YANGON, Myanmar — Five months after a nominally civilian government took power in Myanmar, the country is awash in uncertainty about who is really in charge.
Soe Than Win/Agence France-Presse — Getty Images
Myanmar's Parliament began its current session on Monday in Naypyidaw. The population is parsing a raft of initiatives by a new, nominally civilian government.
Soe Zeya Tun/Agence France-Presse — Getty Images
Military members of Parliament at the opening session Monday.
Workers have taken down the once-ubiquitous portraits of Senior Gen. Than Shwe, the dictator who ran the country for nearly two decades, from the walls of government offices. But rumors circulate here that General Than Shwe, who stepped down in March, still has the final word on important decisions.
An impoverished population, downtrodden by decades of military rule, is parsing a raft of initiatives by the new government and trying to understand whether the country’s transition from military dictatorship to what the state news media describe as “discipline flourishing democracy” is real.
Like the biblical Thomas, they seem to want more proof.
“As far as I can see, there has been no change,” said U San Shwe, a retired civil servant whose comments typify the skepticism heard frequently in Myanmar. “The new government consists of former generals who have habits that they can’t break. They are accustomed to taking bribes, mistreating people and making a lot of money from their positions. They confiscate things, and no one can complain.”
Trying to guess the direction of this country has, in the past, been a fool’s errand. Myanmar, formerly known as Burma, has zigzagged from paranoid isolation under military rule to flirtations with openness. It seems propelled by the competing impulses of conservatives and reformers within the military.
In recent weeks there have been signs that reformers, led by Thein Sein, a former general who was elected president in February, have the upper hand.
The government has proposed peace talks with armed rebel groups that are battling the military for control over resources and for more autonomy. Officials have met three times in the last month with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, the country’s leading dissident, who was released from house arrest in November.
Other changes have been more symbolic. The state-run newspapers are refraining from publishing slogans like “Riots beget riots, not democracy.” The government has also allowed publications that do not deal with politics or history to publish without prior censorship. (Any newspaper articles that touch on politics must still be submitted to a censorship board.)
The bar for freedom of expression is set so low here that journalists rejoiced when it was announced that they would be allowed into Parliament for its current session, which began Monday.
Amid the tumult of transition, some economic changes have been very substantive. But their benefits to ordinary citizens remain unclear. A major privatization program initiated last year is transforming an economy that was so heavily controlled by the state that it could have been designed by Lenin himself.
Scores of state-owned factories, government buildings and companies have been sold off. The local currency, the kyat, has soared in value against the dollar — in part, analysts believe, because money has poured in to pay for assets in the government’s fire sale. The transactions were done without public tender, and most assets were sold to a handful of government favorites.
“There are great opportunities — but only for the cronies. It’s like Russia,” said U Soe Than, the owner of a shop for cellphones and digital music players imported from China. Mr. Soe Than has firsthand experience dealing with the new government.
When the government sold a department store in Yangon, the wealthy Myanmar businessman who purchased the building ordered all of its tenants, including Mr. Soe Than, to leave within weeks. Mr. Soe Than helped write 18 letters to officials to petition for redress. All of them went unanswered. But when the story got into Myanmar’s exile media based in Thailand and India, it caught the ear of officials in Naypyidaw, Myanmar’s capital.
Mr. Soe Than says he is now slightly more hopeful that shop owners will be compensated. “Things have improved a little bit,” he said.
Whether an economy controlled by cronies is better than the state-run system is a point of debate among analysts of the country. Similarly tainted privatization campaigns in the Middle East created deep resentments that a decade or so later helped fuel revolts this year in Tunisia, Egypt and Syria. Yet poor economic prospects have been as debilitating for the Burmese as political repression — if not more.
European Pressphoto Agency
State-run newspapers are taking a softer stance on propaganda.
Associated Press
Thein Sein, the president.
There have been some signs of economic revival: the number of tourists was up 23 percent in the first half of 2011, and hotels in Yangon brim with business travelers, many of them from China, Japan and South Korea.
Last week, The New Light of Myanmar, a state-owned newspaper, highlighted a meeting between government officials and executives from Caterpillar, the giant producer of construction and mining equipment that is based in the United States.
United States and European sanctions have made it difficult for many multinational companies to operate in Myanmar, but the government appears to be working vigorously to get the measures lifted. Officials from the International Monetary Fund have been invited for meetings in October to discuss further economic liberalization.
And the government has started a charm offensive with Mrs. Aung San Suu Kyi, who has great leverage on the issue of sanctions. Last week, the government invited her for the first time to the capital, where she met with Mr. Thein Sein, the president.
As an Oxford-educated 1991 Nobel Peace laureate and the daughter of Myanmar’s independence hero, Aung San, Mrs. Aung San Suu Kyi is perhaps the premier interlocutor between Myanmar and the outside world.
She has not fully enunciated her goals since her release from house arrest, but those who have watched her closely believe that she has aspirations well beyond being a mere symbol of national unity. “I always thought that her ambitions were higher than a ‘mother’ figure,” said Josef Silverstein, a Myanmar specialist and professor emeritus at Rutgers University in New Jersey.
Whether reconciliation between Mrs. Aung San Suu Kyi and the former generals is possible remains a question mark hanging over the future.
Yet the political situation is only one part of the enormous challenge facing Myanmar’s 55 million people.
The decades of military rule and the generals’ single-minded obsession with political survival have left the country’s health and education systems a shambles.
A generation of students has been forgotten, said U Thiha, who runs a computer programming school in Yangon. He has been frustrated in his search for the best young minds for courses.
“My students were not well trained at university,” he said. “They don’t have enough knowledge. They are not eager. And over the past 20 years, there have been no activities to test and challenge them.”
Credit : Nwe York Times
ကမၻာေပၚရွိ အစိုးရေတြအေနနဲ႔ လူမသိသူမသိ ခိုနားရာ တိုင္းျပည္မရွိ ျဖစ္ေနတဲ႔ လူသားေတြကို ကူညီဖို႔ ပိုမို အားစိုက္ထုတ္ဖို႔ လိုေနပါၿပီ။ ကမၻာအႏွံ႔မွ လူ၁၂ သန္းေလာက္ဟာ သူတို႔ ဘယ္ႏိုင္ငံသားဆိုတာ ေျပာဖို႔အတြက္ ကိုယ္ပိုင္ႏိုင္ငံ မရွိၾကပါဘူး။
ဒီအတြက္ေၾကာင္႔လည္း သူတို႔ဟာ အေျခခံလူအခြင္႔အေရးေတြကို ျငင္းပယ္ျခင္းခံေနရပါတယ္လို႔ ကုလသမဂၢၾကီးက ေျပာၾကားလိုက္ပါတယ္။ တၿပိဳင္နက္တည္း ႏိုင္ငံသားျဖစ္ခြင္႔နဲ႔ပတ္သက္တဲ႔ သေဘာတူညီခ်က္ႏွစ္ခုကို ကမၻာ႔ႏိုင္ငံမ်ားအေနနဲ႔ လက္မွတ္ေရးထိုးၾကဖို႔လည္း ေတာင္းဆိုလိုက္ပါတယ္။
ႏိုင္ငံမဲ႔မိဘေတြက ေမြးတဲ႔ကေလးေတြဟာလည္း ႏိုင္ငံတစ္ခုခုရဲ႕ ႏိုင္ငံသားျဖစ္ခြင္႔ မရွိတာေၾကာင္႔ အေျခအေနေတြကို ပိုမိုဆိုး၀ါးလာေနပါတယ္လို႔ ဆိုပါတယ္ ။ ဒီျပႆနာဟာ အေရွ႕ေတာင္အာရွ၊ အာရွအလယ္ပိုင္း၊ အေရွ႕ဥေရာပ၊ အေရွ႕အလယ္ပိုင္းနဲ႔ အာဖရိကတို႔မွာ အမ်ားဆံုး ျဖစ္ေနတယ္လို႔ ဆိုပါတယ္။
"ဒီလူေတြအတြက္ အကူအညီ အမ်ားႀကီး လိုအပ္ေနပါတယ္။ ဒီလို ဘ၀ေတြဟာ သူတို႔ရဲ႕စိတ္ကို အႀကီးအက်ယ္ ထိခိုက္နာက်င္ေစပါတယ္။ ေဘးဖယ္လ်စ္လ်ဴရႈျခင္းခံခဲ႔ရတကလည္း သူတို႔ေနထိုင္တဲ႔ လူ႔အဖြဲ႕အစည္းအတြင္းမွာ ဖိအားေတြ ပိုျဖစ္လာေအာင္ ဖန္တီးေပးေနပါတယ္။ ဒါေတြဟာ တစ္ခါတစ္ရံမွာ ပဋိပကၡေတြကို ဦးတည္ေစတယ္" လို႔ UNHCR မွ Antonio Guterres ကဆိုပါတယ္။
Assistant High Commissioner for Protection မွ Erika Feller က "ဘရာဇီးကေလးေပါင္း ႏွစ္သိန္းေလာက္ကို သူတို႔ရဲ႕ မိဘေတြက ျပည္ပေရာက္ေနခိုက္ ေမြးဖြားၾကတာ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ျပည္ပမွာေမြးတဲ႔ ကေလးေတြဟာ မိဘေတြက ဘရာဇီးႏိုင္ငံသားျဖစ္ေပမယ္႔ ဥပေဒအရ ဒီကေလးေတြဟာ ၂၀၀၇ ခုႏွစ္အထိ ဘရာဇီးႏိုင္ငံသား ျဖစ္ခြင္႔မရၾကပါဘူး"။ ဒါေၾကာင္႔ သူမအေနနဲ႔ ႏိုင္ငံေတြကို ႏိုင္ငံသားျဖစ္ခြင္႔ဥပေဒနဲ႔ ပတ္သက္ၿပီး ေျပာင္းလဲရာမွာ တက္တက္ၾကြၾကြပါ၀င္လာေအာင္ တိုက္တြန္းဖို႔ခက္ခဲေၾကာင္းေျပာပါတယ္။
"ႏိုင္ငံသားဆိုတာ ႏိုင္ငံတစ္ႏိုင္ငံရဲ႕ အခ်ဳပ္အျခာအာဏာ ဗဟုိခ်က္ပါ ။ ဒါဟာ ႏိုင္ငံေတြအေနနဲ႔ အလြန္သတိထား ဂရုတစိုက္ကိုင္တြယ္ရမယ္႔အရာပါ။ ဘယ္သူဟာ သူတို႔ႏိုင္ငံသားျဖစ္တယ္။ ဘယ္သူေတြကို သူတို႔ရဲ႕ ပိုင္နက္မွာ ေနခြင္႔ေပးမယ္ဆိုတာကို ႏိုင္ငံေတြက ဆံုးျဖတ္ဖို႔ အခြင္႔အေရးရွိပါတယ္" လို႔ သူမက ဆိုပါတယ္။
ဘယ္ႏိုင္ငံသားရယ္ဆိုတာ မရွိရင္ သူတို႔ဟာ ပစၥည္းဥစၥာပိုင္ဆိုင္ခြင္႔၊ ဘဏ္အေကာင္႔ဖြင္႔လွစ္ခြင္႔၊ တရား၀င္လက္ထပ္ထိမ္းျမားခြင္႔၊ ေမြးစာရင္းသြင္းခြင္႔ အပါအ၀င္ ကိစၥရပ္ အေတာ္မ်ားမ်ားမွာ ျပသနာေပါင္း ေသာင္းေျခာက္ေထာင္ကို ရင္ဆိုင္ေနရပါတယ္။
သူတုိ႔ဟာ ပညာသင္ၾကားခြင္႔လည္း မရၾကပါဘူး။ တစ္ခ်ဳိ႕ဆိုရင္ ေနရာတစ္ခုခုမွာ အခ်ိန္အၾကာႀကီး အထိန္းသိမ္းခံထားရပါတယ္။ ဘာလို႔လဲဆိုေတာ႔ သူတို႔ဘယ္သူဘယ္၀ါျဖစ္တယ္။ ဘယ္ကလာတယ္ဆိုတာကို မျပႏိုင္လို႔ပါပဲ။ သူတို႔ဟာ တစ္ခါတစ္ေလမွာ အသက္ရွင္ရပ္တည္ႏိုင္မႈအတြက္ တရားမ၀င္နည္းလမ္းေတြကို အသံုးျပဳလာၾကရပါတယ္။
ကမၻာ႔ႏိုင္ငံေပါင္း ၆၆ ႏိုင္ငံသာ ၁၉၅၄ ခုႏွစ္ ႏိုင္ငံမဲ႔ေတြကို ကူညီေစာင္႔ေရွာက္ဖို႔ သေဘာတူညီခ်က္ကို လက္မွတ္ေရးထိုးထားၿပီး၊ ႏိုင္ငံေပါင္း ၃၈ ႏိုင္ငံကေတာ႔ ၁၉၆၁ ခုႏွစ္ သေဘာတူညီခ်က္မွာ အဖြဲ႔၀င္ထားပါတယ္။
"ႏွစ္ေပါင္း ၅၀ ၾကာၿပီးတာေတာင္ ဒီသေဘာတူညီခ်က္ေတြကို ႏိုင္ငံအနည္းကသာ စိတ္၀င္စားၾကပါတယ္။ လူသန္းေပါင္းမ်ားစြာဟာ သူတို႔ကိုယ္ပိုင္ ႏိုင္ငံမရွိဘဲ ကမၻာေပၚမွာ ေနထုိင္ၾကရတယ္။ အေျခခံလူအခြင္႔အေရး ျဖစ္တဲ႔ ႏိုင္ငံသားျဖစ္ခြင္႔ေတာင္ သူတို႔မွာမရွိၾကပါဘူး။ ဒါဟာ ရွက္စရာၾကီးပါ" လို႔ Mr Guterres က ထပ္မံေျပာၾကားပါတယ္။
ႏိုင္ငံမဲ႔ျဖစ္ရတဲ႔ အေၾကာင္းအရင္းေတြကေတာ႔ အမ်ားၾကီးပါ ။ ဆုိဗီယက္ယူနီယံနဲ႔ ယူဂိုဆလားဗီးယားလို ႏိုင္ငံၿပိဳကြဲလို႔ပဲျဖစ္ျဖစ္ ၊ အာဖရိကနဲ႔ အာရွရွိ တစ္ခ်ဳိ႕ေဒသေတြမွာလို ကိုလိုနီစနစ္ကေနလြတ္ေျမာက္ၿပီး ႏိုင္ငံအသစ္ ထူေထာင္လို႔ပဲျဖစ္ျဖစ္ ႏိုင္ငံသားျဖစ္ခြင္႔ဟာ ျပသနာတစ္ရပ္အေနနဲ႔ ေပၚေပါက္လာတတ္ပါတယ္။
ျမန္မာရွိ ရိုဟင္ဂ်ာ၊ ထိုင္းရွိ တခ်ဳိ႕ေသာ ေတာင္တန္းေဒသက လူမ်ိဳးစုေတြ ၊ ဥေရာပမွ ရိုးမား (Romani) နဲ႕ ပင္လယ္ေကြ႔ေဒသေတြရွိ Bidoon မ်ဳိးႏြယ္စုေတြဟာ အခုထိ မီွတင္းခိုလႈံရာမဲ႔ လူသားေတြအေနနဲ႔ သူတို႔ဘ၀ကို ျဖတ္သန္းေနရဆဲပါ။
သူတို႔ဟာ ခိုနားရာမဲ႔ဘ၀နဲ႔ ေသဆံုးၾကရမွာပါ။ ေသဆံုးေၾကာင္းလည္း ဘာမွတ္တမ္းမွတ္ရာမွ က်န္ခဲ႔မွာ မဟုတ္ပါဘူး။ ဘာလို႔လဲဆိုေတာ႔ သူတို႔ ဒီကမၻာၾကီးေပၚ ေမြးဖြားလာေၾကာင္း သူတို႔တည္ရွိေၾကာင္း ဘာအေထာက္အထားမွ မရွိၾကလို႔ပါ။
The United Nations has warned that about 12-million people across the world have no citizenship of any country and consequently suffer from a denial of basic human rights.
The problem is growing worse because children of stateless parents are themselves stateless.
The UN said the problem is most acute in South East Asia, Central Asia, Eastern Europe, the Middle East and Africa.
Without citizenship or permanent resident papers, stateless people are vulnerable to a large number of problems – for example, they’re often restricted from owning property, getting legally married or opening up a bank account. In worse cases, the stateless can be detained indefinitely since they cannot prove who they are or where they come from.
Prominent stateless people include the Rohingya people of Burma. An ethnic Muslim minority, thousands of Rohingya have fled brutality and oppression in Burma for neighboring Bangladesh. However, Bangladesh seeks to deport them back to Burma.
Perhaps the most famous stateless people in the world are the Roma of Eastern Europe. Typically called ‘Gypsies,’ the Roma are a diverse, nomadic group of people who originated in India and have lived in Europe for centuries.
"These people are in desperate need of help because they live in a nightmarish legal limbo," said Antonio Guterres of the UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR).
"Apart from the misery caused to the people themselves, the effect of marginalizing whole groups of people across generations creates great stress in the societies they live in and is sometimes a source of conflict."
As a result, the UN is calling on more countries to sign up to Conventions that guarantee some basic rights for the stateless.
At present, only 66 nations are signed up to the 1954 Convention which entitle stateless people to minimum standards of treatment; and only 38 states have agreed to the 1961 Convention which allows for provides a legal framework to help states minimize statelessness.
"After 50 years, these conventions have attracted only a small number of states,'' Guterres noted."It's shameful that millions of people are living without nationality - a fundamental human right."
New Delhi (Mizzima) – The chief of mission of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) of India said that all relevant factors and changes in conditions in a country of origin are important but they must be seen in an overall context when talking about sending refugees back home.
The Mae La refugee camp is located about 90 km from Mae Sot on the Thai-Burmese border. Refugees have been living in Thai camps since the mid-1990s. Photo: AFP
“The UNHCR follows very closely the political situations in all countries of origin of refugees, and we will continue to do so,” said Montserrat Feixas Vihe.
He told Mizzima that the UNHCR welcomed the Burmese president’s comments on Wednesday inviting Burmese living abroad to return home to help the country develop.
According to UNHCR reports, there are a total of 11,500 Burmese who are refugees or applying for refugee status in New Delhi.
“The UNHCR hopes that being a refugee is a temporary condition. Therefore, the UNHCR always welcomes positive development in countries of origin so that eventually refugees are able to go back home,” Vihe said.
He said the UNHCR considers voluntary repatriation as the best durable solution for refugees.
“If the situation in Burma evolves in such a way that makes return possible and the refugees are willing to return, the UNHCR will assist them to voluntarily repatriate as much as possible,” he said.
After President Thein Sein’s comments, Burmese refugees in camps along the Thai-Burmese border said they are worried that the Thai government will close the refugee camps, according to refugee sources.
Thein Sein said in a meeting with officials from economic and social organizations, “We will make a review to make sure that Burmese citizens living abroad can return home if they have not committed any crime, and if a Burmese citizen in a foreign country who committed a crime applies to return home, we will show our benevolent attitude in dealing with their case.”
One refugee said, “If the UNHCR repatriates us because of the government’s offer, we will live in border areas. It is impossible that we can go back.”
A Chin refugee in New Delhi told Mizzima. “If the UNHCR forcibly repatriates us, I will join up with an armed group in the border area. I cannot be arrested in Burma.”
Stevin Kap Tlutng, the chairman of the Chin Refugee Committee based in New Delhi, said, “I don’t want them [UNHCR of India] to repatriate us, but I can’t say that it won’t happen.”
Burmese refugees are also concerned that if the UNHCR trusts the Burmese government’s offer, it may stop accepting new refugees, and it could stop or delay sending Burmese refugees to resettlement countries.
“We’re worried that Thailand will close the refugee camps. All the refugees here are worried,” Myo Thant, a refugee in the Umpiem Mai refugee Camp in Thailand, told Mizzima.
There are nine Burmese refugee camps along the Thai-Burmese border: Baan Mai Nai Soi, Baan Mae Surin, Mae La Oon, Mae Ra Ma Luang, Mae La, Nu po, Umpiem, Baan Don Yang and Tham Hin; and one Shan refugee camp, Wieng Heng, in Chiang Mai District in northern Thailand.
In Mae La, the largest refugee camp, the Thailand- Burma Border Consortium provides relief to more than 50,000 refugees, and another 16,000 refugees at the Umpiem camp.
Burmese refugee organizations said that if the government really wants to make a positive change, it should first agree to a cease-fire with ethnic armed groups and release all political prisoners before inviting Burmese citizens abroad to return home.
Tha Kell, the vice chairman of the Mae La refugee camp, said, “The conditions in Burma have not improved. Inside Burma, revolutionists and other groups haven’t gotten what they want. Agreements have not been reached. The government’s problems with ethnic groups such as the Shan, Kachin and the KNU [Karen National Union] are not resolved.”
According to the UNHCR Web site, there are 62,015 internally displaced persons affected by the civil war in Burma, 415,670 Burmese refugees and 22,270 asylum seekers from Burma.
He told Mizzima that the UNHCR welcomed the Burmese president’s comments on Wednesday inviting Burmese living abroad to return home to help the country develop.
According to UNHCR reports, there are a total of 11,500 Burmese who are refugees or applying for refugee status in New Delhi.
“The UNHCR hopes that being a refugee is a temporary condition. Therefore, the UNHCR always welcomes positive development in countries of origin so that eventually refugees are able to go back home,” Vihe said.
He said the UNHCR considers voluntary repatriation as the best durable solution for refugees.
“If the situation in Burma evolves in such a way that makes return possible and the refugees are willing to return, the UNHCR will assist them to voluntarily repatriate as much as possible,” he said.
After President Thein Sein’s comments, Burmese refugees in camps along the Thai-Burmese border said they are worried that the Thai government will close the refugee camps, according to refugee sources.
Thein Sein said in a meeting with officials from economic and social organizations, “We will make a review to make sure that Burmese citizens living abroad can return home if they have not committed any crime, and if a Burmese citizen in a foreign country who committed a crime applies to return home, we will show our benevolent attitude in dealing with their case.”
One refugee said, “If the UNHCR repatriates us because of the government’s offer, we will live in border areas. It is impossible that we can go back.”
A Chin refugee in New Delhi told Mizzima. “If the UNHCR forcibly repatriates us, I will join up with an armed group in the border area. I cannot be arrested in Burma.”
Stevin Kap Tlutng, the chairman of the Chin Refugee Committee based in New Delhi, said, “I don’t want them [UNHCR of India] to repatriate us, but I can’t say that it won’t happen.”
Burmese refugees are also concerned that if the UNHCR trusts the Burmese government’s offer, it may stop accepting new refugees, and it could stop or delay sending Burmese refugees to resettlement countries.
“We’re worried that Thailand will close the refugee camps. All the refugees here are worried,” Myo Thant, a refugee in the Umpiem Mai refugee Camp in Thailand, told Mizzima.
There are nine Burmese refugee camps along the Thai-Burmese border: Baan Mai Nai Soi, Baan Mae Surin, Mae La Oon, Mae Ra Ma Luang, Mae La, Nu po, Umpiem, Baan Don Yang and Tham Hin; and one Shan refugee camp, Wieng Heng, in Chiang Mai District in northern Thailand.
In Mae La, the largest refugee camp, the Thailand- Burma Border Consortium provides relief to more than 50,000 refugees, and another 16,000 refugees at the Umpiem camp.
Burmese refugee organizations said that if the government really wants to make a positive change, it should first agree to a cease-fire with ethnic armed groups and release all political prisoners before inviting Burmese citizens abroad to return home.
Tha Kell, the vice chairman of the Mae La refugee camp, said, “The conditions in Burma have not improved. Inside Burma, revolutionists and other groups haven’t gotten what they want. Agreements have not been reached. The government’s problems with ethnic groups such as the Shan, Kachin and the KNU [Karen National Union] are not resolved.”
According to the UNHCR Web site, there are 62,015 internally displaced persons affected by the civil war in Burma, 415,670 Burmese refugees and 22,270 asylum seekers from Burma.
Credit : Mizzima
Dublin, Ireland: Rohingya Community Ireland held a demonstration in Dublin in front of both British and Australian Embassies on 24th August. The demonstration was jointly organized by Burma Action Ireland and Bangladesh community in Ireland with the primary reason of showing the concern over the 16th July attack on Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh.
The attacked occurred when a group of villagers from Fawliyapara attacked and robbed both registered and unregistered camps armed with knives, swords, wood and bamboo sticks, which led to at least death, injured more than twenty and destroyed many huts.
The demonstration successfully underwent with the presentation of a letter and a copy of the report written by the Irish Centre for Human Rights to each ambassador. Although Australian ambassador was away with duty, the other has given full attention on the concerns and issues raised by the community; and promised
The demonstrators urged to work together with UNHCR, International communities, Burmese and Bangladesh governments to bring and solve the issues; among them were to recognize unregistered Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh, to cease forceful repatriation of Rohingya refugees to Burma, to end crimes on Rohingya and other ethnic groups in Burma, and to protect and Demonstrators in front of Australian Embassy provide basic needs for the refugees in Bangladesh.
Rohingya, an ethnic Muslim minority in Western Burma, are one of the most prominent stateless people among 12 million across the world, and are subjected to various persecutions under the 1982 Burmese Citizenship Law, fleeing over 270,000 Rohingya people to neighbouring country Bangladesh where majority of them still remain unregistered with daily harsh lives. Source: Rohingya Community Irelandeomonstrators marching along the 20-minute walk towards that he would prioritize and Australian Embassy discuss the issues with the concerned personalities including the ambassador of Britain in Yangon.
The demonstrators urged to work together with UNHCR, International communities, Burmese and Bangladesh governments to bring and solve the issues; among them were to recognize unregistered Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh, to cease forceful repatriation of Rohingya refugees to Burma, to end crimes on Rohingya and other ethnic groups in Burma, and to protect and Demonstrators in front of Australian Embassy provide basic needs for the refugees in Bangladesh.
Rohingya, an ethnic Muslim minority in Western Burma, are one of the most prominent stateless people among 12 million across the world, and are subjected to various persecutions under the 1982 Burmese Citizenship Law, fleeing over 270,000 Rohingya people to neighbouring country Bangladesh where majority of them still remain unregistered with daily harsh lives. Credit :( Mohd Rafique) can be reached at +353 860391625
Source: Rohingya Community Ireland
By MAHN SAIMON
Kongchantuk was responding to a remark recently made by the governor of Thailand’s Tak province Samart Loifah. He had issued an order for refugee camps situated along the border in the region to make lists of their population to pre-empt a send back to Burma.
Kongchantuk however told DVB that we have yet to see tangible improvements;
“We sent a list of procedures for the concerned [Thai] government departments regarding the repatriation – that it should be voluntary and that their native country must be in a ready-state to accept them back,” Kongchantuk said.
“To decide whether the native country is ready or not should not be based on claims by the [Burmese government] alone but also needs to be inspected and approved by a UN organisation such as the United Nations’ High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR). So far, the UNHCR is yet to make any inspection about the real situation,” he added.
“This is not a case between just two countries but also concerns the international community. The Tak governor’s decision is irrelevantly premature and is causing a panic among the refugees.”
Samart Loifa made the orders after President Thein Sein’s remark on 17 August, that Burmese nationals living abroad in exile were allowed to go back to their home country.
He told the media that he was happy for Burmese refugees, who were forced to flee their homes, that they were allowed to go back to Burma and expressed a belief that this would bring peace to the Thai-Burma border region.
Saw Po Dan, chairman of Nupo refugee camp however said they had not received any order from Loifa as yet;
“There is no official order yet. [Loifa] came around our camp a couple of times in the past but he didn’t come in [the camp] – he just hung around outside and talked with camp officials. There was no clear order as yet,” said Saw Po Dan.
There are nearly 150,000 refugees living in nine refugee camps along the Thai-Burma border. Whilst commentators have welcomed what appears to be a relative softening of rhetoric from Naypyidaw, others have responded to invitations back and supposed offers of dialogue with some scepticism.
Far from a decrease in violence in the ethnic areas of Burma the past year has seen an escalation in fighting as the Burmese military has pursued greater incursions into Shan, Karen and Kachin areas.
The last of which has seen around 10,000 people internally displaced and the World Food Program commence delivering food aid to over 3,000 vulnerable people near Kachin state’s capital, Myitkina last week.
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Foreign Secretary of Bangladesh Mijarul Quayes will be paying a visit to Myanmar to meet his counterpart on August 24 for two days to discuss bilateral and regional issues. The last meeting at the foreign secretary level took place in Dhaka on December 28, 2009. The trip is welcomed.
It is reported that the issues to be discussed, among others, may include:
* Multi-modal transport connectivity;
* Border security to prevent criminal activities and illegal immigration;
* Facilitation of trade;
* Repatriation of remaining Rohingya refugees;
* Cooperation in other areas including energy and agriculture.
Myanmar is the only other neighbour of Bangladesh besides India. Bangladesh shares 271 km of border with Myanmar -- both land and water. The two countries share the boundary Naaf River. Bangladesh is adjacent to two states of Myanmar -- Rakhaine and Chin.
Myanmar recognised Bangladesh on January 13, 1972 (the 7th country to do so) and Bangladesh remembers this friendly gesture.
Soon after independence, Bangladesh attached importance to its relations with Myanmar and in May 1972, the Bangladesh foreign minister visited Myanmar, and sent our seniormost diplomat.
Myanmar is so close but at the same time it is too far because of lack of interconnectivity. One has to travel by air from Bangladesh to Myanmar through a third country. This is unacceptable and needs to be sorted out as soon as possible for mutual benefit.
Bilateral relations are friendly but interactions between the two neighbours leave much to be desired. There are about 10 Agreements between the two countries, including those on areas of land boundary management, trade, transport, and prevention of narcotics smuggling. However, there is no direct road connectivity, no air link and no shipping connection between the two countries.
With the availability of weatherproof road, people-to-people contact is bound to increase and, consequently, commercial and trade opportunities will receive further boost between the two neighbouring countries. The road could also be used for establishing links with China and Thailand. Meanwhile, China has agreed in principle to Bangladesh's proposal of road connectivity through Myanmar to China's Yunnan province.
Since the present government came to power, there has been an attempt to inject momentum and dynamism into bilateral relations. On May 16, 2009, Bangladesh Foreign Minister Dr. Dipu Moni visited Myanmar and held official talks with her counterpart U Nyan Winz.
They reportedly discussed a host of issues, including repatriation of the remaining Myanmar refugees, relaxation of visa requirements for citizens of either country, facilitation of banking services, increased border trade, export of surplus power to Bangladesh, road link between the two countries up to China, direct air link, and sharing bandwidth with fiber-optic cable.
In January 2011, the Bangladesh foreign minister attended the 13th ministerial level meeting of BIMSTEC in Myanmar, and on the sidelines she discussed bilateral issues with her counterpart. She held discussions with a private company in Myanmar to purchase hydropower from adjoining Rakhaine state (Arakan).
The amount of bilateral trade is meager. It is reported that in 2008-09 Bangladesh's exports stood at $9.17 million and imports from Myanmar at $66.65 million. To increase trade, the joint trade commission of Bangladesh and Myanmar held its fifth meeting on July 21-22. It was agreed that the two countries would raise bilateral trade to $550 million from $160 million now.
Both countries agreed to increase the ceiling for transaction value to $50,000 per consignment from $30,000. Officials also discussed the potential for setting up wholesale border markets at Bangladesh's Teknaf and Myanmar's Maungdaw, a border town.
They also discussed how to complete border transactions through the Asian Clearing Union payment system as Bangladeshi importers now settle their payments for bulk shipments through bank drafts issued by foreign banks to a third country.
One of the bilateral issues that often cause tension is related to the issue of Rohingya refugees. It first cropped up in 1978. Within a year, it was resolved amicably. The result was all the refugees were repatriated to Myanmar with the assistance of the UNHCR. However, the flow of refugees came to Bangladesh in 1991 and 1997. About 21,000 refugees remain in Bangladesh and negotiations on the issue continue.
The migration of Rohingya people to Bangladesh is a complex matter. It should not be seen merely as a refugee problem with humanitarian dimension partly because Rohingya Liberation Front has been reportedly fighting for decades for a separate land in Rakhaine state.
Given the background, both countries need to identify the root cause of the issue and jointly develop effective border management to prevent the flow of Rohingyas to Bangladesh.
The political environment in Myanmar is different from that of the past. Myanmar had elections in November and a civilian government (dominated by former military officials), has been in power since March 30.
The opposition leader Suu Kyi has met twice in recent weeks with representatives of the government, who have delivered conciliatory overtures toward her. On August14, she made her first political trip to the countryside. On August 19, the government invited Suu Kyi for the first time to participate in an economic development workshop, and she met for the first time with President Thein Sein.
Given the political atmosphere, Bangladesh may now seize the opportunity to expand its relations, both in depth and in dimension, with the government of Myanmar, including the desirability of a visit of Bangladesh prime minister to Myanmar.
The geographical proximity makes both countries natural partners, and they should see cooperative efforts and interconnectivity as catalysts for economic growth and prosperity for the people of Bangladesh and Myanmar.
The writer is a former Bangladesh Ambassador to the UN, Geneva.
ဘဂၤလာေဒခ်္႕ လက္ကိုင္မိုဘိုင္းဖံုးမ်ားကိုင္ေဆာင္သည္ဟု စြပ္စြဲျပီး ဖမ္းဆီးခံထားရေသာာ မြတ္ဆလင္ (၃) ဦးထံမွ တစ္ဦးလွ်င္ က်ပ္ (၂) သိန္းက်စီ နစက တာ၀န္ရွိသူမ်ားက ေတာင္းခံထားသည္ဟု သတင္း ရရွိသည္။
" သူတို႕ မိသားစုေတြက ဆင္းရဲတယ္။ မေပးႏိုင္ဘူး။ ခုလို မေပးႏိုင္တဲ့ အတြက္ ဒီကေန႕ပါဆိုရင္ သူတို႕ကို ဖမ္းဆီးျပီး အခ်ဳပ္ထဲကို ထည့္ထားတာ သံုးရက္ရိွျပီ" ဟု ေတာင္ျပိဳမွ သူတို႕၏ ေဆြမ်ိဳး တစ္ဦးက နိရဥၥရာသို႕ ေျပာသည္။
ဖမ္းဆီးခံထားရသူမ်ားမွာ ကိုေမာ္ဟီအူလာ (ဘ) ဦးမူဇာမ်ာ (၁၈ ႏွစ္)၊ ကိုေခၚလီမူလာ (ဘ) ဦးလာလူး (၃၀ ႏွစ္)ႏွင့္ ဦးႏုရ္ေဘာေခ်ာ (၆၀ ႏွစ္) တို႕ျဖစ္ၾကသည္။ သူတို႕ (၃)ဦးမွာ ေမာင္ေတာေျမာက္ပိုင္း ေတာင္ျပိဳျမိဳ႕နယ္ခြဲ ရပ္ကြက္ (၂) ျဖစ္ၾကသည္ဟု သိရသည္။
" သူတို႕ကို ဒီလ ၂၁ ရက္ တနဂၤေႏြေန႕ ညေနဖက္မွာ နစက တပ္သား ျမတ္ျမင့္ထြန္းနဲ႕ အဖြဲ႕က လာျပီး ဖမ္းသြားပါတယ္။ သူတို႕မွာ ဘဂၤလာက မိုဘိုင္းဖံုးရွိတယ္။ စစ္ေဆးစရာ ရွိတယ္ဆိုျပီး ေခၚသြားပါတယ္။ အခု သူတို႕ကို က်ပ္ (၂) သိန္းနဲ႕ လာေရႊးပါဆိုုျပီး အေၾကာင္းၾကားပါတယ္" ဟု ေျပာသည္။
အမွတ္ (၃) နစက ေတာင္ျပိဳ၀ဲ ဌာနခ်ဳပ္ စခန္းတြင္ အဆိုပါ မြတ္ဆလင္ (၃) ဦးအား ယခုအခါ ခ်ဳပ္ေႏွာင္ထားသည္ဟု သိရသည္။
" နစက နယ္ေျမ (၃) မွဴးက ဗိုလ္ၾကီး မိုးသြင္ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ျမတ္ျမင့္ထြန္းက နစကမွဴးရဲ႕ တပည့္အရင္းပါ။ အခု ျမတ္ျမင့္ထြန္းက ေတာင္ျပိဳမွာ သိပ္ဆိုးေနပါတယ္။ သူက သူ႕ဆရာ မိုးသြင္ကို လက္ကိုင္ရေတာ့ ကၽြန္ေတာ္ မြတ္ဆလင္ေတြကို အေၾကာင္းအမ်ိဳဳးမ်ိဳး စြပ္စြဲျပီး ဖမ္းဆီး ေငြေတာင္းေနပါတယ္။ ဖံုးမရွိတဲ့သူေတြကိုလည္း ဖံုးရွိတယ္ဆိုျပီး ဖမ္းဆီး ေငြေတာင္းေနပါတယ္" ဟု သူက ဆက္ေျပာသည္။
ေမာင္ေတာျမိဳ႕နယ္တြင္ ဆက္သြယ္ေရး အတြက္ ေဒသခံမ်ားက ေစ်းေပါေပါျဖင့္ ရရွိေသာ ဘဂၤလာေဒခ်္႕မွ ဖံုးမ်ားကို တရားမ၀င္ ကိုင္တြယ္ အသံုးျပဳေနၾကသည္။ ထိုသို႕ ကိုင္တြယ္ အသံုးျပဳသူမ်ားကို နစက တပ္ဖြဲ႕၀င္မ်ားက ဖမ္းဆီးျပီး ဒဏ္ေငြရိုက္ေလ့ရွိသည္။
ဒဏ္ေငြမွာ တသိန္းမွ သံုးသိန္းထိ ေပးရျပီး ရရွိလာေသာ ဒဏ္ေငြမ်ားကို ေဒသခံ နစက အရာရွိမ်ားအၾကား ခြဲေ၀ ယူၾကသည္ဟု သိရသည္။ နစကမွ ျမတ္ျမင့္ထြန္းမွာ ထိုအခြင့္အေရးကို ယူျပီး ေဒသတြင္ ေသာင္းက်န္းေနကာ ဖံုးမရွိသူမ်ားကိုလည္း ဖံုးရွိသည္ဟု စြပ္စြဲျပီး ဖမ္းဆီးကာ ေငြညစ္ေနေၾကာင္း ေဒသခံမ်ားက ေျပာသည္။ သို႕အတြက္ တခ်ိဳ႕ ေဒသခံ မြတ္ဆလင္မ်ားမွာ ေတာင္ျပိဳဘက္မွေနျပီး ဘဂၤလာေဒခ်္႕သို႕ ခိုး၀င္ျပီး တိမ္းေရွာင္ ေနၾကရသည္ဟု သူက ေျပာသည္။
အလားတူ ဇူလိုင္လ ၁၀ ရက္ေန႕ကလည္း ကြမ္းသီးပင္ အုပ္စု နံ႕သာေတာင္ ေက်းရြာမွ ေမာ္လဗီ ဆရာ အာဘူအာေလာင္ကို နစက နယ္ေျမ (၃) မွဴး ဗိုလ္ၾကီး မိုးသြင္က ေဆာ္ဒီအာေရဗီးယားမွ ဗလီ ေဆာက္ရန္ ေငြအလွဴခံသည္ဟု ဆိုကာ ဖမ္းဆီးခဲ့ျပီး ေငြ (၅) သိန္း ေတာင္းခံခဲ့ေၾကာင္း သိရသည္။
ေနာက္ဆံုးတြင္ ေငြ (၂) သိန္းေပးျဖင့္ ျပန္လည္ လႊတ္ေပးခဲ့ေသာ္လည္း အခ်ဳပ္ထဲတြင္ (၂) ညအိပ္ ထားျပီးမွ ျပန္လြတ္ေပးခဲ့ေၾကာင္း သိရသည္။
ေမာင္ေတာျမိဳ႕နယ္တြင္ တာ၀န္က်ေနေသာ နစက နယ္ေျမမွဴးမ်ားမွာ ထိုသို႕ မြတ္ဆလင္မ်ားမွ နည္းမ်ိဳးစံုျဖင့္ ေငြညစ္ ရရွိေနသျဖင့္ ခ်မ္းသာ ၾကီးပြားေနၾကျပီး သံုးႏွစ္တာ၀န္ ထမ္းေဆာင္ျပီးပါက တသက္ လုပ္စားစရာ မလိုေအာင္ထိ အရင္းအႏွီးမ်ား ရရွိသြားၾကသည္ဟု ေဒသခံမ်ားက ေျပာသည္။
Credit :Narinjara
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YANGON (AFP) - Myanmar's democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi said Wednesday she believes the country's army-backed president wants "real positive change" amid warmer relations between the regime and its most famous critic.
Suu Kyi met President Thein Sein on Friday in her highest-level discussions since she was freed from seven years of house arrest soon after a November election that was marred by claims of cheating and the absence of her party.
"From my point of view, I think the president wants to achieve real positive change," she told reporters on Wednesday.
Suu Kyi was warned to keep out of politics in June, but has since engaged in increasing dialogue with the government, which is nominally civilian but remains dominated by former generals.
The Nobel laureate was speaking after a meeting with Tomas Ojea Quintana, the UN special rapporteur on human rights in Myanmar, and said the pair had covered a variety of subjects including the fate of political prisoners.
It was the first meeting between the envoy and the democracy champion, who was locked up during his last visit in February 2010.
"I am really satisfied. I am encouraged to have seen him as he is an expert in this issue," she said of Quintana.
Myanmar allowed the UN envoy into the country for the first time in more than a year amid signs that the government wants to improve its international image.
Quintana described his discussions with Suu Kyi as "very important, fruitful and productive", in brief comments after the meeting.
The UN envoy, who has been an outspoken critic of Myanmar's rulers in the past, is due to hold a press conference on Thursday at the end of a five-day visit that has included a trip to the new parliament in Naypyidaw and talks with senior regime figures.
Earlier on Wednesday, Quintana visited Yangon's notorious Insein prison, which is believed to hold some of Myanmar's around 2,000 political prisoners.
After his trip to the country last year, the envoy angered Myanmar's ruling generals by suggesting that human rights violations in the country may amount to crimes against humanity and could warrant a UN inquiry.
He has since been refused visas to visit several times.
The international community has called for a number of reforms in Myanmar including the release of political prisoners, improved human rights and dialogue with the opposition
သံတြဲျမိဳ႕မွ မြတ္ဆလင္ အမ်ိဳးသမီးငယ္ ႏွစ္ဦးက ဥပေဒ ခ်ိဳးေဖါက္မူေၾကာင္း လ၀က အရာရွိ တစ္ဦးအေပၚ တိုင္ၾကားေသာ အမူကို သံတြဲ ရဲစခန္းက လက္မခံဘဲ ျငင္းဆိုလိုက္ေၾကာင္း သတင္း ရရွိသည္။
အမည္မေဖၚလိုသူ သံတြဲျမိဳ႕ခံ မြတ္ဆလင္ အမ်ိဳးသား တစ္ဦးက သံတြဲရဲ စခန္းမွ အမူကို လက္မခံဘဲ ျငင္းပယ္ လိုက္ေၾကာင္းကို ယခုလို ေျပာသည္။
" ဒီလ ၁၇ ရက္ေန႕က အဲဒီ အမ်ိဳးသမီးငယ္ ႏွစ္ဦးဟာ သံတြဲကေန ရန္ကုန္ကို ျမန္မာ ေလေၾကာင္းနဲ႕ သြားဖို႕ ေလဆိပ္ ဆင္းပါတယ္။ ေလဆိပ္ကို ေရာက္အျပီး အကုန္လံုး စီစစ္ျပီး Boarding Pass ေတြ ျဖတ္္ျပီး ေလယာဥ္ေပၚကို တက္မယ့္ အခ်ိန္မွာ လ၀က အရာရွိ တစ္္ဦး ေရာက္လာျပီး မွတ္ပံုတင္မွာ ဘဂၤလီ နာမည္ ပါတယ္ ဆိုျပီး သြားလို႕ မရဘူးလို႕တားတာေၾကာင္း ခရီးစဥ္ကို ဖ်က္သိမ္း လိုက္ရ တယ္။ ဒါဟာ ႏိုင္ငံသား တစ္ဦးရဲ႕ ရသင့္ရထိုက္တဲ့ အခြင့္အေရးကို တားျမစ္တာ ျဖစ္တဲ့ အတြက္ ရဲစခန္းကို သြားေရာက္ျပီး လ၀က အရာရွိကို အေရးယူေပးဖို႕ အမူဖြင့္ တိုင္ၾကား ပါတယ္။ ဒါေပမယ့္ ဒီအမူကို ရဲက လက္မခံႏိုင္ဘူးလို႕ ေျပာပါတယ္။"
ရဲက အမူကို လက္မခံျခင္းမွာ မည္သည့္ အတြက္ေၾကာင္း ျဖစ္သည္ကို သူက ယခုလို ဆက္ေျပာ သည္။
" အဲသလို အမူဖြင့္ေပးဖို႕ ေတာင္းဆိုတဲ့ အခါ ရဲက ဘယ္လို ပုဒ္မနဲ႕ အမူဖြင့္ရမယ္ဆိုတာ မသိဘူးလို႕ ေျပာပါတယ္။ အဲဒါဆိုရင္ မတရားတားဆီး ပိတ္ပင္မူ ၃၃၉ (၃၄၁) နဲ႕ အမူဖြင့္ပါလို႕ အဲဒီ ေကာင္မေလး ႏွစ္ဦးက ေျပာပါတယ္။ အဲသလို ေျပာတ့ဲ အခါ ရဲအရာရွိက ဘာျပန္ေျပာသလဲဆိုရင္ ၀န္ထမ္းအခ်င္းခ်င္းမို႕ တရားစြဲတာ လက္မခံႏိုင္္ဘူး။ ခင္ဗ်ားတို႕ ျပႆနာ ကၽြန္ေတာ္တို႕ ဌာနနဲ႕ မဆိုင္ဘူး။ လ၀ကနဲ႕ သြားညွိပါဆိုျပီး ေျပာလႊတ္လိုက္ပါတယ္" ဟု သူက ေျပာသည္။
အဆိုပါ အမ်ိဳးသမီးႏွစ္ဦး ကိုင္ေဆာင္ထားေသာ ကဒ္မွာ ႏိုင္ငံသား စီစစ္ေရး ကဒ္ အစစ္အမွန္ ျဖစ္ေသာ္လည္း လူမ်ိဳးေနရာတြင္ ဘဂၤလီ ဟုေရးသားထားသျဖင့္ ဘဂၤလီပါေန၍ ခရီးသြားလာခြင့္ကို လ၀က အရာရွိမွ တားျမစ္ခဲ့ျခင္း ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း သိရသည္။
ရခိုင္ျပည္နယ္တြင္ ေနထိုင္ေသာ အစၥလာမ္သာသာ၀င္မ်ားထဲမွ ကမန္ အစၥလာမ္မ်ားကို ခရီးသြားလာခြင့္ ျပဳေသာ္လည္း အစိုးရက ဘဂၤလီ အစၥလာမ္ လူမ်ိဳးမ်ား အျဖစ္ သတ္မွတ္ထားသူ အစၥလာမ္မ်ား ခရီးသြားလာျခင္းကို တင္းတင္းက်ပ္က်ပ္ ပိတ္ပင္ထားျပီး ၾသဂတ္စ္လ ၁ ရက္ေန႕ကလည္း သံတြဲျမိဳ႕နယ္ အေထြေထြ အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ေရးမွဴးမွ ဘဂၤလီ လူမ်ိဳးမ်ား ခရီးသြားလာျခင္းႏွင့္ ပတ္သက္ျပီး စာတစ္ေစာင္ ထုတ္ျပန္ခဲ့သည္။
အဆိုပါ ထုတ္ျပန္ခဲ့ေသာ စာအား ေက်းရြာ အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ေရးမွဴးမ်ား အားလံုးသုိ႕ ေပးပို႕ခဲ့ျပီး မိတၱဴကို ခရိုင္ လ၀က၊ ျမိဳ႕နယ္ လ၀က အပါအ၀င္ ျပည္နယ္ အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ေရးမွဴ၊ ခရိုင္ အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ေရးမွဴးမ်ားကိုလည္း ေပးပိုခဲ့သည္ဟု သိရသည္။
စာပါ အေၾကာင္းအရာႏွင့္ ပတ္သက္ျပီး သံတြဲမွ ေဒသခံ တစ္ဦးက ယခုလို ေျပာသည္။
" စာက ၾသဂတ္ ၁ ရက္ေန႕ ထုတ္ပါတယ္။ ေဒသႏၱရ အမိန္႕အမွတ္ (၁) မ်ဥ္းေစာင္း ၂၀၁၁ ဆိုျပီး စာထဲမွာ ပါလာပါတယ္။ စာထဲမွာ အဓိက ပါလာတဲ့ အေၾကာင္းအရာက သံတြဲျမိဳ႕နယ္ အတြင္း မွီတင္းေနထိုင္ေသာ ဘဂၤလီ မ်ားသည္ တိုင္းေက်ာ္ ျပည္နယ္ ခရီးသြားလိုပါက ပံုစံ(၄) နဲ႕သာ သြားလာရမယ္။ အကယ္၍ ပံုစံ (၄) မယူဘဲ သြားလာပါက ဥပေဒအရ အေရးယူခံရမယ္လို႕ ပါရွိပါတယ္။"
ယခုကဲ့သို႕ စာထုတ္ျပီးေနာက္ သံတြဲတြင္ ေနထိုင္ေသာ ဘဂၤလီ အမည္ျဖင့္ ႏိုင္ငံသား ကဒ္ကိုင္ေဆာင္ ထားသူမ်ားမွာ ရခိုင္ျပည္နယ္ကို ေက်ာ္ျပီး တျခား ျပည္နယ္ႏွင့္ တိုင္းမ်ားသို႕ သြားလာရန္ ပိုမို၍ အခက္အခဲေတြ႕ေနၾကရသည္ဟု သိရသည္။
Credit : Narinjara
ေနျပည္ေတာ္တြင္ ၾသဂုတ္လ (၁၈) ရက္ေန႔က သမတ ဦးသိန္းစိန္က တက္ေရာက္လာသူမ်ားကို အံ့အားသင့္ဖြယ္ရာ မိန္းခြန္႔ေခြ်စကားေျပာဆိုခဲ့သည့္အေပၚ လူအမ်ား စိတ္၀င္စားစြာ ထိုကိစၥကို ေ၀ဘန္ ေျပာၾကားေနခဲ့ၾကသည္။ ျမန္မာလူမ်ဳိးမ်ားသည္ အေကာင္းျမင္တတ္ၾကသူမ်ား၊ အျပဳသေဘာေဆာင္ မႈကို လိုလားၾကသူမ်ားျဖစ္သည္။ အမ်ားစုသည္ ဗုဒၶဘာသာ၀င္မ်ား ျဖစ္ၾကၿပီး ဘာသာေရးအရ ခြင့္လႊတ္မႈ၊ သေဘာထားႀကီးမႈကို လက္ကိုင္ထားၾကသူမ်ားျဖစ္သည္။ ဦးသိန္းစိန္ မိန္႔ခြန္းတြင္ အေရးပါေသာ အခ်က္ (၃) ခ်က္ပါ၀င္သည္။
(၁) သူက ျပည္တြင္းရွိ အျမင္မတူ သေဘာကြဲျပား ျခားနားသူမ်ားႏွင့္ အေတြးအေခၚ ယုံၾကည္ခ်က္ မတူၾကသူမ်ားကို သေဘာထားႀကီးႀကီးထား၍ လက္တြဲၿပီး တိုင္းျပည္ကို ထူေထာင္ၾကဘုိ႔နဲ႔ “ကြ်န္ေတာ္တုိ႔ဟာ ဒီမိုကေရစီစံနစ္နဲ႔ ႏိုင္ငံသစ္ကုိ ထူေထာင္ရာမွာ အခက္အခဲေတြ ရင္ဆိုင္ရမွာ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ အျမင္မတူတဲ့ လူေတြနဲ႔ လက္တြဲေဆာင္႐ြက္ဖို႔ ဖိတ္ေခၚပါတယ္” လို႔ ေျပာၾကားျခင္း။
(၂) ျပည္ပကို ေရာက္ေနၾကတဲ့ တုိင္းရင္းသားေတြအားလုံးကိုလည္း ျပန္လာခ်င္တဲ့သူရွိရင္ ျပန္လာႏိုင္ေအာင္ ျပဳလုပ္ေပးဘုိ႔ စဥ္းစားေနေၾကာင္းနဲ႔ ရာဇတ္မႈ က်ဴးလြန္ခဲ့သူမ်ား အေနနဲ႔ ျပစ္မႈႀကီးရင္ ျပစ္ဒဏ္ကို က်ခံရမွာ ျဖစ္ေသာ္လည္း အျပစ္ခံဖို႔ ျပန္လာခဲ့ရင္ အထူးသက္ညွာစြာ စဥ္းစားေပးမွာ ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း ေျပာၾကားခဲ့ျခင္း။
(၃) သူ႔အေနနဲ႔ ျမန္မာျပည္ဟာ တခ်ိန္က ကိုယ္ထက္နိမ့္က်တဲ့ ႏုိင္ငံေတြ ကိုယ္နဲ႔ တန္းတူရွိတဲ့ ႏုိင္ငံေတြထက္ ယေန႔အခ်ိန္မွာ မ်ားစြာနိမ့္က်ေနတဲ့ အေျခအေနေရာက္ေနၿပီဆိုတာကို ၀န္ခံသြားခဲ့ပါသည္။ ဒီလိုနိမ့္က်မႈကို ျမွင့္တင္ႏိုင္ေအာင္ အားလံုးက ၀ိုင္း၀န္း ပူးေပါင္းႀကိဳးစားဘုိ႔ လိုေၾကာင္း ဆိုခဲ့ျခင္း။
ထိုသုံးခ်က္သည္ ျပည္သူလူထုကို ဆြဲေဆာင္ႏိုင္ရန္အတြက္ ၎ ကမၻာ့ႏိုင္ငံမ်ားက လက္ခံလာေစရန္အတြက္ ၎ေျပာဆိုခဲ့ေသာ္လည္း တကယ့္ရင္ထဲမွ ထြက္လာေသာ စကားမ်ား ဟုတ္မဟုတ္ဆိုသည္ကို ေစာင့္ၾကည့္ဘုိ႔ လိုေပသည္။
ပထမ ေျပာဆိုခ်က္နဲ႔ ပတ္သက္ၿပီး သုံးသပ္ရလွ်င္ အစိုးရသစ္သည္ ျပည္တြင္းအတိုက္အခံမ်ား တည္ရွိေနမႈကို လက္ခံျခင္း၊ အျမင္မတူ ကြဲျပားျခားနားသည့္အတြက္ မတရားေထာင္သြင္း အက်ဥ္းခ်ထားေသာ ႏိုင္ငံေရး အက်ဥ္းသားမ်ားကို သေဘာထားႀကီးစြာ လႊတ္ေပးဘုိ႔လိုသည္။ အျမင္မတူ ကြဲျပားျခားနားသူမ်ားႏွင့္ လက္တြဲ လုပ္ခ်င္လွ်င္ မိမိကိုယ္တိုင္က သေဘာထားႀကီးေၾကာင္း ပထမ ျပႏုိင္ဘို႔လိုသည္။ စကားေနာက္တြင္ လက္တြ႕ အလုပ္ရွိဘို႔ လိုသည္။ အစိုးရအဖြဲ႕ က်မ္းသစၥာ က်ိန္ဆိုကတည္းက လႊတ္ေပးသင့္ေသာ္လည္း ယၡဳ ၅ လေက်ာ္ ၾကာသည္အထိ ႏိုင္ငံတကာႏွင့္ ကုလသမဂၢ အပါအဝင္ အတိုက္အခံ ပါတီမ်ားက ေတာင္းဆိုေနေသာ္လည္း လႊတ္မေပးဘဲ ထား႐ွိျခင္းသည္ သေဘာထား မႀကီးရာ၊ ေ႐ွ႕စကား ေနာက္စကား မညီရာက်သည္။
ဒုတိယအခ်က္မွာ အစုိးရသစ္ဖြဲ႕ၿပီးမွ လြတ္လပ္စြာ ေျပာဆိုခြင့္ကို ပိတ္ပင္သည့္ တင္းၾကပ္သည့္ ဥပေဒထြက္လာခဲ့သည္။ အင္တာနက္ အသုံးျပဳသူမ်ားကို Skype, Gtalk, VZO ႏွင့္ အင္တာနက္ စကားေျပာ ပ႐ိုဂရမ္မ်ားကို အသုံးအျပဳရဟု အမိန္႔ထုတ္ျခင္း၊ လြတ္လပ္စြာ ထုတ္ေ၀ခြင့္ကို ပိုမိုတင္းၾကပ္စြာ ျပဳလုပ္လာျခင္း၊ ျပည္သူ ၅၅ သန္းေက်ာ္အတြက္ အစိုးရပိုင္သတင္းစာ ၄ ေစာင္သာ ထား႐ွိၿပီး လြတ္လပ္ေသာ ပုဂၢလိက သတင္းစာမ်ား ထုတ္ေ၀ခြင့္ ယခုထက္တိုင္ မရွိျခင္း။ လူထု လူတန္းစား ကိုယ္စားျပဳအဖြဲ႕အစည္းမ်ား ယေန႔ထက္တုိင္ဖြဲ႕စည္းခြင့္မ႐ွိျခင္းတို႔သည္ဦးသိန္းစိန္ကျပည္သူလူထုအားလက္ေတ႔ြ လုပ္ကိုင္ျပသရမည့္
အလုပ္ၿဖစ္သည္။ဒီမိုကေရစီစံႏွစ္တြင္ ရွိသင့္ရွိအပ္သည္ကို လက္ေတြ႕လုပ္ရပ္မ်ားျဖစ္သည္။
ျပည္ပေရာက္ ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံသားမ်ားႏွင့္ ပတ္သက္၍ ေျပာၾကားရာတြင္ ျပစ္မႈႀကီးမ်ား က်ဴးလြန္ထားသူမ်ား အေနအႏွင့္ အျပစ္ဒါဏ္ခံရမည္ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း အျပစ္မႈ က်ဴးလြန္ျခင္း မရွိသူမ်ား အေနႏွင့္ ျပန္လာႏိုင္ရန္ စဥ္းစားေနေၾကာင္း ျပစ္မႈ က်ဴးလြန္သူမ်ားအေနႏွင့္ ျပစ္မႈကို က်ခံရန္ ျပန္လာလွ်င္ အထူးသက္ညွာစြာ စဥ္းစားေပးမည္ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း ေျပာၾကားခ်က္သည္ “ဘက္လိုက္မႈ ရွိသည္ဟုဟုျမင္သည္”။
ျပစ္မႈ က်ဴးလြန္သည္ဟု မည္ကဲ့သို႔ အခ်က္အလက္ အေထာက္အထားမ်ားျဖင့္ အဓိပၸါယ္ဖြင့္မည္နည္း။ တဖက္တြင္လည္း ၂၀၀၈ အေျခခံဥပေဒတြင္ ၁၉၈၈ ခုႏွစ္ပိုင္းမွစ၍ အစုိးရအဖြဲ႕၀င္မ်ား၊ ႏုိင္ငံ့၀န္ထမ္းမ်ား၏ လုပ္ေဆာင္မႈမ်ားကို လြတ္ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းသာခြင့္ ေပးထားခဲ့သည္။ ထိုစဥ္ ဦးသိန္းစိန္သည္ အစိုးရအဖြဲ႕၀င္ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္တေယာက္ျဖစ္သည္။ စစ္အစိုးရ လူမ်ားကို လြတ္ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းသာခြင့္ကို ၂၀၀၈ အေျခခံဥပေဒတြင္ ထည့္သြင္းၿပီး အကာအကြယ္ ေပးထားေသာ္လည္း ၁၉၈၈ ခုႏွစ္ ေနာက္ပိုင္း ျပည္ပသုိ႔ ထြက္ခြာလာ ၾကသူမ်ားကိုမူ ခြ်င္းခ်က္မ်ားျဖင့္ ခြဲျခားသတ္မွတ္ထားျခင္းမွာ တရားမွ်တမႈ မရွိဘဲ တဖက္သတ္ ဘက္လိုက္ထားမႈ ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း ေတြ႕ရွိရသည္။
ထို႔ျပင္ ၁၉၈၈ ခုႏွစ္တြင္ ရန္ကုန္ၿမိဳ႕၌ လူ ၃၀၀၀ ေက်ာ္ကို သတ္ျဖတ္ခဲ့မႈ (ေက်ာင္းသားလူငယ္မ်ား အပါအ၀င္)။ ဒီပဲယင္း လုပ္ႀကံသတ္ျဖတ္မႈတြင္ လူေပါင္း တရာေက်ာ္ သတ္ျဖတ္သည့္ တရားခံကို တေယာက္မွ အေရးယူမခံရျခင္း၊ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းစြာ ဆႏၵျပခဲ့ၾကေသာ ရဟန္းသံဃာ ေတာ္မ်ားကို ရက္စက္စြာ သတ္ျဖတ္ေထာင္ခ်ခဲ့ျခင္းႏွင့္ ရာေပါင္းမ်ားစြာကို ေထာင္သြင္းခ်ထားျခင္းတို႔ကို ျပဳလုပ္ခဲ့သူမ်ားကို ၂၀၀၈ အေျခခံဥပေဒျဖင့္ တဖက္သတ္ အကာအကြယ္ေပးထားၿပီး မိမိယုံၾကည္ခ်က္ျဖင့္ ျပည္ပသုိ႔ ထြက္ခြါခဲ့ၾကၿပီး တုိက္ ပြဲဝင္ေနသူမ်ားကိုမူ ရာဇ၀တ္က်ဴးလြန္ခဲ့ပါက အေရးယူမယ္၊ သတ္ညွာစြာ စဥ္းစားေပးမည္ ဆိုသည္က မွ်တမႈ မရွိေခ်။ ဦးသိန္းစိန္အေနႏွင့္ ဤအခ်က္ကို အေလးအနက္ထားၿပီး မွ်တစြာ ဘက္လိုက္မႈမရွိဘဲ စဥ္းစားဘို႔လိုသည္။
တတိယအခ်က္အေနႏွင့္ တိုင္းျပည္က ကမၻာ့အလယ္တြင္ ခ်မ္းသာႂကြ၀ေသာ ႏုိင္ငံမွ ကမၻာ့ အဆင္းရဲဆုံး ႏိုင္ငံဘ၀သို႔ က်ေရာက္သြားခဲ့ရသည္ကို ၀န္ခံျခင္းသည္ အမွန္ကို တင္ျပရဲျခင္း ျဖစ္ေသာ္လည္း စစ္အာဏာရွင္ စံနစ္ေၾကာင့္ျဖစ္သည္။ စစ္အာဏာရွင္မ်ား အာဏာအလြဲသုံးစားမႈေၾကာင့္ ျဖစ္သည္ဟု ထုတ္ေဖၚ ေျပာၾကားခဲ့ျခင္း မရွိေခ်။ သူ႔အစိုးရသည္ ျမန္မာျပည္သူမ်ား ဆင္းရဲမြဲေတမႈကို သတိျပဳမိသည္။ ထို႔အတြက္ေၾကာင့္ ျပည္သူမ်ား စိတ္ခ်မ္းသာေစရန္ ေစ်းကြက္စီးပြားေရး စံနစ္ကို ျပဳလုပ္ေပးခဲ့့ၿပီး လြတ္လပ္တဲ့ ယွဥ္ၿပိဳင္မႈကို ပြင္လင္း ျမင္သာေအာင္ စီမံေဆာင္ရြက္ႏိုင္ခဲ့တယ္ ဆိုခဲ့ပါသည္။ ေက်းလက္ေက်း႐ြာေတြ ဖြံ႕ၿဖိဳးေရးအတြက္လည္း အလုပ္ရုံ ေဆြးေႏြးပြဲေတြ လုပ္ေပးခဲ့တယ္ ဆိုခဲ့ပါသည္။ သို႔ရာတြင္ ႏွစ္ေပါင္း ၂၀ ေက်ာ္ အစိုးရနဲ႔ ေပါင္းၿပီး တိုင္းျပည္ရဲ႕ သဘ၀သယံဇာတမ်ားကို ယွဥ္ၿပိဳင္သူမရွိ လက္၀ါးႀကီးအုပ္ၿပီး ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္မ်ားနဲ႔ အက်ဳိးအျမတ္ကို မွ်ေ၀ခံစားေနၾကေသာ ေခတ္ပ်က္သန္းႂကြယ္သူေ႒း လက္တဆုတ္စာ ကို သာမန္ျပည္ သူေတြ အေနနဲ႔ ဘယ္လိုမွ ယွဥ္ၿပိဳင္ၿပီး ေစ်းကြက္ထဲကို ၀င္လုိ႔မရႏိုင္ပါဘူး။ ဒီအတြက္ မွ်တတဲ့ ေစ်းကြက္စီးပြားေရးစံနစ္ကို ျပဳလုပ္မယ္ဆိုရင္ ခ်မ္းသာလြန္းေနတဲ့ သူေတြရဲ႕ လက္၀ါးႀကီးအုပ္ထားမႈကို ဥပေဒထုတ္ ကန္႔သတ္ၿပီး သာမန္ျပည္သူေတြအတြက္ လုပ္ပိုင္ခြင့္ေတြကို ဖြင့္ေပးရမည္ျဖစ္ပါသည္။
အေမရိကန္ႏိုင္ငံကို ႏိုင္ငံေရးခိုလႈံသူ အျဖစ္ေတာင္းခံခဲ့ေသာ ျမန္မာစစ္သံမႉး၊ ဗိုလ္မႉးေအာင္လင္းထြဋ္က ယေန႔အေျခအေနကို သုံးသပ္ထားမႈဟာ စိတ္၀င္စား လက္ခံႏိုင္စရာ ေကာင္းပါသည္။ ဦးေအာင္လင္းထြဋ္က ယၡင္စစ္အစိုးရသည္ တုိင္းရင္းသား လက္နက္ကိုင္အဖြဲ႕ (၁၇) ဖြဲ႕ႏွင့္ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရး ယူႏုိင္ခဲ့ျခင္းကို ေအာင္ျမင္မႈႀကီး တရပ္အျဖစ္ အသားေပး ေဖၚျပခဲ့ၾကၿပီး ၎တို႔သည္တုိင္းျပည္ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းရးကို ေဆာင္က်ဥ္းႏိုင္သူမ်ားအၿဖစ္ေမာ္ၾကြားခဲ့ၾကပါသည္။ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ႏွင့္ NLD ပါတီကိုမူတိုင္းဖ်က္ ျပည္ဖ်က္မ်ား အျဖစ္ အပုပ္ခ်ခဲ့သည္။ ယခု ဦးသိန္းစိန္၏ စစ္၀တ္ခြ်တ္ အစိုးရလက္ထက္တြင္မူ ယခင္နည္းဗဴဟာကို ေျပာင္းျပန္လွန္ၿပီး တိုင္းရင္းသား လက္နက္ကိုင္ အဖြဲ႕အစည္းမ်ားကို တုိင္းျပည္ ဖ်က္သူမ်ားအျဖစ္ ပုံေဖာ္ ခါ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ကို သူတို႔နဲ႔ သင့္ျမတ္ေနပါၿပီ ဆိုၿပီး ပြဲထုတ္လာ ခဲ့ျပန္တယ္ဟု ဆိုထားပါသည္။ အဓိက ရည္ရြယ္ခ်က္မွာ အဖက္သတ္ ေရးဆြဲ အတည္ျပဳထားေသာ နာဂစ္ အေျခခံဥပေဒကိုမူ အျဖစ္ကိုင္စြဲၿပီး ေဒၚေအင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ကို ၂၀၀၈ ဥပေဒေဘာင္အတြင္းသို႔ သြတ္သြင္း ေနျခင္းျဖစ္သည္ဟု ေထာက္ျပထား ခဲ့ပါသည္။
အစိုးရသစ္မွ ၎တို႔ႏွင့္ တုိက္ခိုက္ေနၾကေသာ တိုင္းရင္းသားလက္နက္ကိုင္ အဖြဲ႕အစည္းမ်ားကို သားဆိုးမ်ားျဖစ္သည္၊ ေဖ်ာင္းဖ်ယူရမည္ ၊ ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း ေျပာၾကားခ်က္သည္ ပဋိပကၡကို ေျဖရွင္းႏိုင္ဘုိ႔ထက္ တမင္သက္သက္ ျပႆနာႀကီးထြားေအာင္ ဆြေပးသကဲ့သို႔ ျဖစ္ေစပါသည္။အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္သူတုိ႔က ဖခင္ေနရာမွေန၍ တိုင္းရင္းသားမ်ားသည္ သားဆိုးမ်ားေနရာတြင္ ထား၍ေျပာၾကားျခင္းသည္ ႏွိမ့္ခ်ျခင္းသေဘာျဖစ္သည္။ ယၡုလုပ္ရပ္သည္ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ႏွင့္ တုိင္းရင္းသား လက္နက္ကိုင္အဖြဲ႕အစည္းတို႔ၾကားသပ္လွ်ဳိ ၿဖိဳခြဲျခင္းသာျဖစ္သည္။ ဒီမိုကေရစီအင္အားစုမ်ားကို စိတ္ဓါတ္စစ္ဆင္ေရး တုိက္ကြက္တခု ျဖစ္ႏုိင္သျဖင့္ သတိထားသင့္သည္ဟု ျမင္သည္။
အမ်ဳိးသား ကာကြယ္ေရးႏွင့္ လုံၿခဳံေရးေကာင္စီသည္ ဦးသိန္းစိန္ကိုေနာက္မွ ႀကိဳးဆြဲထားၿပီး ၎ေနာက္တြင္ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္သန္းေ႐ႊ ရွိေနသည္ဟု ယူဆရသည္။
ကြ်န္ေတာ္တု႔ိအားလုံး ေတာ္လွန္ေရးသတိ ရွိၾကရမည္ျဖစ္ၿပီး ဦးသိန္းစိန္၏ ေျပာၾကားခ်က္သည္ အမွန္တကယ္ ေျပာင္းလဲရန္အတြက္ ရိုးသားစြာ ပထမေျခလွမ္းအေနႏွင့္ လွမ္းျခင္းေလာ သို႔မဟုတ္ ပ်ားရည္ဆမ္းစကား သက္သက္မွ်သာ ျဖစ္သေလာ ေစာင့္ၾကည့္ဘို႔ လိုေပလိမ့္မည္။
တိုင္းရင္းသား အဖြဲ႕အစည္းမ်ားကိုလည္းေကာင္း၊ ျမန္မာျပည္သူမ်ားကိုလည္းေကာင္း၊ စစ္အာဏာရွင္ အဆက္ဆက္သည္ ကတိမ်ဳိးစုံ ေပး၍ လိမ္လည္လွည့္ဖ်ား ထားခဲ့ၾကသည့္အတြက္ သံသယ ျဖစ္သည္ကို အျပစ္တင္စရာ မရွိေပ။ ျပည္တြင္းျပည္ပရွိ မ်ဳိးခ်စ္ျမန္မာမ်ားအေနႏွင့္ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ကို ယုံၾကည္ၿပီးေနာက္မွ ယုံယုံၾကည္ၾကည္ လိုက္ၾကရန္ အထူးလိုအပ္ေပသည္။ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္သည္ ဖြင့္ေပးေသာ တခါးမွန္သမွ်ကို တိုး၀င္စူစမ္းရင္း ဟန္ေဆာင္မႈလား၊ အမွန္ ေျပာင္းလဲရန္ ျပဳလုပ္ျခင္းလား ဆိုသည္ကို ထုထ္ေဖၚေပးပါလိမ့္မည္။ ဆႏၵေစာၿပီး ႏိုင္ငံေရး ကစားကြက္တြင္ ခက္ခက္ခဲခဲပါ၀င္ ကစားေနၾကသည့္ ေဒၚစုကို မပုပ္ခတ္ဘို႔ နားလည္မႈ ေပး၍ ေစာင့္ၾကည့္ရင္း အားေပးဘို႔ အထူးလိုအပ္ေနေသာ အခ်ိန္ျဖစ္သည္။ က်ားကြက္ မေ႐ြ႕ခင္ သူက ဘာထင္သည္ ငါက ဘာထင္သည္ႏွင့္ ရန္ျဖစ္ေနလွ်င္ ကြ်ႏု္ပ္တို႔ ရည္မွန္းခ်က္ ပန္းတိုင္သုိ႔ မရာက္ႏိုင္ဘဲ ရွိမည္သာျဖစ္သည္။ ထိ္ု႔ေၾကာင့္ ဦးသိန္းစိန္တြင္ တကယ္ေျပာင္းလဲလို စိတ္ရွိ မရွိ၊ အေပၚယံႏိုင္ငံေရး အျမတ္ထုတ္လိုမႈျဖင့္ ကစားျခင္းေလာ။ တႏွင့္တဦကို ခြဲျခားဆက္ဆံၿပီး ေသြးကြဲေအာင္လုပ္၍ အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ရန္ ႀကံစည္ျခင္းေလာ ဆိုသည္တို႔ကိုစစ္အုပ္စုသည္ ဘက္စုံမွ အၾကပ္ အတည္းျဖစ္လာတိုင္း ထြက္ေပၚ႐ွာသည့္ အေနႏွင့္ ၿပဳလုပ္တတ္သၿဖင့္ဟန္ျပေျပာင္းလဲရန္ တာစူျပျခင္းလား သိဘုိ႔လိုသည္။
အကယ္၍ ဦးသိန္းစိန္အေနႏွင့္ ဗိုလ္သန္းေ႐ႊ အရိပ္ေအာက္မွ အမွန္တကယ္ ႐ုန္းထြက္ၿပီး စစ္မွန္ေသာ ဒီမိုကေရစီစံနစ္ကိုတည္ေထာင္လိုလွ်င္သူသည္ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံ၏ရာမိုစ္(ၿပည္သူဘက္ေၿပာင္းလာေသာ ဖိလစ္ပိုင္စစ္ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္အမည္) ျဖစ္လာေပလိမ့္မည္။ ဗိုလ္သိန္းစိန္ အေနႏွင့္ ၎ေျပာခဲ့ေသာ ပ်ားရည္ဆမ္းစကားမ်ားသည္ အမွန္တကယ္ ျပဳျပင္ေျပာင္းလဲလိုစိတ္ႏွင့္ ေျပာၾကားျခင္းေၾကာင္းကို သက္ေသျပသည့္အေနႏွင့္ ျပဳလုပ္ရန္ အထးူလိုအပ္လွေပသည္။
(၁) ႏုိင္ငံေရး အက်ဥ္းသားအားလုံးကို ခြ်င္းခ်က္မရွိ အျမန္ဆုံးလႊတ္ေပးရန္။
(၂) ျပည္ပေရာက္ ျမန္မာမ်ားကို အေထြေထြ လြတ္္ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းသာ ခြင့္ေပးရန္။
(၃) တိုင္းရင္းသား လက္နက္ကိုင္ အဖြဲ႕အစည္းမ်ားအားလုံးႏွင့္ ဗဟိုအစိုးရတို႔ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းၾကည္အား ၾကားျဖန္ေျဖေရး ေနရာတြင္ ထားၿပီး ေဆြးေႏြးညွိႏႈိင္းၿပီး ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးယူၾကရန္။
ပထမဦးဆုံး ကြ်ႏု္ပ္တို႔၏ ေထာင္တြင္း အက်ဥ္းက်ခံေနရေသာ ကြ်ႏု္ပ္တို႔ ညီအစ္ကို ေမာင္ႏွမမ်ားကို လႊတ္ေပးျခင္းျဖင့္ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ သိန္းစိန္က အေျပာမဟုတ္၊ အလုပ္ၿဖင့္သက္ေသျပျခင္းကို ၾကည့္လိုပါသည္။ ဗိုလ္သိန္းစိန္ သက္ေသျပခ်က္ကို ေစာင့္ေမွ်ာ္ၾကည့္ရင္း အေျပာႏွင့္ အလုပ္လက္ေတြ႕က် မက်ကို ဆုံးျဖတ္မည္ ျဖစ္ပါသည္။
ထြန္းေအာင္ေက်ာ္
(Research) – The following is an academic paper presented to the Burmese government on June 25 by Dr. Myint, an economic adviser to President Thein Sein. It was also presented at the National Workshop on Reforms for Economic Development of Burma in Naypyitaw on August 19-20, which was attended by opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi.
National Workshop on Reforms for Economic Development of Myanmar
Myanmar International Convention Centre, Naypyitaw, 19-21 August, 2011
Myanmar Kyat Exchange Rate Issue1
U Myint2
Burmese government economic adviser Dr. Myint and Aung San Suu Kyi listen to a discussion at a three-day economic forum in Naypyitaw. Photo: Mizzima
1. There has been a consistent and sharp appreciation of the kyat dollar exchange rate for the past few months.3 This has caused problems. The extent of the kyat exchange rate appreciation and its impact on costs and returns in some key sectors of the Myanmar economy are presented in a paper prepared by U Set Aung4, a member of the President's Economic Advisory Team. These matters are therefore not discussed here. Instead, three issues have been taken up in this paper. They are:
2. First, to explain why a currency’s exchange rate can rapidly appreciate and how this causes problems;
3. Second, to suggest measures that are to be undertaken immediately to deal with the kyat exchange rate appreciation problem presently facing Myanmar, in order to restore business and investor confidence in the exchange rate, and to prevent the situation from getting out of hand; and
4. Third, the current kyat exchange rate problem presents a good opportunity to initiate the process of reform of the exchange rate regime in Myanmar. The objective of the reform is to establish a foreign exchange market in Myanmar that meets international standards and where the exchange rate is relatively stable, is market-determined, and becomes a useful tool of macroeconomic management for the Central Bank of Myanmar. A suggestion on how to start this reform process is briefly presented in this paper.
5. It will be useful to start by giving a brief account of the Dutch disease which is a well-known concept in economics5. It provides an interesting case of a sudden rapid and sustained appreciation of the exchange rate of a currency and its consequences. The case refers to what happened in the Netherlands in the 1960s. At that time, the Netherlands exported large amounts of natural gas discovered in its offshore areas. These exports brought a huge inflow of dollars and foreign exchange into the country. The huge inflow of foreign exchange caused a rapid rise in the exchange rate of the guilder, the Dutch domestic currency. There were four consequences from the rapid exchange rate appreciation.
6. First, the country’s exports of natural gas – a natural resource – were not affected by the exchange rate increase. Hence, despite the exchange rate rise, the Dutch natural gas exports continued to boom and continued to bring large inflows of foreign exchange into the country. In the economic literature, this is referred to as the “Booming sector.”
7. Second, there are economic sectors and economic activities that produce goods and services that are not traded in the world market. The construction industry is a good example. It produces buildings, roads and bridges in the country. Unlike, rice, beans and marine products, roads and bridges cannot be transported and sold as exports to foreign countries. They can only be used locally and they are called “non-traded goods.” Likewise, retail services provided by supermarkets cannot be exported and they are useful only for domestic consumers. They are called “non-traded services.” The point to take note of is that non-traded goods and services cannot be exported, do not enter international trade, and as such are not adversely affected by the exchange rate appreciation. On the contrary, they can benefit from such an exchange rate rise. This is because an exchange rate appreciation makes imported foreign goods cheaper in terms of domestic currency. A supermarket that sells imported foreign goods will make more profits when it can buy these foreign goods more cheaply. Similarly, a construction firm will also benefit if it can import the machinery and building materials it needs more cheaply from abroad.
8. Third, and this is the most important issue. It has to do with the fact that in a country where there is a persistent and sharp appreciation of the exchange rate due to huge natural gas exports, the exchange rate appreciation has a serious adverse impact on other exports, such as those from the manufacturing and agricultural sectors. A sharp rise in the exchange rate that persists reduces competitiveness of manufactured and agricultural exports in the world market. It also reduces export earnings of foreign exchange when converted into domestic currency. As costs of production of local producers for wages and raw materials have to be met in local currency, a large appreciation of the exchange rate will mean a large fall in the earnings of these enterprises. If the exchange rate continues to appreciate unchecked, a stage will be reached when earnings from exports in local currency are no longer able to cover costs of production, huge losses are incurred, and enterprises have to close down. When enterprises close down, workers lose jobs, farmers and fishermen cannot sell their products, and when they cannot sell their products this year, they will not produce them next year. The economic, social and political consequences of this chain of events can be serious. So in contrast to the “booming” natural gas sector, at the same time manufacturing and agricultural sectors are in decline and are designated as “lagging sectors.” Aside from manufactured exports, cheaper imports coming into the country due to exchange rate rise, also means import substituting industries will suffer because they have to compete with cheaper imports coming into the domestic market. The term “Dutch disease” was in fact coined by the London Economist Magazine in 1977 to describe the decline of the manufacturing sector in the Netherlands after it discovered and exploited a large natural gas field that began in 1959. This led to large natural gas exports and huge inflows of foreign exchange, which in turn caused a rapid rise of the exchange rate of the Dutch local currency.
9. Fourth, as manufacturing and agriculture are lagging sectors there is a tendency for capital and labour to move away from these sectors and into the booming natural gas sector and the non-trade sector that is not affected by the exchange rate increase. This is not desirable. The oil and gas sector does not need domestic capital inflows. The sector’s capital requirements are already well provided by foreigners that are keen to develop this industry to meet their energy needs. Since the oil and gas sector is capital intensive, its employment creation capacity for local labour is limited. Besides, foreign companies may bring their own labour that they consider are more reliable to lay pipelines, setup installations and to operate the machines.
10. As for the non-traded goods and services sector such as construction, supermarkets and restaurants they may create some employment opportunities but are not likely to impart skills and technology to their workers that are required to develop human resources which is essential to move poor people out of poverty and to develop the economy. In short, the important point here is that manufacturing is where labour skills, technology, and managerial and marketing know-how can be acquired and nurtured that are essential to become a modern developed nation.
11. With regard to agriculture, it is a key sector for a developing country where the majority of the population earn their livelihood and where we find most of the country’s poor.
12. It has been pointed out that the rise in the exchange rate associated with the Dutch disease can result not only from a large inflow of foreign exchange due to selling a country’s natural wealth to foreigners, but also from a large inflow of foreign investment into the country for all sorts of reasons. This disease by turning agriculture and manufacturing into lagging sectors, with their exports in decline and with resources moving away from them, can cause serious harm to a developing country. There are indications that Myanmar maybe suffering from this disease. It is essential that timely and firm action is taken to deal with the problem, so that the situation does not get out of hand. This is taken up in section (III) below.
III. Proposals to deal with the rapid kyat exchange rate appreciation
and its adverse consequences13. A start should be made by reiterating that a timely and decisive action must be taken to deal with the kyat exchange rate appreciation problem. Experience has shown that, as in the case of Indonesia in 1997-1998 Asian financial crisis, a currency problem (if not properly handled) can become a financial problem, then an economic problem, which then develops into a social problem, followed by a political problem and finally ending up with a security problem with adverse consequences with respect to the peace and stability of the country.
14. Some time ago, Saddam Hussein said the Gulf War was the mother of all wars. The Gulf War did not have a happy ending for Saddam, but his idea can be borrowed and we can say the exchange rate which is the price of a country’s currency is the mother of all prices. As a mother, the exchange rate can have a major impact on the health of an economy. Nevertheless, it is still a price, and like any other price, it is determined by demand and supply.
15. On the demand side, let us say for dollars, there are three types of demand. First, there is transaction demand – where dollars are required for transactions, that is to buy and sell in the market. Second, there is precautionary demand – to have dollars in store for security and to meet unexpected events and emergencies. Third, there is speculative demand – to use dollars to speculate in foreign exchange, commodity, real estate, stock and financial markets.
16. On supply side, in the case of Myanmar large foreign exchange inflows have come from sale of natural gas, jade and gem auctions, and upsurge of direct foreign investment especially in the energy sector and the associated special economic zone projects. Aside from these, there is also a growing feeling that a lot of private capital is flowing into Myanmar from neighbouring countries and from financial centers of the Middle East. These are to take advantage of high interest rates and to buy up real estate and other economic assets in anticipation of an opening up of business and reintegration of the Myanmar into the regional economy. Rapid privatization of recent years is believed to be another contributing factor. Wealthy Myanmar nationals are alleged to have brought dollars into the country and converted them into kyats to buy lucrative state assets put up for sale under the privatization programme. Information is difficult to obtain on these types of private investment and financial dealings for any country and lack of information has contributed to an atmosphere of uncertainty, which in turn encourages speculative activity. Given these circumstances, listed below are some recommendations that may be considered to address the immediate concerns of the kyat exchange rate appreciation.
17. In the recent past, there was a global financial crisis in 2007-2008. Despite some success in dealing with the problem many difficulties still remain. Currency and financial crises are still with us today in many parts of the world. In the pre-crisis days banks, big players in the financial markets, insurance companies, stock-market operators, and large private businesses in the USA made huge profits. In this process, revelations of misconduct by some prominent US Chief Executive Officers of large banks and financial firms have been devastating. These CEOs have given to themselves luxury yachts, mansions, large chunks of shares in their companies and hundred of millions of dollars to take home as their salaries, legitimate earnings, and rewards for the good work they have done. To make matters worse there was growing evidence that some of these big firms provided misleading information about their performance and falsified accounts.6 Joseph Stiglitz has also pointed out that the top one percent of the population in the USA now owns 25 percent of the country’s income.7 Reason why all this happened was also partly due to the government’s pursuit of economic liberalization policy that abolished many controls imposed on the financial sector.8
18. When the financial crisis hit, these large firms were in deep trouble and were going under. The government faced a dilemma. Should the firms be saved or should they be allowed to sink. The problem was if they sink, a lot of people are going to lose jobs and are going to face serious economic hardships and social turmoil these could create could spell political disaster for the government. So with considerable misgivings, a decision was taken to bail out these firms and banks with billions of dollars of US taxpayers money. This sort of rescue operation for private sector firms that got into serious trouble during the global financial crisis, took place not only in the USA, but in China, India and many ASEAN countries.
19. Myanmar at present is faced with a similar dilemma. When the kyat dollar exchange rate was over K1,000 firms exporting agricultural, forestry, marine and manufactured products could meet their obligation to pay the 10 percent “export tax” levied on them. No country imposes such a tax on exports. The “export tax” actually consists of 8 percent commercial tax and 2 percent income tax. The tax is imposed on exports for administrative simplicity and effectiveness. With no proper accounting system for business firms and rampant corruption both on the part of the business tax payer and the government tax collector, the normal way to collect commercial and income tax was impractical.
20. When the kyat exchange rate against the dollar appreciated by 20% to 25% (from k1,000 to K800-K750) the members of the business community are unanimous in pointing out that 10% export tax is imposing a serious burden on them. In assessing the situation with many executives from large firms as well as owners of small family run enterprises, it seems to me that the business people may have a valid case. It is therefore suggested that the 10% export tax be suspended as a measure aimed at providing relief to the members of the business community suffering from the kyat exchange rate appreciation. Such a move will be in line with policies adopted by most governments to extend assistance to the business community faced with a currency or a financial crisis. It will also send a clear message that the government is serious about resolving the currency problem. Once normalcy is restored in the exchange market, tax reforms can be carried out so that the business firms are appropriately taxed through the normal tax system. This is the first recommendation.
21. Second, the transaction demand for dollars can be increased by liberalizing the licensing requirements in the export and import trade. Removal of both import and export licenses is likely to increase the demand for dollars substantially and will bring down the kyat dollar exchange rate.
22. Third, the government may consider buying dollars in the domestic market. In this way it can build up its exchange reserves. It can also request some key players in the country to do the same. Suppose the dollars are bought at K800. Then suppose with government and other key players intervention in the domestic market the kyat exchange rate falls to K900. The government stands to benefit K100 per dollar. Suppose it feels a rate between K900 and K1,000 is a good rate to stabilize the exchange rate, it can then use its exchange reserve to intervene (buy and sell dollars) in the market to hold the exchange rate steady at this rate within a narrow band of a few percentage points.
23. Fourth, if high interest rates are attracting an inflow of foreign exchange, the rates can be reduced. However, there is a need to maintain a sufficient margin between the deposit interest rate and the commercial lending interest rate so that banks can earn normal profits. The need to move slowly and cautiously in this area is also advised. An abrupt big change may cause panic among depositors, leading to large cash withdrawals from banks, and resulting in a banking crisis.
24. Fifth, when dealing with currency and exchange rate problems complex technical issues can arise. IMF has a lot of experience on this subject. It should therefore be requested to provide technical assistance. However, accepting technical assistance does not mean the country is under any obligation to abide by what the IMF recommends. In addition another advantage should be mentioned, namely, news that Myanmar is cooperating with the IMF in resolving the kyat exchange rate issue will add credibility to the efforts currently underway to deal with this problem, not only to the people of Myanmar but also to its ASEAN partners and to the international community.
25. Sixth, with large foreign exchange inflows causing exchange rate appreciation, it may be prudent to reduce the frequency of holding gem and jade emporiums.
26. Seventh, Myanmar now has an elected government. A policy of transparency and accountability has also been announced by the President. The kyat exchange rate appreciation is a matter of great concern to many people of Myanmar. The government should therefore make an announcement on the subject. How, when, where, and in what manner the announcement is to be made should be left to the appropriate authorities of Myanmar.
27. Eighth, in currency and financial crises, rumours, lack of information and deliberate dissemination of misinformation create an atmosphere of confusion and uncertainty on which speculators thrive. Hence, it will be helpful if some key macroeconomic data are officially released and regularly published, as it was done several decades ago. These include data relating to the inflation rate, foreign exchange reserves, balance of payments, national budget, money supply, GDP – its sectoral composition and growth rate, results of household income and expenditures surveys, foreign direct investment inflows, and foreign trade statistics.
28. Experience shows that a crisis often creates a good opportunity to initiate a reform process. Advantage should therefore be taken of the present kyat exchange rate appreciation problem to start the process of reforming Myanmar’s exchange rate regime. However, this is a complex issue, requiring in depth analysis, and is beyond the scope of this short note. Nevertheless, two things are essential to reform Myanmar’s exchange rate system and to bring it in line with regional and international practice. These are:
- First, to unify the multiple exchange rates that now exist in Myanmar; and
- Second, to remove and liberalize the restrictions that now exist in the current account transactions of the country’s balance of payments.
29. Undertaking both the above measures will go much beyond matters related to the exchange rate. It will involve making a serious effort at long overdue macroeconomic reforms. This will be a slow and arduous process. A soft landing is not in sight. However, it is hoped the kyat exchange rate problem which the country is experiencing at present, will serve as a wake-up call, and which also provides the political will to start the macroeconomic reform process without further delay.
_______________________________________
1This paper was presented to the high authorities of Myanmar two months ago on 25 June 2011.
2Chief, Centre for Economic and Social Development, Myanmar Development Resource Institute (MDRI), Yangon.
3When the kyat dollar exchange rate is K1,000 = $1, one thousand kyats will buy one dollar worth of goods from a foreign country. Suppose the exchange rate becomes K500 = $1, one thousand kyats will now buy $2 worth of goods from abroad. This means the value of the kyat in terms of US dollar has risen or the kyat dollar exchange rate has increased (appreciated). Such a kyat appreciation will make Myanmar exports more expensive for foreigners. Before, foreigners only have to pay one dollar to buy K1,000 worth of Burmese goods. Now they have to pay two dollars to buy these goods. On Myanmar side, imports become cheaper with kyat appreciation. Before, people in Myanmar have to pay K1,000 to buy one dollar worth of foreign goods. After appreciation, they only have to pay K500 to buy a dollar's worth of foreign goods.
4U Set Aung, “Dangers of rapid appreciation of the kyat exchange rate” (Yangon: 25 June, 2011 [in Burmese]).
5Corden, W.M, and P.J Neary (1982), “Booming Sector and Deindustrialization in a Small Open Economy”, Economic Journal 92 :825–848, December.
6Please see Katrina Vanden Heuvel, Meltdown: how greed and corruption shattered our financial system and how we can recover (New York: Nation Books, 2009); Andrew Ross Sorkin, Too Big to Fail: inside the battle to save Wall Street (New York: Penguin Group, 2009).
7Joseph Stiglitz, “Inequality: of the one percent, by the one percent, for the one percent”, Vanity Fair, May 2011.
8Joseph Stiglitz, Freefall: America, Free Markets, and the Sinking of the World Economy (New York: W.W. Norton and Company, 2010).
Credit : Mizzima News
Credit : Mizzima News
ေဒၚစု နဲ႔ သိန္းစိန္ ေတြ႔စဥ္- ဒုသမၼတ တင္ေအာင္ျမင့္ဦး တက္ခြင့္မရ။ အစိုးရ၀န္ႀကီးေတြလဲ တက္ခြင့္ရ၊ ၾကံ့ဖြ႔ံေခါင္း ေဆာင္ေတြ သိပ္ကိုစိတ္ဆိုးတယ္လုိ႔ သိရ။ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ ကို ဗြီအိုင္ပီလို ျပဳစုဆက္ဆံတယ္လို႔ သိရ။ ေဒၚစု က ေရာက္ကာစက ခပ္ေတာင့္ေတာင့္ ျဖစ္ေနတယ္။ ေနာက္ေတာ့ အဆင္ေျပသြားတယ္။ လူတိုင္း ျပံဳးျပံဳရီရီျဖစ္လာတယ္လို႔ ဆို။ ေဒၚစုနဲ႔ အတူ ဒီခ်ဳပ္အဖြဲ႔၀င္တခ်ဳိ႕ပါ၊ ဖေရာ္ဖက္ဆာ ရီရီျမင့္ လဲ ေဒၚစု နေဘးမွာရိွတယ္။ အစိုးရဖက္ကေတာ့ ဦး ေအာင္ၾကည္ (အလုပ္သမား)၊ ဦးေအာင္မင္း (မီးရထား)၊ ဦးစိုးသိန္း(စက္မႈ)၊ ေမဂ်ာသိန္းေဌး (နယ္စပ္) တို႔ တက္ ေရာက္တယ္။ သူတို႔က ျပဳျပင္ေျပာင္းလဲမႈ သိပ္ျဖစ္ျခင္တယ္လုိ႔ ဆို။ ဒီထဲမွာ ဦးေအာင္မင္းက ဖိုးတက္ႂကြလို႔ သိရ။ ေဒၚစု အစည္းေ၀းခန္းမအလာမွာ ေပၚတီကိုမွာ ၀င္းေအာင္၊ ေဇာ္ေဇာ္၊ ေအာင္သက္မန္း တို႔က ေဒၚစု လီမြန္ဇင္းကို လာဖြင့္ေပး ၾကဟု သိရ။ ဒီအေျခအေနကို ဒီခ်ဳပ္က အေကာင္းျမင္ပုံရ။ ေၾကညာခ်က္ထုတ္ အေကာင္းျမင္ဟုဆို။ တင္ေအာင္ျမင့္ဦး အရမ္းေပါက္ကြဲေနဟု သိရ။
အစိုးရအတြင္းအေျခအေနက ႏွစ္ပိုင္းကြဲေနတယ္။ သန္းေရႊ ၾသဇာ တေန႔တျခား က်ဆင္းေနတယ္။သိန္းစိန္နဲ႔ စစ္တပ္ ေခါင္းေဆာင္ေတြက သန္းေရႊ နဲ႔ခပ္ေ၀းေ၀း ခပ္ေရွာင္ေရွာင္လုပ္လာၾကတယ္။ သမၼတအုပ္စုက တင္ေအာင္ျမင့္ဦး ႏွင့္ ေက်ာ္ဆန္း ကို ကိုမႏွစ္ၿမိဳ႕။ ဥပမာ ဦးေအာင္မင္း က ျမန္မာ့အလင္းသတင္းစာကို သူ႔စားပြဲေပၚ မတင္ရန္ ၀န္ထမ္းေတြကို ႀကိမ္းေမာင္း – ဒီသတင္းစာကိုေတြ႔ရင္ အံခ်င္တယ္ကြဟု ဆို။ ေရႊမန္းက သိန္းစိန္ကို ပိုမိုေထာက္ခံလာ။ ပိုနီးစပ္လာ။ သန္းေရႊ အနားမယူခင္က သူ႔လံုျခံဳေရးတပ္ကို ျပန္လည္ဖြဲ႔စည္းခဲ့။ သို႔ေသာ္ မၾကာေသးခင္က သူ႔အတြက္ လံုျခံဳေရးယူ ေပးေနတဲ့ တပ္ဖြဲ႔မ်ား ေလ်ာ့ခ်လာသည္ကိုေတြ႔ရ။ ဦးေန၀င္း အသက္ ၉၀ ေမြးေန႔ပြဲအၿပီး သူ႔လံုျခံဳေရးတပ္မ်ားကို သန္း ေရႊ ေမာင္ေအး ဂိုဏ္းက ေလ်ာ့ခ်သကဲ့သို႔ ရိွေနတယ္။
ဦးေန၀င္းေသၿပီး ၂ ရက္အတြင္း ဦးစိန္လြင္အိမ္ေရွ႕က လံုျခံဳေရးတပ္ကို လူေျပာင္းတာ ေလ်ာ့ခ်တာ လုပ္သကဲ့သို႔ ျဖစ္ ေန။ မင္းေအာင္လိႈင္ က သန္းေရႊ လံုျခံဳေရးတပ္ဖဲြ၀င္အမ်ားစုမွာ တပ္ထြက္မ်ားႏွင့္ ျပန္လည္စုဖြဲ႔ ေပးခဲ့သည္မွာ ထူးျခား ေနတယ္။
မင္းေအာင္လိႈင္က သန္းေရႊစိတ္ႀကိဳက္ ေရြးခဲ့သူျဖစ္။ အရည္အခ်င္းမရိွ။ တပ္တြင္ လူႀကိဳက္နည္းခဲ့သူျဖစ္။ လူႀကိဳက္မ်ား သူမွာ ျမင့္ေအာင္ ျဖစ္။ ျမင့္ေအာင္စကားမွားေသာေၾကာင့္ တပ္ခ်ဳပ္အျဖစ္လ်ာထားၿပီးမွ ဖယ္ရွားခံရ။ မင္းေအာင္လိႈင္ အေျပာင္းအလဲကို က်ေနာ္တို႔ဆက္လက္ေစာင့္ၾကည့္ေန။ သိသာရန္ေပးပို႔။ ေကာင္းသည့္အခ်က္ကေတာ့ တပ္ထဲတြင္ သန္းေရႊ ျပန္လာမွာကို စိုးရိမ္ေနၾက။ မလိုခ်င္ေတာ့။ တပ္ထဲတြင္ ဟာသပင္လုပ္ေန- ဦးသိန္းစိန္ေရ ေသခ်ာေအာင္ လုပ္ေပးပါ။ မေသခ်ာရင္ အားလံုးေသမွာဟု ေနာက္ေျပာင္ေန။
ေရႊမန္း၊ သန္းေရႊ ကို စိတ္နာေနတယ္။ သမၼတေနရာကို သူ႔ကိုေပးမယ္လုိ ့ ႏွစ္ကိုယ္ၾကား ေဆြးေႏြးခဲ့ဖူးဟု သိရ။ သူ႔ကို အယံုသြင္းၿပီး ေခြထားခဲ့ဟု ခံစားေနရ။
တင္ေအး- အေျခအေနမေကာင္း။ သူေရာသူသားေရာ ၾသဇာက်ဆင္း။ တင္းေအးကလဲသန္းေရႊကိုေရွာင္ေနတယ္ဟုသိ ရ။ သူက သန္းေရႊ ညာလက္ရံုးဟု အေျပာခံခဲ့ရသူျဖစ္။ သူကိုလည္း သန္းေရႊ က ဇယားေရြ႕ခဲ့သည္ဟု ခံစားရ။ သူသား က ၿပီးခဲ့တဲ့တပတ္က ေဒၚစုကို ပင္ ႏႈတ္ဆက္ခဲ့သည့္အထဲမွာလည္း ပါ၀င္ေနတယ္။
ေဌးဦး- ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲ မတိုင္မီက သူကိုသန္းေရႊ က ဒုသမတ ေနရာေပးမယ္လုိ႔ အယံုသြင္းခံခဲ့ရဟု သိရ။ သန္းေရႊ ကို လံုး၀ လက္မခံႏိုင္ေတာ့သူ ျဖစ္လာ။ လံုး၀ မခ်စ္ႏိုင္ေတာ့ၿပီ။
ေအာင္ေသာင္း နဲ႔ သိန္းေဇာ္- သန္းေရႊ ကို ဆက္ခ်စ္ေနသူမ်ားျဖစ္ဟု ယူဆရ။ ဆက္လက္ေထာက္ခံေနဆဲဟု သံုးသပ္ရ။
မင္းေအာင္လိႈင္- တပ္ကို သန္းေရႊ နဲ႔ ေ၀းရာသို႔ ပို႔ေနဟု ယူဆရ။ သူက ေရႊမန္း ကို တလ တႀကိမ္ေတြ႔ဆံုေနသည္ကို ေတြ႔ရ။ သူ႔ၾသဇာမခံသူဟု ယူဆရတဲ့ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္သံုးဦးကို ျဖဳတ္လိုက္။
ဦးျမင့္- ဦးျမင့္စာတန္းက အစိုးရေခါင္းေဆာင္ပိုင္းကို သက္ေရာက္မႈရိွ။ အထူးသျဖင့္ က်ပ္ေငြတန္ဖိုးကို မေျပာင္းလဲႏိုိင္ ပါက လူထုအံုႂကြမႈႀကီး ျဖစ္ႏိုင္သည္ကို အထူးစိုးရိမ္ၾက။ က်ပ္-ေဒၚလာ လဲႏႈန္း ၆၀၀ ျဖစ္တယ္။ တုိင္းျပည္ပ်က္ၿပီဟု စီးပြားေရးသမားအမ်ားစု ယံုၾကည္ေန။
Credit : Moe Thee Zun
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