
မ်ား ကာလၾကာျမင့္စြာ ေအာင္ျမင္မူမရွိခဲ့လွ်င္ေသာ္လည္းေကာင္း တည္ဆဲ
ကမၻာ့ႏုိင္ငံေရး စီးပြါးေရးႏွင့္ မူလ ၀ါဒတုိ ့မကုိက္ညီေတာ့သည့္အခါတြင္၎
ျပည္တြင္းရွိျပည္သူမွ မခံမရပ္ႏုိင္ျဖစ္လာသည္အေျခအေနတုိ ့တြင္ေသာ္၎
တပါတီစံနစ္ဟာ ရုတ္တရက္ ျပဳိက်သြားတတ္တာကုိေတြ ့ရပါလိမ့္မယ္။
၁၉၈၈ မွာ မ.ဆ.လ တပါတီျပဳိကြဲသြားရျခင္းနဲ ့၁၉၉၀ ျပည့္ႏွစ္လြန္ႏွစ္မ်ား
အတြင္းျဖစ္ပြါးခဲ့တဲ့ အေရွ ့ဥေရာပႏုိင္ငံေတြရဲ့ ျဖစ္စဥ္မ်ားကသက္ေသျပေန
ပါတယ္။
စစ္အာဏာရွင္သုိ ့မဟုတ္ အရပ္သားအာဏာရွင္တုိ ့ရဲ့ ထုးျခားတဲ့ ၀ိေသသ
လကၡဏာကေတာ့ အထက္ကတင္ျပခဲ့တဲ့ 'မူ' မရွိျခင္းပါပဲ။ သူတုိ ့ေခါင္းထဲမွာ
ေပၚလာတဲ့ သူ ့တုိ ့အတြက္ ေကာင္းမယ္ထင္တာ သူတုိ ့အတြက္အက်ဳိးရွိမယ္
ထင္တာအားလုံးကုိ ပရမ္းပတာနဲ ့အကြပ္အညွပ္မရွိ လုပ္ခ်င္တုိင္းလုပ္တဲ့ ၀ိေသသ
လကၡဏာပါပဲ။ ေနာက္ထပ္ ထူးျခားမူတခုကေတာ့ တပါတီဗဟုိဦးစီးစံနစ္မွာ
ေသနတ္ကုိစားပြဲေအာက္မွာ၀ွက္ထားျပီးေတာ့ ၀ါဒလမ္းစဥ္နဲ ့အုပ္ခ်ုဳပ္ေပမဲ့
စစ္အာဏာရွင္ေတြကေတာ့ ေသနတ္ကုိ ခါးၾကားမွာေျဗာင္ထုိးျပီး အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္
ေတာ့တာပါပဲ။ ငါေျပာသလုိမလုပ္ရင္ ငါ့ဘက္ကအဆင္သင့္ ငါကေတာ့ပစ္မွာပဲ
ဆုိတဲ့ ၀ိေသသလကၡဏာပါပဲ။ အကယ္၍သာ အာဏာရွင္စံနစ္မွာ 'မူ' ရွိတယ္
ဆုိလွ်င္လည္း အဲသည္မူဟာ 'ထင္ရာလုပ္မူ' သာျဖစ္ပါလိမ့္မယ္။ အထက္က
ေဖၚျပခဲ့တဲ့ အစုိးရသုံးမ်ဳိး၏ ကြာျခားမူမ်ားကုိ ႏုိင္ငံေရးသိပၸံပညာရွင္အခ်ဳိ ့က
ေအာက္ေဖၚျပပါအတုိင္း အေသးစိတ္ထပ္မံဖြင့္ဆုိထားၾကပါတယ္ -
အထက္ေဖၚျပပါဖြင့္ဆုိခ်က္မ်ားအရ အာဏာရွင္စံနစ္သည္ တပါတီဗဟုိဦးစီး
စံနစ္ထက္ အဆေပါင္းမ်ားစြာ ပုိမုိဆုိးရြားေနတာကုိေတြ ့ျမင္ရမွာျဖစ္တဲ့အတြက္
မ.ဆ.လ တပါတီအာဏာရွင္စံနစ္က န.၀.တ န.အ.ဖ နာဂစ္အစုိးရ တုိ ့ထက္
စာလွ်င္ ပုိသက္သာဦးမလားလုိ ့ေတြးစရာျဖစ္ေနပါတယ္။ အမွန္ေတာ့ ေန၀င္းရဲ့
မ.ဆ.လ တပါတီ စံနစ္ဟာ အျခားဆုိရွယ္လစ္တုိင္းျပည္ေတြလုိ တိက်တဲ့ လမ္စဥ္
နဲ ့မူ၀ါဒမရွိခဲ့ပဲ (အမွန္ေတာ့) ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံဟာ ၁၉၆၂ ခုႏွစ္ကစျပီး စစ္အာဏာရွင္
စံနစ္ေအာက္ကိုေရာက္ခဲ့တာ ကေန ့ဆုိလွ်င္ရာစုႏွစ္ထက္၀က္နီးပါးရွိခဲ့ျပီလုိ ့
အခုိင္အမာဆုိရမွာပါ၊
ႏုိင္ငံေရးေသြးခုံႏွဳန္းတုိင္းတာမူအရဆုိလွ်င္ မ.ဆ.လ အစုိးရဟာ တစတစက်ဳံလွီ
ျပီးေသဆုံးေစတဲ့ ခုခံက်ေရာဂါ 'ကမၻာနာ' (AIDS/HIV) နဲ ့အလားသ႑န္တူျပီး
န.၀.တ န.အ.ဖ နဲ ့သန္းေရႊ သိန္းစိန္တုိ ့ရဲ့ နာဂစ္အစုိးရေတြဟာ Leukemia
ေသြးကင္ဆာေရာဂါနဲ ့အလားသ႑န္တူပါတယ္။ ပုိျပီးေသခ်ာတဲ့အခ်က္ကေတာ့
ယေန ့ျမန္မာျပည္ဟာ သည္ေရာဂါဆုိးႏွစ္ခုစလုံးကုိတျပဳိင္နက္ခံစားေနရတဲ့
လူမမာျဖစ္ေနျပီဆုိတာပါပဲ။ .......။
လွဳိင္ဘြား / ၈၈
Works Sited:
..............
Guy, J James., People, Politics and Government
Scarborough: Prentice Hall Canada Inc., 1995
Macridis, C. Roy., Contemporary Political Ideologies:
Movements and Regimes
Scott, Foresman & Company., 1989
Saunders, J. Trevor., Aristotle: The Politics
London: Clays Lt., 1992
Winter, R. Thomas., People and Politics
John Wiley and Sons Inc., 1981
Philip E. Tetlock: Counterfactual Thought Experiments in World Politics
Princeton University Press., 1996
Hedley Bull: The Anarchical Society - A Study of Order in World Politics (2nd edition)
Mac. Millan Press Ltc, London 1977
THE WALL STREET JOURNAL
The U.N. Should Document Burma's Abuses
.
Today European foreign ministers are meeting in Brussels to discuss, among other issues, a resolution on Burma to be tabled at the United Nations General Assembly. Later this month, members of parliament from Southeast Asia will gather for the Asean Inter-Parliamentary Association meeting in Phnom Penh, Cambodia. Both are opportunities to build momentum for a United Nations-led commission of inquiry into possible crimes against humanity and war crimes in Burma.
To date, 16 countries, including the United States, Canada, the United Kingdom, Australia and the Czech Republic, have called for a commission. Yet Burma's Asean neighbors have remained silent. Perhaps some consider such a move gratuitous and meddlesome. But if Asean is to assert itself as a leading organization on the global stage, its members need to send a clear message that crimes against humanity affect the entire region and will not be tolerated.
An inquiry would not be a political tool for assigning criminal liability; rather, it would be a mechanism to document atrocities committed in Burma over the years and help prevent future atrocities by encouraging policy reforms in Burma's judicial system. It would also provide victims of Burma's protracted civil war an opportunity to seek justice for their grievances, and so contribute to building a lasting peace.
Human rights monitors have documented abuses in Burma for more than two decades, and the U.N. General Assembly has passed 20 resolutions describing possible crimes. In March 2010, Tomás Ojea Quintana, the U.N.'s Special Rapporteur on the Situation of Human Rights in Myanmar, recommended establishing a commission of inquiry. Leaving Burma after a five-day mission last week, Mr. Quintana reiterated his position.
An international investigation is urgently needed because the Burmese government has failed to respond to appeals from its people. In 2007, deep-seated discontent spurred tens of thousands of Buddhist monks to take to the streets to demand change. Instead of engaging the monks in constructive discussions, the military junta opened fire on the religious leaders. Today more than 2,000 prisoners of conscience remain in prison.
The Burmese government is trying to head off pressure for a commission of inquiry by raising hopes it will now pursue reforms. In 2008 it held a referendum on a new constitution to restore civilian rule. However, this constitution is severely flawed, since it protects those who committed abuses in the past.
The Association of Southeast Asian Nations has nevertheless hailed the new government as a step forward, calling on the European Union and the United States to lift sanctions. However, Asean states did not consider the ramifications the elections would have on Burma's armed conflict. In the aftermath of the elections a number of ceasefire agreements between the government and non-state armed groups broke down.
In June 2011 renewed hostilities between government forces and the Kachin Independence Army led to widespread abuses against civilians in Kachin State provoking over 20,000 people to flee their homes. Thousands of refugees spilled across the borders to Thailand and China. Asean was slow to respond and has yet to develop a mechanism to protect refugees and ensure civilians protection from human rights abuses.
In contested areas of Shan State, where government troops continue to battle ethnic Shan armed groups, there have been credible reports of systematic rape. In a statement released on July 22, Eva Kusuma Sundari, a member of the Indonesian Parliament and President of the Asean Inter-Parliamentary Myanmar Caucus declared "We [AIPMC] call on the Myanmar Army to immediately end rights abuses, particularly the systematic use of rape as a weapon to suppress ethnic women and to urgently engage in peace talks with ethnic armed groups."
Burmese President Thein Sein recently made overtures to the political opposition, meeting with Aung San Suu Kyi and offering peace talks with some of the armed groups. Genuine multiparty dialogue is welcome, but progress toward political reconciliation is not a substitute for seeking truth and justice. An independent U.N.-led investigation that examines reports of human rights violations committed by both the government and non-state actors would complement talks.
President Thein Sein also recently announced that Burma is ready and committed to take a stronger leadership role in the region. On Aug. 21, he declared in Parliament that his government intends to assume the Asean chairmanship in 2014. The government should demonstrate its readiness to chair the regional body in action as well as words. Cooperating with a potential international investigation would be a step in the right direction.
All those who care about the rights and dignity of the citizens of Burma should support the call for a commission of inquiry. Without accountability, allegations of grave human rights violations will continue to poison the development of Burma and Asean.
Mr. Tanada is a member of the Philippines Congress and the vice president of the Asean Inter-Parliamentary Myanmar Caucus.
Credit : Wall Street Journal
Maungdaw, Arakan State: Burma’s border security force (Nasaka) killed another Rohingya villager on August 24, over the allegation that he had involved in money exchange, said a close relative of the victim.
“The victim was identified as Mohamed Hussain (55), son of Kader Hussain, hailed from Shwe Zaar Village tract of Maungdaw Township.”
“Hussain was arrested by officer of Nasaka camp No. 14 under Shwe Zaar village Nasaka out-post, Nasaka Sector # 6 of Maungdaw Township on August 21, over the accusation that he had been involved in illegal money exchange.”
“Hussain was severely tortured by the Nasaka personnel to take confessional statement while he was detained in the Nasaka outpost camp.”
However, on August 24, at around 3:30 pm, he was handed over to his relatives while the victim was serious condition. Receiving the victim, the relatives immediately took the victim to the Maungdaw General hospital for medical treatment. But, he was dead at about 5:00 pm, while taking treatment at the hospital, said a friend of the victim on condition of anonymity.
“The authority handed over the dead body to his relatives without giving any information about post-mortem report of the Doctors.”
A local said that post-mortem showed that the victim had been tortured severely.
On August 25, the dead body was buried in his village’s local graveyard.
“There is no case filed against the Nasaka personnel as fear or reprisals of the Nasaka.”
Similarly, on August 30, Nasaka had beaten brutally Abdul Matalof,60, an old men who severed as a sentry in Shweza, was dead September 1, morning at 10:00am, said a school teacher from Shweza village.
Rohingyas are killed as an animal in Arakan north by Nasaka without any judicial inquiry or proper query less giving importance than an ant, said a trader from locality.
Credit : Kaladan Press
By BENJAMIN ZAWACKI >>>
It is time the EU work to establish a UN-led Commission of Inquiry into crimes against humanity and other crimes under international law in Burma.
Four years ago this month, the people of Burma rose up in what became known as the “Saffron Revolution,” named after the Buddhist monks who eventually led the demonstrations. While the world initially condemned the security forces’ violent crackdown that followed, several months later the Burmese authorities managed to deflect international criticism by announcing it would hold national elections and form a civilian government.
The international community, including the European Union (EU), has been distracted ever since, despite an abundance of information that Burma’s government has continued to violate human rights on a massive scale. “Wait and see”—what the government will do before the elections, how the elections will be conducted, whether the new government will make any changes—has been the prevailing and irresponsible approach.
Meanwhile, the human rights situation in Burma has gone from bad to worse, with no justice for the victims. By the time the election announcement was made, the number of political prisoners in Burma had nearly doubled from its pre-Saffron Revolution number to over 2,100—where it remains today. Several months afterwards, the government denied, obstructed and/or confiscated international aid in the wake of Cyclone Nargis, turning the humanitarian disaster into a human rights crisis. And a year later, authorities arrested, tried, and unlawfully extended the house arrest of opposition leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi.
Among the situations calling out loudest for justice and accountability is Burma’s ethnic minority regions. Ten months before the November 2010 elections, Amnesty International released a report on the repression of ethnic minority political activists in Burma, which showed that optimism in relation to the polls was being contradicted in the ethnic minority areas.
It followed a mid-2008 publication, Crimes against humanity in eastern Burma, whose relevance has only increased since then. The report focused on the Burmese army’s human rights violations against ethnic minority Karen civilians on a widespread and systematic basis, which amounted to crimes against humanity. Violations included extrajudicial executions, torture, arbitrary detention, forced labor, confiscation of land and food and forced displacement of the civilian population on a large scale, starting in late 2005.
While this was the first time Amnesty had characterized such violations as crimes against humanity, the report’s findings were consistent with our research on the country for two decades. The testimonies, collected in several countries since 1987, documented the very same crimes against civilians. They were told to us not only by the Karen, but by many other ethnic minorities as well, including the Rohingya, the Karenni, the Shan and the Mon.
Likewise, accounts since mid-2008, especially since the day of Burma’s national elections last November, when hostilities were accelerated or renewed between the Burmese army and armed groups fighting on behalf of several ethnic minorities, recall our report’s findings: serious human rights violations—some of which may amount to crimes against humanity and/or war crimes—against ethnic minority Karen, Kachin, and Shan civilians.
These include recent accounts of the army using prison convicts as porters in the fighting in Kayin (Karen) State, forcing them to act as human shields and mine-sweepers and of rape and other sexual violence, primarily in Shan State. Reliable reports indicate that the number of displaced persons there has reached 30,000, while in or near Kachin State 20,000 internally displaced persons were reported at the end of July.
We have waited for years, even decades, and seen quite enough: these violations call for accountability. However, Article 445 of Burma’s 2008 Constitution—which codifies immunity from prosecution for officials for past violations—indicates that without international action, this is most unlikely.
In October 2011, the UN special rapporteur will be presenting a report to the UN General Assembly, which will likely adopt a resolution on Burma. The EU will again lead in the drafting of this resolution.
n each of his reports or statements to the UN Human Rights Council and the General Assembly, the special rapporteur has called for greater accountability for grave international crimes in Burma or expressly recommended that the UN establish a Commission of Inquiry into such crimes.
While the question remains as to whether such a Commission would have access to Burma, a similar 1997 Commission by the International Labour Organization compensated for its denial of access partly through expert testimony, which Amnesty among others provided. Two years later, Burma passed a law prohibiting forced labor. Accountability must begin somewhere.
Moreover, accountability need not exclude increased humanitarian assistance and efforts to engage the new government.
Amnesty International welcomes the fact that 12 of the 16 nations that have publicly stated their support for a Commission of Inquiry in Burma are EU members, but regrets that neither the EU as a bloc nor several of its influential members—including Germany, Italy, Spain and Sweden—have not done so.
After more than three years of “wait and see,” it is time the EU and its member states translate their concern about Burma’s human rights situation into public support for the establishment of a UN-led Commission of Inquiry into crimes against humanity and other crimes under international law in Burma.
Credit : Irrawaddy News
တိုင္းျပည္ရဲ႕သမိုင္းအေမြအႏွစ္ျဖစ္တဲ့ဧရာ၀တီျမစ္ကို ၿခံခတ္ၿပီး တရုတ္ကို လွ်ပ္စစ္ဓာတ္အားေရာင္းစားဖို႕ လုပ္ေနတဲ့ ဦးသိန္းစိန္
(09-05-21)
တိုင္းျပည္ရဲ႕သမိုင္းအေမြအႏွစ္ျဖစ္တဲ့ဧရာ၀တီျမစ္ကို ၿခံခတ္ၿပီး တရုတ္ကို လွ်ပ္စစ္ဓာတ္အားေရာင္းစားဖို႕ လုပ္ေနတဲ့ ဦးသိန္းစိန္ (2010-12-18)
Constructed by the China Resources Group, responsible for the construction of hydropower sixth inning Jesus Myanmar hydropower career, held on December 15 celebration of completion of the project power. Myanmar Prime Minister Thein Sein attended the ceremony and unveiled for the power station.
Day, a tributary of the Irrawaddy River Mi Tange banners everywhere, flags flying, people of all nationalities dressed in their holiday in Myanmar, singing and dancing together for Myanmar's "Three Gorges Project" - yeah Ya celebrate the completion of hydropower.
Myanmar Prime Minister Thein Sein attended the opening ceremony and delivered speeches. Mandalay military commander, a national power ministers, vice ministers and other senior government officials in Myanmar and China Resources Group Vice President, Sun floods and other Chinese officials attended the ceremony.
Prime Minister Thein Sein said in his speech, yeah Ya station in Myanmar's largest hydropower station, construction units for many years through their joint efforts and hard struggle, successfully achieved a power plant, "year four vote," and the main works are completed in good results. Thank all parties participating in the construction of the development of Myanmar's electric power industry's contribution!
Thein Sein, Deputy General Manager of the China Sun Group, the flood water fruit baskets as gifts to express gratitude to the China Resources Group. He then cut the ribbon for the power station, unveiled, and in accordance with Myanmar custom, Spillers St. perfume pray for the Lord bless ya station.
Jesus career power plant construction funds to provide export credit from China, after four years of construction completion. November 13, yeah Ya hydroelectric turbine generator set of the last official and a net production. At this point, yeah Ya 4 hydropower capacity of 197,500 kilowatts single turbine generator set of all the installation is complete, the unit was officially launched commercial operations. The total installed capacity of power plant is 79 million kilowatts, is the largest installed capacity of power plant in Myanmar, China Resources Group also exports complete sets of the current capacity of the largest single unit in the project.
Ye Ya annual generation capacity of power plant design 3.55 billion degrees, successful completion of the power station makes Myanmar the country's total installed capacity increased by nearly 50%, effectively improving the quality of Myanmar power grid, effectively easing the power shortage in Myanmar's Mandalay situation, the central region of Myanmar and the country's economic and social development plays an important role.
KDNG 2 (vimeo)ျမန္မာစာတမ္းထိုး
ေမလ၂၀၁၁ တြင္ အထက္ပါ ဗီဒီယိုကို တရုတ္ျပည္၏ အႀကီးဆံုးေသာ ေရကာတာေဆာက္လုပ္ သည့္ ဆိုင္ႏိုဟိုက္ဒရုိေကာ္ပိုေရးရွင္းကုမၸဏီ ဗဟိုသတင္းဌာနမွ ထုတ္လုပ္ျဖန္႔ခ်ီခဲ့သည္။ ေရကာတာစီမံကိန္းပိုင္ ႏုိင္ငံတကာ-တရုတ္စြမ္းအင္အဖြဲ႔ (cpi)မွ ျမစ္ဆံုေရကာတာ ေဆာက္လုပ္ေရး ပထမအဆင့္ကို ၿပီးစီးေအာင္လုပ္ေဆာင္ရန္ ဆိုင္ႏုိဟိုက္ဒရိုကို စာခ်ဳပ္ခ်ဳပ္ဆုိထားၿပီျဖစ္သည္။
Myanmar Prime Minister Thein Sein met with General Manager Zhai Ruoyu
Credit:dawnmanhon
NAY PYI TAW, 1 Sept—The first Pyithu Hluttaw second regular session was held for the
ninth day at Pyithu Hluttaw Hall of Hluttaw Building in Nyi Pyi Taw.
discussion and two proposals were submitted. On 30 August, Pyithu Hluttaw received the workers’ organizations bill and the bill to amend Union Election Commission Law that have been submitted and approved by Amyotha Hluttaw.
The bills are due to be under discussion the following week, the Pyithu Hluttaw Bill Committee will scrutinize the bills, and submit them to the Hluttaw together with its report for talks.
ninth day at Pyithu Hluttaw Hall of Hluttaw Building in Nyi Pyi Taw.
discussion and two proposals were submitted. On 30 August, Pyithu Hluttaw received the workers’ organizations bill and the bill to amend Union Election Commission Law that have been submitted and approved by Amyotha Hluttaw.
The bills are due to be under discussion the following week, the Pyithu Hluttaw Bill Committee will scrutinize the bills, and submit them to the Hluttaw together with its report for talks.
Newspaper in English : click here
Newspaper in Burmese :click here
Maungdaw: A betel shopkeeper was illegally shot dead by a Nasaka man last night in Maungdaw, a western Burmese border town, said police.
A police officer said that the incident took place in the Shwe Zar North quarter of Maungdaw at midnight last night but refused to give any further details on the incident.
“ The incident actually occurred in this quarter but the case has not been filed in our police station. As it involves Nasaka personnel, the case will be filed with them at the Nasaka headquarters. Because of this, it is impossible to give you details,” the officer said.
A family member said that Muhamad Narsat, son of Nurlarmi, was shot dead by a Nasaka man when the Naska man came to the shop to buy a quid of betel at midnight.
"He was afraid of opening his shop when the Nasaka man arrived as it was midnight. However the Nasaka man forced him to open the shop so he could buy a quid of betel. When he opened the shop, the Nasaka man suddenly shot dead him with his gun,” a family member said.
“ I heard he was late opening up the shop. This is the reason the Nasaka man killed him,” he added.
According to local sources, many high authorities, including Colonel Aung Gyi, the commander in charge of the Nasaka force, came to the area to investigate the incident.
The body of Muhamad Narsat was moved to hospital this morning for an autopsy.
Credit :Narinjara
ေမာင္ေတာမွ ကြမ္းယာဆိုင္ ပိုင္ရွင္ တဦးကို နစက တပ္ဖြဲ႕၀င္ တစ္ဦးမွ ယမန္ေန႕ညဥ့္က အေၾကာင္းမဲ့ ပစ္သတ္လိုက္ေၾကာင္း သတင္း ရရွိသည္။
ေသဆံုးသြားသူမွာ ေမာင္ေတာျမိဳ႕ ေရႊဇားေျမာက္ ရပ္ကြက္မွ မူဟာမတ္နာဆက္ (ဘ) ႏုရ္လာဗီ ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း သိရသည္။
ျဖစ္ပ်က္ပံုႏွင့္ ပတ္သက္ျပီး သူ၏ ေဆြမ်ိဳး တစ္ဦးက နိရဥၥရာကို ယခုလို ေျပာသည္။
" ညဥ့္ ၁၂ နာရီ အခ်ိန္မွာ နစက တပ္သားက လာျပီး ကြမ္းယာ၀ယ္တယ္။ ညဥ့္နက္ေနျပီဆိုေတာ့ သူက ေၾကာက္ျပီး မဖြင့္ရဲဘူး။ ဒါေပမယ့္ ေနာက္ပိုင္းေတာ့ ဆိုင္ပိုင္ရွင္ မူဟာမတ္နာဆက္က ဖြင့္ေပးလိုက္ပါတယ္။ ဖြင့္ေပးတာ ၾကာတယ္ဆိုျပီး သူကိုင္လာတဲ့ ေသနတ္နဲ႕ ပစ္သတ္လိုက္ပါတယ္။"
အဆိုပါ ကြမ္းယာဆိုင္ပိုင္ရွင္အား သတ္ျဖတ္သူ နစက တပ္သားမွာ ေရႊဇား နစက စခန္းမွ ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း သိရသည္။
အဆိုပါ လူသတ္မူႏွင့္ ပတ္သက္ျပီး ေမာင္ေတာျမိဳ႕မ ရဲစခန္းအား ေမးၾကည့္ရာ တာ၀န္က် ရဲအရာရွိက ယခုလို ေျပာသည္။
" ကၽြန္ေတာ္တို႕ စခန္းက နယ္ထိန္းေတြ သြားေရာက္ စစ္ေဆးေနပါတယ္။ ဒီအမူက နစကနဲ႕ သက္ဆိုင္တဲ့ အတြက္ နစက ဌာနခ်ဳပ္မွာဘဲ အမူဖြင့္ပါလိမ့္မယ္။ ဒါေၾကာင့္ အမူအေၾကာင္းကို ကၽြန္ေတာ္တို႕ မေျပာႏိုင္ပါ" ဟု ေျပာသည္။
ယခုအခါ အေလာင္းအား ေမာင္ေတာေဆးရံုသို႕ ပို႕လိုက္ျပီး သတ္ျဖတ္သူ နစက တပ္သားကို ဌာနခ်ဳပ္တြင္ ထိန္းသိမ္းထားသည္ဟု သိရသည္။
Credit : နိရဥၥရာ
ေသဆံုးသြားသူမွာ ေမာင္ေတာျမိဳ႕ ေရႊဇားေျမာက္ ရပ္ကြက္မွ မူဟာမတ္နာဆက္ (ဘ) ႏုရ္လာဗီ ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း သိရသည္။
ျဖစ္ပ်က္ပံုႏွင့္ ပတ္သက္ျပီး သူ၏ ေဆြမ်ိဳး တစ္ဦးက နိရဥၥရာကို ယခုလို ေျပာသည္။
" ညဥ့္ ၁၂ နာရီ အခ်ိန္မွာ နစက တပ္သားက လာျပီး ကြမ္းယာ၀ယ္တယ္။ ညဥ့္နက္ေနျပီဆိုေတာ့ သူက ေၾကာက္ျပီး မဖြင့္ရဲဘူး။ ဒါေပမယ့္ ေနာက္ပိုင္းေတာ့ ဆိုင္ပိုင္ရွင္ မူဟာမတ္နာဆက္က ဖြင့္ေပးလိုက္ပါတယ္။ ဖြင့္ေပးတာ ၾကာတယ္ဆိုျပီး သူကိုင္လာတဲ့ ေသနတ္နဲ႕ ပစ္သတ္လိုက္ပါတယ္။"
အဆိုပါ ကြမ္းယာဆိုင္ပိုင္ရွင္အား သတ္ျဖတ္သူ နစက တပ္သားမွာ ေရႊဇား နစက စခန္းမွ ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း သိရသည္။
အဆိုပါ လူသတ္မူႏွင့္ ပတ္သက္ျပီး ေမာင္ေတာျမိဳ႕မ ရဲစခန္းအား ေမးၾကည့္ရာ တာ၀န္က် ရဲအရာရွိက ယခုလို ေျပာသည္။
" ကၽြန္ေတာ္တို႕ စခန္းက နယ္ထိန္းေတြ သြားေရာက္ စစ္ေဆးေနပါတယ္။ ဒီအမူက နစကနဲ႕ သက္ဆိုင္တဲ့ အတြက္ နစက ဌာနခ်ဳပ္မွာဘဲ အမူဖြင့္ပါလိမ့္မယ္။ ဒါေၾကာင့္ အမူအေၾကာင္းကို ကၽြန္ေတာ္တို႕ မေျပာႏိုင္ပါ" ဟု ေျပာသည္။
ယခုအခါ အေလာင္းအား ေမာင္ေတာေဆးရံုသို႕ ပို႕လိုက္ျပီး သတ္ျဖတ္သူ နစက တပ္သားကို ဌာနခ်ဳပ္တြင္ ထိန္းသိမ္းထားသည္ဟု သိရသည္။
Credit : နိရဥၥရာ
ရခိုင္ျပည္နယ္ သံတြဲျမိဳ႕နယ္ ေက်းရြာ တစ္ခ်ိဳ႕မွ အစၥလာမ္ ဘာသာ၀င္မ်ား၏ ယခင္ အိမ္ေထာင္စု စာရင္းမ်ားကို သိမ္းယူျပီး ယခုုအခါ “ E ” တံဆိပ္ပါ အိမ္ေထာင္စု စာရင္းမ်ားကို ထုတ္ေပးေနေၾကာင္း ေဒသခံ မြတ္ဆလင္ ေခါင္းေဆာင္ တစ္ဦးက ေျပာသည္။
” E ” တံဆိပ္ပါ အိမ္ေထာင္စု စာရင္းမွာ ဧည့္ႏိုင္ငံသား အျဖစ္ သတ္မွတ္ထားေသာ အိမ္ေထာင္စု စာရင္း ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း သူက ေျပာဆိုသည္။
ရခို္င္ျပည္နယ္မွ မြတ္္ဆလင္မ်ားမွာ ဘာသာေရး ကြဲျပားမူေၾကာင့္ ခြဲျခား ဆက္ဆံခံေနၾကရသည္။
“ ၂၀၀၈ ခုႏွစ္က ထုတ္ေပးထားတဲ့ အိမ္ေထာင္စု စာရင္းေတြကို သိမ္းယူသြားျပီး ခုထုတ္ေပးေနတာက “ E ” တံဆိပ္ပါ အိမ္ေထာင္စု စာရင္းေတြ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ သံတြဲ ျမိဳ႕နယ္ လင္းသီေက်းရြာက အစၥလာမ္ဘာသာ၀င္ေတြကို ဒီကဒ္ေတြကိုု ထုတ္ေပးေနပါတယ္။ “ E ” သေကၤတက ဧည့္ႏိုင္ငံသား ေပါ့ဗ်ာ” ဟု သူက ေျပာသည္။
လင္းသီ ေက်းရြာမွ သံတြဲျမိဳ႕မွ ၁၇ မိုင္ အကြာတြင္ တည္ရွိျပီး အမ်ားစု အစၥလာမ္ဘာသာ၀င္မ်ားမွာ စာမတတ္သူမ်ား ျဖစ္ၾကေသာေၾကာင့့္ မည္သုိ႕မွ ေစာဒက မတက္ဘဲ အစိုးရမွ အသစ္ ထုတ္ေပးထားေသာ “ E ” အိမ္ေထာင္စု စာရင္းမ်ားကို ယခင္က ထုတ္ေပးထားေသာ အိမ္ေထာင္စု စာရင္း အစစ္မ်ား ကုိယ္စား အသံုးျပဳ ကိုင္ေဆာင္ ေနၾကသည္ဟု သူက ေျပာသည္။
၎အျပင္ သံတြဲျမိဳနယ္တြင္ ၁၉၉၂ ခုႏွစ္က ထုတ္ေပးထားေသာ ရခိုင္- အစၥလာမ္ဟု ေရးသား ထားေသာ ႏိုင္ငံသားကဒ္မ်ားကိုလည္း အစၥလာမ္ ဘာသာ၀င္မ်ားလက္မွ သိမ္းယူသြားျပီး ယခု အခ်ိန္ထိ ကဒ္သစ္မ်ား ထုတ္ေပးျခင္း မရွိေသးေၾကာင္း သူက ေျပာသည္။
“ ရခိုင္အစၥလာမ္ ဆိုတာ မရွိဘူးဆိုျပီး ႏိုင္ငံသား ကဒ္ေတြကို သိမ္းယူသြားခဲ့တာ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ အဲသလို သိမ္းျပီးတဲ့ ေနာက္ပိုင္းမွာ ရခိုင္ အစၥလာမ္ဆိုတာ မရွိတဲ့ အတြက္ ကမန္ အစၥလာမ္ လုပ္ရင္ လုပ္၊ မလုပ္ရင္ ဘဂၤလီ အစၥလာမ္ထဲ ထည့္ပစ္မယ္ဆိုျပီး ေျပာပါတယ္။ ကၽြန္ေတာ္တို႕က ကမန္ အစၥလာမ္ လည္း မဟုတ္သလို ဘဂၤလီ အစၥလာမ္လည္း မဟုတ္ဘူး။ ဘိုးစဥ္ ေဘာင္ဆက္ ရခိုင္မွာေနတဲ့ အစၥလာမ္ေတြ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ အခုလို ကၽြန္ေတာ္တို႕ကို အစၥလာမ္ေတြ ျဖစ္တဲ့ အတြက္ အတင္း တျခား လူမ်ိဳးေတြထဲ ထည့္ပစ္ဖို႕ လုပ္တာကေတာ့ အၾကီးအက်ယ္ လူ႕အခြင့္အေရး ခ်ိဳးေဖါက္မူ ျဖစ္္ပါတယ္” ဟု သူက ဆက္ေျပာသည္။
ရခိုင္ျပည္နယ္ရွိ ကမန္ အစၥလာမ္မွာ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံသား တိုင္းရင္းသား အျဖစ္ လက္ခံထားသျဖင့္ အမ်ိဳးသားမွတ္ပံုတင္ အစစ္မ်ားကို ကိုင္ေဆာင္ခြင့္ ရသူမ်ား ျဖစ္ျပီး ဘဂၤလီ အစၥလာမ္မွာ ဧည့္ႏိုင္ငံသား အျဖစ္ သတ္မွတ္ထားသျဖင့္ အျဖဴေရာင္ ဧည့္ႏိုင္ငံသား ကဒ္ျပားမ်ားကို ကိုင္ေဆာင္ခြင့္ ရၾကသည္။
ရခိုင္ျပည္နယ္မွ အစၥလာမ္ ဘာသာ၀င္မ်ား၏ ခရီးသြားလာခြင့္ကို ဗဟုိ အစိုးရမွ တင္းတင္းက်ပ္က်ပ္ ပိတ္ပင္ထားခဲ့ေသာ္လည္း ယခုအခါ အျဖဴေရာင္ ကဒ္ကိုင္ေဆာင္ထားသူ ဘဂၤလီ အစၥလာမ္မ်ားမွ အပ က်န္ အစၥလာမ္မ်ားကို လြတ္လပ္စြာ ခရီးသြားလာခြင့္ျပဳခဲ့သည္။
“ အခု ကမန္ အစၥလာမ္၊ ရခိုင္ အစၥလာမ္ ႏိုင္ငံသားကဒ္ေတြ ကိုင္ေဆာင္ထားတဲဲ့ သူေတြကို ဇူလိုင္လ ၁၅ ရက္ေန႕က စျပီး ပံုစံ ၄ လုပ္စရာ မလိုဘဲ ခရီးသြားလာခြင့္ျပဳတယ္။ ဒါေပမယ့္ ဘဂၤလီ အစၥလာမ္ အျဖဴေရာင္ ဧည့္ႏိုင္ငံသားကဒ္ေတြ ကိုင္ေဆာင္ထားတဲ့ သူေတြကိုေတာ့ ခရီးသြားလာခြင့္ မျပဳဘူး။ က်န္းမာေရး၊ ပညာေရး အရ သြားမယ္ ဆိုရင္ ပံုစံ ၄ လုပ္ပီး လ၀က ဌာနရဲ႕ ေထာက္ခံခ်က္နဲ႕သာ သြားလာလို႕ ရပါတယ္” ဟု ဆက္ေျပာသည္။
ျမန္မာ အစိုးရသည္ ရခိုင္ျပည္နယ္ စစ္ေတြ၊ ဘူးသီးေတာင္ႏွင့္ ေမာင္းေတာျမိဳ႕နယ္မ်ားတြင္ ေနထိုင္ေသာ အစၥလာမ္ ဘာသာ၀င္မ်ားအား ဘဂၤလီ ဧည့္ႏိုင္ငံသားမ်ား အျဖစ္ အသိအမွတ္ျပဳထားျပီး ခရီးသြားလာခြင့္ကို တင္းတင္း က်ပ္က်ပ္ ပိတ္ပင္ထားသည္။ ထိုသို႕ ပိတ္ပင္ထားရျခင္းမွာ ခရီးသြားလာခြင့့္ ရပါက ရခိုင္ျပည္နယ္ကို စြန္႕ခြာျပီး ဗမာျပည္သို႕ ေျပာင္းေရႊ႕ အေျခခ် ေနထိုင္သြားမည္ကို စိုးရိမ္၍ ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း စံုစမ္း သိရွိရသည္။
Credit : နိရဥၥရာ
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