Rohingya Blogger

Geisenheim is a small town in the State of Hessen of the Federal Republic of Germany that hosts a plush old spa of sumptuous beauty, where since Roman times people have bathed amidst lush forests beneath the Taunus Mountains. To the surprise of all visitors, in the middle of a vineyard near the town is a grand, Burmese style house.

The Myitta Paungku Beikman (Love Connection Monument), was built by former Burmese dictator Gen Ne Win and donated to the Fritz Werner GmbH Company (FWG) on Jan. 1, 1971 as a sign of appreciation for the company's assistance in preserving him and his much-hated military regime in power.

FWG is a Berlin-based company which since 1896 has specialized in machinery for the production of small arms and ammunition. The company, which played a vital role in Germany's WW I efforts, has cultivated a unique relationship with the Burmese ruling elite over the years. There is a great deal of mutual trust between FWG and the Burmese regime, whose military-minded leaders look for characteristics such as reliability and discretion in a business partner.

After WW II, FWG was wholly-owned by the West German government, falling under the jurisdiction of the government’s Ministry of Economy. The company was bought with money from the Marshall Fund which was meant to rebuild industries that were destroyed during WW II, a war which FWG helped fuel with its machinery for the production of weapons and ammunition.

In 1948, Burma gained independence from Great Britain, and FWG struck up its partnership with the new Burmese government in 1953. The German company's first project was the production of the BA52 submachine gun—aka the Ne Win sten.

Beginning at the time of this original contract, Ne Win cultivated friendly relations with FWG, both diplomatically and personally. Fritz Werner technical advisors posted in Rangoon had continuous access to the dictator, a rare privilege not extended to the representatives of other foreign firms. The fact that FWG was owed by the West German government itself created a close personal relationship between the two governments, causing some to say that Burma was the friendliest nation toward West Germany in Asia.

FWG’s secretive Burmese operations, which have often been shrouded under a veil of mystery, got into full swing in 1960 when the West German Ministry of Defence gave the company permission to produce G3 rifles in Burma and it later established its first weapons factory on the outskirts of Rangoon with the assistance of the West Germany arms company Heckler & Koch.

The factory was supervised by German engineers from the German Technical Corporation Agency (GTZ). Until the production of that plant started, the Burmese regime used FWG as the middleman to purchase G3 rifles through Düsseldorf based arms producer Rheinmetall, which shared production with Heckler & Koch.

In 1961, West Germany’s Foreign Office in Bonn granted permission to export 10.000 G3 rifles as well as four million rounds of ammunition manufactured by Metallwerk Elisenhütte Nassau (MEN), an FWG subsidiary, to Burma. The West German government had “no reservations” about authorizing further transfers, even when Ne Win toppled the democratic government of U Nu in 1962—Rheinmetall received permission from Bonn to sell 12.000 G3 rifles and 800 MG42 machine guns, and MEN received permission to export 18 million rounds of ammunition. Then in 1969, the West German Foreign Office permitted FWG to export machinery for the production of explosives, as well as a complete rolling mill for sheet brass.

With the assistance from West Germany, the self-sufficiency of the Burmese armed forces increased continuously, and the Burmese military often used German-produced weapons to oppress the Burmese people and various ethnic minority groups, especially after Ne Win and the military seized power in 1962.

For example, on July 7, 1962, just three days after the military’s Burma Socialist Programme Party (BSPP) was formed, the students of Rangoon University organized a peaceful demonstration inside the Campus. The Burmese military— equipped with G3 automatic rifles—fired into the crowd of thousands of students, killing over 100 and injuring many more. The next morning, the military blew up the Rangoon University Student Union building, which was a treasured historical monument of the Burmese struggle to gain independence from Great Britain. The building was blasted to pieces by heavy explosives, and every trace of it removed.

During the 1988 democratic uprising, over 3,000 people were once again killed by Burmese troops using German-produced weapons. Despite this, the West German government welcomed Ne Win as a guest of FWG in March 1988.

In addition, after the military coup by Burmese Gen Saw Maung in Sept. 1988, the West German Federal Ministry of Economics gave permission for FWG to export machinery for the production of ammunition.

Not only did FWG set up three plants in Rangoon and Prome to produce the vast majority of armaments required by the Burmese military, they also served as a conduit for all importation of raw materials, machine parts and chemicals used in explosives production.

The cozy relationship between the West Germans and the Burmese military was something of a closely kept secret until 1988, when the democracy uprising and surrounding political crisis blew the lid off the Burmese situation and drew the attention of the whole world. Due to international pressure brought upon the West German government by the horror of the Sept. 1988 coup, it suddenly became one of the outspoken critics of the Burmese regime, as if it didn’t know before how many Burmese had died at the hands of Burmese troops firing West German weapons.

The German government did, however, suspend development co-operation activities with Burma, including negotiations regarding Burmese debt cancellation, and ceased authorization of arms shipments to Burma. But regardless of assertions made by the Germans that FWG was no longer participating in the production of weapons and explosives inside Burma, and that technical co-operation had been reduced to a minimum, the manufacture of explosives and weapons continues to date, and German employees of GTZ remain in the country, disguising their true field of expertise. Despite Germany’s hasty withdrawal of economic support from Burma after the 1988 crackdown, it didn’t take long before FWG found an opportunity for renewed investment. In 1990, FWG formed a joint venture with the Burmese military, a partnership that was made possible thanks to an old US $500 million loan that the West German government had made to Burma in the 1960’s. FWG stands by itself in Burma, and the joint venture grew out of a very personal relationship between the company and the Burmese generals. This personal relationship has helped preserve the Burmese military regime in power, despite the various insurgencies and unrest in the country.

Following the uprising in 1988, the European Community and the US began imposing economic sanctions on Burma, identifying the high incidence of human rights abuses by the military regime as the primary reason for imposing sanctions. However, the annual reports of the German Federal Office for Export and Trade proves that licences for the export of dual-use-goods were authorized-nearly every year, despite an EU arms embargo established in 1991.

In 1999, Germany even allowed the Burmese regime to renovate the notorious “Myitta Paungku Beitman” in Geisenheim. On May4, 2011, during a Burma Conference in Berlin, Dr. Markus Löning, Germany’s Federal Government commissioner for human rights policy and humanitarian aid, pushed for more engagement with the Burmese military regime and for the modification of sanctions on Burma. For many Burmese activists, Germany is just paying a lip service to the human rights situation in Burma. A cable revealed in a 2009 Wikileaks report indicated that Germany exported sophisticated equipment to Burma, which was followed by a visit of German diplomats to the factories where the machinery was installed. In 2009-10, Germany was the biggest trade partner of Burma in the European Union. The suffering of the Burmese people at the hands of their military rulers is undeniable. The irresponsible investments by foreign firms and others are not benefitting the people of Burma, but only contributing to the torture, persecution and killing of the many ethnic nationals, monks, students and activists who are struggling for democracy inside Burma. For the Burmese people, FWG’s cooperation and partnership with the Burmese regime has been extremely discouraging. It is time for Germany to start listening to the cry of the Burmese people for democracy, and start building a real, people to people, Myitta friendship that will live forever.The author is a former student activist and chairman of Camp Thaybawboe run by the ABSDF. At present, he is a member of the KNU Foreign Affairs Relations efforts. http://www.irrawaddy.org/opinion_story.php?art_id=21877

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Last week, KIO/KIA prepared a set of questions for Col Than Aung, the Kachin State minister for border affairs and head of the government emissary, who was sent to negotiate about possible ceasefire conditions.

The questions among others include:

Who has given order to the team to negotiate?
How “peace” should be defined by both parties?
How should the term “ceasefire” be interpreted or understood?
How much negotiation power is vested in the negotiation team?
In case, if one party breaks the ceasefire agreement, who will be responsible to take action
What is the government opinion on “Panglong Agreement”?
How would the government consider KIO/KIA as an organisation?

(Source: RFA – 2011-08-05)

Of all the questions posed, defining “peace” and “ceasefire” are two most crucial terms, which the contending parties must agree upon, if ever the ongoing ethnic conflict is to be resolved.

Martin Luther King, Jr. said, “True peace is not merely the absence of tension; it is the presence of justice.” And Eleanor Roosevelt emphasized, “It isn’t enough to talk about peace. One must believe in it. And it isn’t enough to believe in it. One must work at it.”

Peace is a state of harmony characterized by the lack of violent conflict. Commonly understood as the absence of hostility, peace also suggests the existence of healthy or newly healed interpersonal or international relationships, prosperity in matters of social or economic welfare, the establishment of equality, and a working political order that serves the true interests of all. In international relations, peacetime is not only the absence of war or conflict, but also the presence of cultural and economic understanding and unity.

(Source: Wikipedia)

The online free dictionary states two points; one is the absence of war or other hostilities; and the other, an agreement or a treaty to end hostilities.

Generally, ceasefire could include an order to stop firing and suspension of active hostilities; a truce.

A ceasefire (or truce) is a temporary stoppage of a war in which each side agrees with the other to suspend aggressive actions. Ceasefires may be declared as part of a formal treaty, but they have also been called as part of an informal understanding between opposing forces. An armistice is a formal agreement to end fighting.

Israeli–Palestinian conflict

An example of a ceasefire in the Israeli–Palestinian conflict was announced between Israel and the Palestinian National Authority on February 8, 2005. When announced, chief Palestinian negotiator Saeb Erekat publicly defined the ceasefire as follows: “We have agreed that today President Mahmoud Abbas will declare a full cessation of violence against Israelis anywhere and Prime Minister Ariel Sharon will declare a full cessation of violence and military activities against Palestinians anywhere.” (Source:Wikipedia)

As far as peace is concerned, the successive military regimes and the recent, military-backed government have never spelled out their position clearly, on how they would like to achieve.

What the ethnic armed resistance forces have experienced by now is either to surrender, become government militia or ceasefire arrangement, which the Burmese government misleadingly called “Peace groups”. In short, there is no “give-and-take” negotiation process, but just being asked to follow the prescribed regime’s plan and become part and parcel of its administrative apparatus, one way or the other.

The coercive planned integration of the ceasefire ethnic armed ceasefire armies into its Border Guard Force (BGF) under the Burma Army is the case in point, which went terribly wrong, when it has been rejected and resisted aggressively to the dismay of the Burmese government.

Former ceasefire armies like KIO/KIA, SSPP/SSA, and the large portion of DKBA resisted Burma Army furiously, while the UWSA rejected the BGF plan, although not yet in open armed conflict with the Burma Army.

As a result, Burma is now on the brink of a full blown civil war, just because the regime likes to have its radical, racial and military supremacy way without compromising or accommodating the aspirations of the non-Burman ethnic nationalities’ rights of self-determination.

The Panglong Agreement of 12th February 1947, to join with U Aung San and the AFPFL (Anti-Fascist People’s Freedom League) and leaders of Shan, Kachin and Chin nationalities, to live together under one flag as co-independent and equal nations, marks the birth of a nation-state now known as “Union of Burma”.

It is not an exaggeration to state that without Panglong Agreement or Accord, signifying the intent and willingness of the free peoples and nations of what could be termed British Indochina, there would have not been born the Union of Burma in 1948.

This Panglong Agreement, which emphasizes the rights of self-determination, democracy and equality have been denied by successive military regimes and this has been the roots of the conflict, encompassing all non-Burman nationalities.

As such, while the ceasefire agreement is seen as a kind of partial surrender, eventually leading to total integration into Burma Army or dissolving the ceasefire armies, it was understood as a temporary cessation of war on the way to iron out a settlement through political, negotiation process, by the non-Burman ethnic nationalities.

A Kachin leader recently pointed out that the Burmese military, during SLORC regime had maintained that political settlement should be carried out only with the future elected government, for it was only a military care taker government. And after almost five decades, the negotiation process has not started. Perhaps, the military-backed government likes all to believe that its 2008 Constitution is carved into stone and that everyone has to abide by it. Ironically, the people of Burma knows that the constitutional drafting, constitutional referendum to nation-wide elections were all flawed, rigged and manipulated to suit the military leadership, from the beginning to the end.

For now, no one is quite sure, whether the military, status quo faction of Vice President Tin Aung Myint Oo, Gen Than Shwe’s protégé, or President Thein Sein, who is backed by Thura Shwe Mann, the parliament house speaker, is calling the shots, where offensive against the ceasefire armies is concerned.

Just as the KIO/KIA pointed out clearly, so long as the definition of “peace” and “ceasefire” terms are not understood on the same wave length and the power vested to the ceasefire negotiation team not crystal clear, meaningless ceasefire talks will lead us nowhere and the armed conflict between the KIO/KIA and the Burma Army will continue unabated. Consequently, the war in Shan, Karenni, Karen and Mon states will likely go on, at the expense of the people.

The author is General Secretary of the exiled Shan Democratic Union.

A group of women U.S. senators have accused Burma's military of using rape as a weapon of war and are urging Secretary of State Hillary Clinton to pressure the Burmese government to halt the practice.

In a letter Wednesday, the bi-partisan group asked Secretary Clinton to support establishment of an international commission of inquiry into war crimes and crimes against humanity in Burma.

The letter cites a report saying that 18 ethnic Kachin women were gang-raped by government troops during the fighting that ended a 17-year cease-fire, and says there are similar reports from neighboring Shan state, where hostilities have also resumed.

Democratic Senator Barbara Boxer and Republicans Kay Bailey Hutchison are among the 13 signatories.

The lawmakers also quote Burma's opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi, who said that rape is used in her country as a weapon by armed forces to intimidate ethnic groups and divide the country. The Nobel Prize laureate made the statement in a video-taped message to a Nobel Women's conference in May.

Human rights groups have repeatedly condemned Burma's authorities for abusing rights of its minority groups. Amnesty International says government troops for decades have used rape, torture, forced relocation and killing to intimidate ethnic minorities into ending their campaign for autonomy.

Larger groups such as Shan, Karen and Kachin people have been especially targeted.

The United States last week appointed its first special envoy to Burma in a move to coordinate efforts with U.S. allies to get Burma's new government to implement democratic reforms. Derek Mitchell will lead U.S. efforts to improve what he called the southeast Asian nation's abysmal human rights record during four decades of military rule.

A new, nominally civilian government was elected last November in a vote orchestrated by the military.

ျမန္မာ့ဒီမုိကေရစီ ေခါင္းေဆာင္ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္က သူ႔အကုိျဖစ္သူ ဦးေအာင္ဆန္းဦးနဲ႔ ေမာ္နီတာ ဂ်ာနယ္ကို တရားစြဲလိုက္ပါတယ္။ တရား႐ုံးေတာ္ကို မထီမဲ့ျမင္ျပဳရာ ေရာက္မႈနဲ႔ ၾသဂုတ္လ ၈ ရက္၊ တနလၤာေန႔က တရားစြဲလိုက္တာ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္နဲ႔ အကိုျဖစ္သူ ဦးေအာင္ဆန္းဦးတုိ႔ ရင္ဆုိင္ေနရတဲ့ အမႈနဲ႔ ပတ္သက္လို႔ ေမာ္နီတာ ဂ်ာနယ္ကုိ ဦးေအာင္ဆန္းဦးက မမွန္မကန္ ေျပာဆုိခဲ့တယ္ ဆုိတာရယ္၊ ဦးေအာင္ဆန္းဦးရဲ႕ ေျပာဆုိခ်က္ကုိ ဇူလုိင္လထုတ္ ေမာ္နီတာ ဂ်ာနယ္မွာ ထည့္သြင္း ေဖာ္ျပခဲ့တယ္ ဆိုတာရယ္အတြက္ တရားဥပေဒနဲ႔ မညီလို႔ဆိုၿပီး ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္က တရားစြဲတာ ျဖစ္တယ္လို႔ ေျပာေရးဆုိခြင့္ ရွိသူက ေျပာပါတယ္။ အျပည့္အစုံကုိ ေဒၚခင္မ်ဳိးသက္က တင္ျပေပးထားပါတယ္။ ဦးေအာင္ဆန္းဦးနဲ႔ ေမာ္နီတာဂ်ာနယ္ ထုတ္ေ၀သူအျပင္ အယ္ဒီတာခ်ဳပ္ကိုပါ တရားဥပေဒ စုိးမိုးေရးအတြက္ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္က တရားစြဲဆုိခဲ့တယ္လို႔ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ရဲ႕ ေရွ႕ေနႀကီး ဦးဉာဏ္၀င္းက ေျပာပါတယ္။

“တရား႐ုံးက ဆုံးျဖတ္ခ်က္ မလုပ္ရေသးမီမွာ ဆုံးျဖတ္ၿပီးသကဲ့သုိ႔ ေျပာဆုိတာေတြဟာ တရား႐ုံးကုိ မထီမဲ့ျမင္ျပဳတာ၊ အဲဒီလို ဥပေဒအရ ေတြ႔ပါတယ္။ ေနာက္ ဒီဥစၥာက တရားဥပေဒ စုိးမုိးေရးနဲ႔လည္း ဆုိင္ပါတယ္။ တရားဥပေဒကုိ ဘယ္သူမွ လႊမ္းမိုးလို႔ မရဘူး၊ တရားဥပေဒ အထက္မွာ ဘယ္သူမွ မရွိဘူး။ ဒါေၾကာင့္ တရားဥပေဒနဲ႔အညီ ျဖစ္ေရးအတြက္ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္က စြဲဆုိရျခင္း ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။”

ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္နဲ႔ ဦးေအာင္ဆန္းဦးတို႔ ၾကားက မၿပီးျပတ္ေသးဘဲ ရင္ဆုိင္ေနရတဲ့ အိမ္ေျမ ပုိင္ဆုိင္မႈဆုိင္ရာ တရားမမႈနဲ႔ ပတ္သက္ၿပီး မမွန္မကန္ ေျပာဆုိခဲ့တဲ့အတြက္ ဦးေအာင္ဆန္းဦးကို တရားစြဲရသလို မမွန္မကန္ ေျပာဆုိမႈေတြကို ေဖာ္ျပခဲ့တဲ့ ေမာ္နီတာဂ်ာနယ္ကုိပါ တရားစြဲဆုိခဲ့တာလို႔ ဆုိပါတယ္။

“အမႈရဲ႕ အေျခအေနက လက္ရွိအားျဖင့္ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ဘက္က သက္ေသေတြကုိ စစ္ေဆးဖို႔ အဆင့္ကို ေရာက္ေနတယ္။ ဆုိလိုတာက အမႈက သြားေနတုန္းပဲ၊ အၿပီးသတ္ ဆုံးျဖတ္ခ်က္ မရွိဘူး။ အဲဒီအခ်ိန္မွာ ၿပီးခဲ့တဲ့လက ေမာ္နီတာဂ်ာနယ္မွာ ဦးေအာင္ဆန္းဦးရဲ႕ အင္တာဗ်ဴး ပါတယ္။ အင္တာဗ်ဴးထဲမွာ ဦးေအာင္ဆန္းဦး ေျပာေနတာက အမႈနဲ႔ ပတ္သက္ၿပီးေတာ့ အဓိကျငင္းခ်က္ (Major Issue) ေတြ အားလုံး သူႏုိင္ၿပီးၿပီလို႔ အဲဒီလို ေျပာတယ္။ အဲဒီေျပာၾကားခ်က္ဟာ မမွန္သလို တရား႐ုံးရဲ႕ ဆုံးျဖတ္ခ်က္ကို လႊမ္းမုိးတဲ့ ေျပာၾကားခ်က္မ်ဳိး၊ တရား႐ုံးကို မထီမဲ့ျမင္ျပဳတဲ့ ေျပာၾကားခ်က္မ်ဳိးလို႔ က်ေနာ္တုိ႔ ျမင္တယ္။

“အဲဒါေၾကာင့္ ဦးေအာင္ဆန္းဦးရယ္၊ အဲဒီဂ်ာနယ္ကုိ ထုတ္တဲ့ ထုတ္ေ၀သူ ဦးလွျမင့္ေဆြရယ္၊ အယ္ဒီတာခ်ဳပ္ ျမတ္ခုိင္၊ သူတုိ႔ကုိ က်ေနာ္တုိ႔က တရား႐ုံးကုိ မထီမဲ့ျမင္ျပဳမႈ ဥပေဒနဲ႔ အေရးယူဖို႔ တရားစြဲတာပါ။”

ဒီအမႈကို တရား႐ုံးေတာ္က တနလၤာေန႔မွာ လက္ခံခဲ့ပါတယ္။ ဒါေၾကာင့္ လာမယ့္ သီတင္းပတ္ေတြအတြင္း တရား႐ုံးခ်ဳပ္က ဒီအမႈနဲ႔ ပတ္သက္ၿပီး ရက္ခ်ိန္းေပးမယ္လို႔ ေမွ်ာ္လင့္ထားေၾကာင္းလည္း ေျပာပါတယ္။

“က်ေနာ္တုိ႔ ေမွ်ာ္လင့္တာကေတာ့ ၂ ပတ္၊ ၃ ပတ္ေလာက္အတြင္း တရား႐ုံးက ဒီအမႈကို ဘာလုပ္မလဲဆုိတာ ထြက္မွာပဲ။ တရား႐ုံးခ်ဳပ္ရဲ႕၊ တရားလႊတ္ေတာ္ရဲ႕ ထုံးစံအရ အမႈရက္ခ်ိန္း သတ္မွတ္ၿပီး မေပးပါဘူး။ ေသာၾကာေန႔ထုတ္ ႀကိဳတင္သတိေပးဟာေတြကုိ ၾကည့္ရပါတယ္။” ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ရဲ႕ ေရွ႕ေနႀကီး ဦးဉာဏ္၀င္း ေျပာသြားတာ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။

Danuta Kozaki

Australia's Burmese Muslim community - known as Rohingyas - say their kind are being ignored by the Australian Government's refugee swap deal with Malaysia.

Under the deal, 4000 refugees will be resettled in Australia while 800 asylum seekers will be sent to Malaysia.

The first group of refugees are expected to arrive in Australia later this week.

Yasmeen Fatima, from the Burmese Rohingya Association of Australia, says around 90 per cent of the 90,000 refugees and asylum seekers in Malaysia are Burmese.

She says many are from a Rohingya background, along with other Burmese ethnic minorities such as the Chin and Karen.

Ms Fatima says whilst the Rohingyas are a large group, community contacts in Malaysia say no Rohingyas have been picked to go to Australia in the refugee swap.

"I think this is really unfair because it is well known that in Malaysia the Rohingyas are the first burmese refugee," she said.

A spokesman for the Australian immigration department says the makeup of the 4,000 refugees to be swapped is yet to be determined, with the United Nations High Commission for Refugees making that selection.

Link::http://www.radioaustralianews.net.au/stories/201108/3289722.htm?desktop

အက်ိဳးအျမတ္တစ္ခုကို လိုခ်င္လို႔ လူဆိုတာ ဟန္ေဆာင္လို႔ရပါတယ္။ ဒါေပမယ့္ ဗီဇဆိုတာေတာ့ ညာလို႔မရဘူး။ ဗီဇဆိုတာကိုေတာ့ ဘယ္လို ဟန္ေဆာင္ေဆာင္ လိမ္ညာညာ ေဖ်ာက္လုိ႔ မရဘူး။ သူ႔ ဗီဇဘြားကနဲ ေပၚလာတဲ့အခါမွာ အထင္ၾကီးလို ႔မရေတာ့ပါဘူး။

လူတစ္ေယာက္ကို အထင္မႀကီး ၊ အထင္မေသးတာ အေကာင္းဆံုးပါ။ သူမ်ားေတြအေျပာန႔ဲ လူတစ္ေယာက္ကို မဆံုးျဖတ္တာအမွန္ဆံုးပါ။လူေတြဟာ တစ္ဦးနဲ႔ တစ္ဦး ေမတၱာထားတာ မတူတတ္ၾကေတာ့ သူမ်ားန႔ ဲအဆင္မေျပတဲ့သူတစ္ေယာက္ဟာကိုယ့္အေပၚမွာလူေကာင္းတစ္ေယာက္ ျဖစ္ေနႏိုင္ပါတယ္။ အဲဒီ သူမ်ား ဆိုတာကေရာ ဘယ္လို လူစားမ်ိဳးလဲဆိုတာ ဆန္းစစ္ဖို႔ လိုပါမယ္။

ျဖစ္ခ်င္တုိင္းျဖစ္ခြင္႕ရ၍ ကာလယႏၱရားတစ္ခု ပိုင္ဆုိင္ရသည္ဆုိပါက ယေန႕လူၾကီးမ်ားကို ထုိစက္အတြင္းထည္႕ျပီး အတိတ္သို႕အလည္သြားၾကည္႕ေစလိုပါသည္။ လူငယ္မ်ားကိုမူ ထုိစက္အတြင္းသို႕ပင္ ထည္႕၍ အနာဂတ္သို႕ သြားၾကည္႕ေစခ်င္မိပါသည္။ မိဘတုိ္င္း သားသမီးႏွင္႕ ကေတာက္ကဆ ျဖစ္ဖူးပါလိမ္႕မည္။ သားသမီးမရွိသည္႕ လူမ်ားဆုိလွ်င္လည္း တူ၊တူမမ်ားႏွင္႕ အစာမေၾက ျဖစ္ဖူးၾကမည္ ထင္ပါသည္။ ယုတ္စြဆုံး တစ္ကုိယ္ေရတစ္ကာယသမားမ်ားပင္လွ်င္ လမ္းေလွ်ာက္ရင္း မ်က္စိခလုတ္တုိက္ခဲ႕သည္႕ လူငယ္မ်ားကို ၾကည္႕မရ ျဖစ္ခဲ႕ဖူးေပလိမ္႕မည္။ ထုိျပႆနာပင္ျဖစ္ပါသည္။ ထုိျပႆနာသည္ ေခတ္အဆက္ဆက္ မျငီးေငြ႕စတမ္း ေပၚေပါက္ခဲ႕ေသာ အၾကိတ္အခဲျဖစ္ပါသည္။ဟုတ္ပါသည္။လူၾကီးႏွင္႕လူငယ္ၾကားမွနားလည္မႈလုိအပ္ခ်က္ ျပႆနာပင္ ျဖစ္ပါသည္။ ဥာဏ္စဥ္မမီဟု လူၾကီးမ်ားစိတ္တြင္ရွိေနေသာ လူငယ္မ်ားက တစ္ယူသန္မ်ားဟု ထုိလူၾကီးမ်ားကို ျပန္လည္အျပစ္တင္သည္။ ထုိအခါ လူၾကီးမ်ားက လူငယ္မ်ားကို ရုိင္းစုိင္းသည္ဟု မွတ္ခ်က္ခ်သည္။ လူငယ္မ်ားက တစ္ဖန္လူၾကီးမ်ားကို္ အၾကင္နာမရွိသူမ်ားဟု မွတ္ယူၾကသည္။ ထုိကိစၥသည္ ဂ်ာေအးလည္း အရႈိးရာစြဲေနပါျပီ။ မုန္႕လုံးမွာလည္း စကၠဴၾကားတြင္ ရွာမေတြ႕ေတာ႕ပါ။ စကၠန္႕သုံးဆယ္မွ် အခ်ိန္ေပး၍ စဥ္းစားၾကည္႕ၾကရေအာင္ပါ။ အဘယ္ေၾကာင္႕ ျဖစ္ရပါသနည္း။

အဘယ္ေၾကာင္႕ဟု ေမးျပန္လွ်င္လည္းလူၾကီးမ်ားက“သူတုိ႕ကနားမွမလည္တာ”ဟူ၍ ေျဖေကာင္းေျဖၾကပါလိမ္႕မည္။ လူငယ္မ်ားလည္း “သူတုိ႕က လူငယ္ေတြရဲ႕ စိတ္ခံစားခ်က္ကိုမွ မသိတာ”ဟု ခြန္းတုံ႕ျပန္ၾကမည္ ထင္ပါသည္။ တစ္ေယာက္တစ္ခြန္းေျပာေန၍ အေျဖရွာေတြ႕ႏုိင္မည္ မဟုတ္ပါ။ အေရးၾကီးေသာ လူၾကီးေတြ၏အျခမ္းကို အရင္ သုံးသပ္ၾကည္႕ရေအာင္ပါ။ လူၾကီးမ်ားက အေတြ႕အၾကံဳကို အားကိုး၍ လူငယ္မ်ားက အေတြးအေခၚကို အားကိုးသည္ဟု ဆရာေတာ္အရွင္ေဆကိႏၵက ျမြက္ၾကားဖူးပါသည္။ အမွန္ပင္ လူၾကီးမ်ားသည္ ဘ၀ကို ျဖတ္သန္းခဲ႕ေသာ ႏွစ္ကာလရွည္ၾကာမႈေၾကာင္႕ အေတြ႕အၾကံဳ တစ္ပုံတစ္ပင္ရွိေနပါသည္။ထုိအေတြ႕အၾကံဳမ်ားေၾကာင္႕ပင္ခန္႕မွန္းႏုိင္မႈစြမ္းအားၾကီးမားျခင္းသည္အားသာ
ခ်က္တစ္ခု ျဖစ္လာပါသည္။ မည္႕သို႕လုပ္လွ်င္ မည္သို႕ျဖစ္မည္ကို အၾကမ္းဖ်ဥ္းနားလည္ေနၾက၍ လူငယ္မ်ားကို နည္းေပးလမ္းျပ ျပဳႏုိင္ၾကသည္။ ေနာက္ထပ္ လူၾကီးမ်ား၏ အားသာခ်က္မ်ားမွာ လူငယ္မ်ားထက္ပို၍ ဆင္ျခင္တုံတရားရွိျခင္းႏွင္႕ ေ၀ဖန္ပုိင္းျခားႏုိင္စြမ္းရွိျခင္းတုိ႕ပင္ျဖစ္သည္။ ယင္းတုိ႕ေၾကာင္႕ ဆုံးျဖတ္ခ်က္မ်ားခ်မွတ္ရတြင္ အမွားနည္းႏုိင္သည္။ မွန္ကန္သည္ဟု ယံုမွတ္ရေသာ အလုပ္ကို လုပ္ကိုင္ႏုိင္သည္။ ရုိးရာအစဥ္အလာမ်ားၾကားတြင္ ၾကီးျပင္းလာၾကသူမ်ားျဖစ္ၾကေသာေၾကာင္႕ အစဥ္အလာမ်ားကို ဖက္တြယ္ကာ ထိန္းသိမ္းလိုၾကသည္။

အစဥ္အလာမ်ားကို ဖက္တြယ္ထိန္းသိမ္းလိုၾကသည္႕ လူၾကီးမ်ား၏ အၾကီးမားဆုံးေသာ အမွားတစ္ရပ္မွာ မိမိထက္ငယ္သူမွန္သမွ် မိမိေလာက္မေတာ္၊ မိမိေလာက္မတတ္ဟု ေတြးမိေနၾကျခင္းပင္ျဖစ္ပါသည္။ ထုိအေတြး၀င္ေနသမွ်ကာလပတ္လုံး သားသမီးတပည္႕မ်ားေျပာသည္ဆိုလွ်င္ မိမိခံယူခ်က္ႏွင္႕မကိုက္ညီပါက အမွန္ဟု ယူဆမေပးႏုိင္ေတာ႕။ “သူတုိ႕က လူျဖစ္တာ ဘယ္ေလာက္ၾကာေသးလုိ႕လဲ”ဟု စကားတင္းဆုိရန္သာ ဦးေႏွာက္ထဲတြင္ ရွိၾကေတာ႕သည္။ ဒုတိယအမွားမွာ မိမိငယ္ဘ၀ကို ေမ႕တတ္ၾကျခင္းျဖစ္ပါသည္။ မိမိငယ္ငယ္ကလည္း မိဘမ်ားႏွင္႕ အျငင္းအခံုျဖစ္ခဲ႕ၾကဖူးသည္တုိ႕ကို သတိမရေတာ႕။ မိဘမၾကိဳက္သည္မ်ားကို လုပ္ခဲ႕ဖူးသည္ကိုလည္း မမွတ္မိ။ သာဓကျပရလွ်င္ မိမိတုိ႕လက္ထက္က မိဘမ်ားနားမလည္ခဲ႕သည္႕ စတီရီယိုသီခ်င္းမ်ားကို ခုံမင္ခဲ႕သည္႕ဘ၀ကိုေမ႕ကာ ယေန႕ေခတ္ရက္ပ္မ်ား၊ ပန္႕ခ္မ်ားကို မိမိခံစားခ်က္ႏွင္႕ မကိုက္ညီေတာ႕သည္ႏွင္႕ ပစ္ပယ္ခ်င္ၾကျခင္း၊ စာက်က္ရန္ပ်င္းသည္႕ မိမိငယ္ဘ၀ကို ေမ႕ခ်င္ေယာင္ေဆာင္ကာ သားသမီးကို တုတ္မိုး၍ စာက်က္ရန္ေစခုိင္းျခင္း တုိ႕ပင္ ျဖစ္သည္။ အဆုိးဆုံးမွာ လူငယ္မ်ားက မိမိတုိ႕ထက္သာသြားမည္ကို မလိုလားေသာေၾကာင္႕ လူငယ္မ်ား၏ ထင္ျမင္ယူဆခ်က္ အသစ္မ်ားကို အေလးမထားလိုၾက။ မိမိေလာက္မတတ္သူမ်ားက မိေက်ာင္းမင္းေရကင္းျပေနသည္ဟု ယံုၾကည္ကာ လူငယ္မ်ားကို မေလးစားၾကေတာ႕။ ထုိ႕ျပင္ လူၾကီးမ်ားႏွင္႕ လူငယ္မ်ားၾကားမွ အၾကီးမားဆုံး ကြာျခားခ်က္မွာ ေခတ္ပင္ ျဖစ္ပါသည္။
ထုိအၾကီးမားဆုံး ကြာျခားခ်က္ ေခတ္ေၾကာင္႕ပင္ လူၾကီးႏွင္႕ လူငယ္တုိ႕ၾကားတြင္ စည္းျခားေနေသာ တံတုိင္းက တစ္ထပ္ျပီးတစ္ထပ္ ထူလာရျခင္း ျဖစ္ႏုိင္သည္။ “ငါတုိ႕ ငယ္ငယ္တုန္းက မင္းတုိ႕လုိ မဟုတ္ပါဘူးကြာ” ဟူေသာ စကားမ်ိဳးကို အသက္ရလာသူ အမ်ားစုေျပာျဖစ္ၾကမည္ထင္ပါသည္။ လူၾကီးမ်ားမဆုိထားႏွင္႕ အသက္ႏွစ္ဆယ္မျပည္႕ေသးသူမ်ားထံမွပင္ ထုိစကားမ်ိဳးကို နားႏွင္႕ဆတ္ဆတ္ၾကားခဲ႕ဖူးပါသည္။ ပြင္႕ပြင္႕လင္းလင္း ၀န္ခံရလွ်င္ေတာ႕ စာေရးသူကိုယ္တုိင္ပင္ ထုိစကားသံုးကာ ဖြင္႕ဟညည္းတြားခဲ႕ဖူးပါသည္။ ဤသည္မွာ စကၠန္႕ႏွင္႕အမွ် ေျပာင္းလဲေနေသာ ေခတ္ေၾကာင္႕ပင္ ျဖစ္ပါသည္။ တုိးတက္ရာတိုးတက္ေၾကာင္းမ်ားက တစ္ေန႕တစ္ျခား မ်ားျပားလာဖုိ႕သာ ရွိသည္။ ေလ်ာ႕က်သြားဖုိ႕မရွိ။ လြန္ခဲ႕သည္႕ အႏွစ္ႏွစ္ဆယ္၊ သုံးဆယ္ခန္႕က လူငယ္မ်ားသည္ ခ်တ္တင္ထိုင္ရေကာင္းမွန္းမသိ၊ ရႈိးပြဲသြားစရာမလုိ၊ ေရွာ႕ပင္ထြက္ရန္ဟူသည္ကား ေ၀လာေ၀းပင္။ ေဖ်ာ္ေျဖေရးမ်ားကလည္း မ်ားျပားလာ၍ လမ္းေပၚထြက္သည္ႏွင္႕ ေပ်ာ္စရာရွာႏုိင္ေသာ ေခတ္မ်ိဳးတြင္ လူငယ္မျဖစ္ခဲ႕ဖူးသည္႕ ယေန႕လူၾကီးမ်ားကိုလည္း အျပစ္တင္ရန္အေၾကာင္းမရွိေပ။ ထုိအခါ မိမိတုိ႕ငယ္စဥ္က အိပ္မက္မမက္ခဲ႕ဖူးေသာ လုပ္ငန္းေဆာင္တာမ်ိဳးႏွင္႕ ေပ်ာ္ေမြ႕ေနၾကေသာ လူငယ္မ်ား၏ ခံစားမႈကို ကိုယ္ခ်င္းမစာႏုိင္ၾကေသာ လူၾကီးမ်ားျဖစ္လာသည္။ ေခတ္ကိုမလုိက္ႏုိင္ၾကသူမ်ားမွာ လူငယ္မ်ားႏွင္႕ ပိုမုိေ၀းကြာလာရျပီး ျပႆနာမ်ားမွာလည္း ပိုမိုၾကီးထြားလာၾကသည္။ လူငယ္မ်ားကို ေပါ႕ေပါ႕ပါးပါး အေပ်ာ္ရွာေနၾကသူမ်ားဟု သတ္မွတ္ထားၾကေသာ လူၾကီးမ်ားအတြက္ စဥ္းစားရန္ အေျခအေနကလည္း ေပၚထြက္လာပါသည္။
ထုိစဥ္းစားရန္ အေျခအေနမွာ ယေန႕လူငယ္မ်ားသည္ ေပ်ာ္ပါးရန္အခြင္႕အလမ္းမ်ား ပိုမိုမ်ားျပားလာသည္ႏွင္႕အမွ် လႈပ္ရွားရုန္းကန္ရန္လည္း လုိအပ္မႈကလည္း တစ္ေန႕တစ္ျခား တုိးတက္ေနပါသည္။ မိမိတုိ႕ငယ္စဥ္က မၾကံဳေတြ႕ခဲ႕ရဖူးေသာ ေက်ာင္းကျပန္သည္ႏွင္႕ က်ဴရွင္တက္ေနရျခင္း၊ ေႏြေက်ာင္းပိတ္ရက္မ်ားတြင္ပင္ သင္တန္းမ်ိဳးစုံတက္ေနရျခင္းတုိ႕ကုိ ေထာက္ခံျပီး ၾကည္႕ေနႏုိင္ပါက အားလပ္ရက္မ်ားတြင္ သူငယ္ခ်င္းမ်ားႏွင္႕ အျပင္လည္ျခင္း၊ စတိတ္ရႈိးသြားျခင္းတုိ႕ကိုလည္း မကန္႕ကြက္ဘဲ ေနႏုိင္ရမည္ျဖစ္ပါသည္။ ထုိအလုပ္မ်ားသည္ လူငယ္ဘ၀တြင္သာ လုပ္ေဆာင္ႏုိင္သည္႕ အရာမ်ားျဖစ္သည္ဟု ႏွလုံးသြင္းကာ ခြင္႕လႊတ္ေပးသင္႕ပါသည္။ မိမိတုိ႕လည္း လူငယ္ဘ၀က မိဘတို႕က “အရည္မရ အဖတ္မရ”ဟု အမည္တပ္ခဲ႕ေသာ အလုပ္မ်ားစြာကို ေပ်ာ္ေမြ႕စြာလုပ္ကိုင္ခဲ႕ဖူးသည္ မဟုတ္ပါေလာ။ တစ္ဖန္ လူငယ္မ်ားကုိ ေစာင္းငဲ႕ၾကည္႕လိုက္လွ်င္ အေတြးအေခၚမ်ား၊ ခံစားခ်က္မ်ားကို အားျပဳထားသည္ကို ေတြ႕ရမည္ျဖစ္ပါသည္။ ႏုပ်ိဳလန္းဆန္းမႈမ်ား ၀န္းရံေနေသာအရြယ္ျဖစ္၍ အစဥ္သျဖင္႕ တက္ၾကြေနၾကေသာ လူငယ္မ်ားပင္ ျဖစ္ပါသည္။ အေတြ႕အၾကံဳမ်ားစြာ မရွိေသးသည္ႏွင္႕အညီ အရာရာကို စူးစမ္းလုိၾကသည္။ စမ္းသပ္ၾကည္႕ခ်င္ၾကသည္။ သင္႕ေတာ္သည္၊ မသင္႕ေတာ္သည္ထက္ မိမိတုိ႕ ဆႏၵရွိေသာအရာကို လုပ္ေဆာင္ရလွ်င္ပင္ ေပ်ာ္ေမြ႕ေနၾကသည္။ ၀ါသနာကို ေမြးျမဴထားၾကျပီး ထုိ၀ါသနာအတုိင္းေဆာင္ရြက္ၾကသည္။ သြက္သြက္လက္လက္ရွိေသာ အရြယ္ျဖစ္၍ တစ္စုံတစ္ခု လုပ္ကိုင္လွ်င္ လ်င္လ်င္ျမန္ျမန္သာ ေဆာင္ရြက္လိုၾကသည္။ အေပါင္းအသင္းမ်ားႏွင္႕ စုေပါင္းလုပ္ကိုင္ရသည္တုိ႕ကို ႏွစ္ျခိဳက္ၾကသည္။ ထုိအေပါင္းအသင္းမ်ားၾကားထဲတြင္ စကားလုပ္ေျပာႏုိင္ရန္ တစ္ေနရာရာတြင္ အျခားသူမ်ားထက္ သာေအာင္လည္း ၾကိဳးစားလိုစိတ္ရွိၾကသည္။ မိမိသေဘာက်သည္႕ကိစၥရပ္ကို လုပ္ကို္င္ခ်င္စိတ္ ျပင္းျပၾကသည္။
လုပ္ကိုင္ခ်င္စိတ္ ျပင္းျပၾကေသာ လူငယ္မ်ားသည္လည္း လူသားမ်ားသာျဖစ္၍ အမွားႏွင္႕မကင္းႏုိင္ၾကေပ။ ပထမမွားသည္မွာ မိမိတို႕၏ မိဘမ်ားအပါအ၀င္ လူၾကီးမ်ား၏ အေတြးအေခၚမ်ားသည္ ေဟာင္းႏြမ္းေနျပီဟု ယူဆၾကျခင္းပင္ ျဖစ္သည္။ ထုိသုိ႕ယံုၾကည္မိသည္ႏွင္႕တစ္ျပိဳင္နက္ ဆုံးမစကားမ်ားကို စာအုပ္မ်ားထဲသို႕သာ ပို႕ပစ္ခ်င္ၾကေတာ႕သည္။ တမင္လုပ္ယူထားေသာ ဆန္႕က်င္မႈမ်ားကို ထုတ္ျပလာၾကသည္။ ထုိ႕ျပင္ လူငယ္တို႕သည္ လူၾကီးတုိ႕၏ အေတြ႕အၾကံဳကိုလည္း လ်စ္လ်ဴရႈတတ္ၾကေသးသည္။ တစ္စုံတစ္ရာႏွင္႕ပတ္သက္၍ ရွင္းျပလွ်င္ အပိုဆာဒါးမ်ားဟုသာ ထင္မွတ္ၾကသည္။ တစ္ခါတစ္ရံတြင္ လူၾကီးမ်ားလူငယ္ျဖစ္ဖူးသည္ကိုလည္း ေမ႕ေမ႕သြားတတ္ၾကသည္။ လူၾကီးမိဘတုိ႕က သူတို႕ငယ္စဥ္က ၾကံဳေတြ႕ခဲရသည္မ်ားႏွင္႕ ႏႈိင္းယွဥ္၍ ရွင္းျပလွ်င္လည္း နားမ၀င္ၾကေတာ႕။ လူငယ္မ်ားတြင္ ေတြ႕ရေသာ အဆိုးဆုံးအခ်က္မွာ မိမိကုိယ္ကိုယ္ ယံုၾကည္မႈလြန္ကဲျခင္းပင္ ျဖစ္သည္။ ကုိယ္႕ကိုယ္ကိုယ္ယံုၾကည္မႈဟူသည္မွာ ရွိသင္႕သည္အရာျဖစ္ေသာ္လည္း လြန္ကဲလာလွ်င္ေတာ႕ အမွားဘက္ယိမ္းလာသည္။ မိမိသည္ အရာရာကို နားလည္သူျဖစ္သည္၊ လူၾကီးမ်ား၏ ညႊန္ၾကားခ်က္မပါဘဲ ေဆာင္ရြက္ႏုိင္သည္ဟု မွတ္ထင္မိေသာအခါ ထိန္းသိမ္းပဲ႕ျပင္ေပးလိုေသာ လူၾကီးမ်ားကို အစုိးရိမ္ပိုသူမ်ား၊ အလကားပူပန္တတ္သူမ်ားဟုသာ ယူဆထားၾကေတာ႕သည္။ ထုိမွ်သာမက ထံုးတမ္းအစဥ္အလာမ်ားကို တစ္ျဖည္းျဖည္းပစ္ပယ္ခ်င္လာၾကသည္။ ထံုးတမ္းအစဥ္အလာမ်ားကို ပစ္ပယ္ခ်င္လာၾကေသာ လူငယ္မ်ားအဖုိ႕လည္း မိမိတုိ႕အတြက္ ပုံျပင္သဖြယ္ပတ္၀န္းက်င္တြင္ လူလားေျမာက္လာခဲ႕ၾကေသာ လူၾကီးမ်ား၏ စိုးရိမ္ပူပန္မႈတုိ႕ကို နားလည္ေပးႏုိင္ရန္မွာ အခက္အခဲတစ္ခုျဖစ္လာသည္။ လူၾကီးမျဖစ္ဖူးၾကေသး၍လည္း အသက္အရြယ္ရသူတစ္ေယာက္၏ ဘ၀ကို ထပ္တူထပ္မွ် မခံစားေပႏုိင္ေတာ႕ေပ။ ဤသို႕ျဖင္႕ မရိုးေသးေသာ လူၾကီးလူငယ္ျပႆနာမ်ားမွာလည္း အရွိန္အဟုန္ျမင္႕လာရေတာ႕သည္။
ျပႆနာမ်ား အရွိန္အဟုန္ျမင္႕ေနျခင္းကို မည္သို႕ေျဖရွင္းမည္နည္း။ လူၾကီးဘက္မွ ခြင္႕လႊတ္ေပးေနရုံမွ်ႏွင္႕လည္း မျဖစ္ႏုိင္ပါ။ လူငယ္မ်ားဘက္မွ နာယူလက္ခံေနရုံႏွင္႕လည္း မျပီးပါ။ ႏွစ္ဦးႏွစ္ဖက္စလုံး ေက်ေက်နပ္နပ္ႏွင္႕ ညွိႏႈိင္းၾကမွသာ အဆင္ေျပေခ်ာေမြ႕ေသာ ဆက္ဆံေရးတစ္ခုကို တည္ေထာင္ႏုိင္မည္ ျဖစ္သည္။ အဆင္ေျပေခ်ာေမြ႕ေသာ ဆက္ဆံေရးတစ္ခုကို တည္ေထာင္ႏုိင္ရန္အတြက္ လူၾကီးမ်ားကို ေခတၱ စဥ္းစားၾကည္႕ေစလုိပါသည္။ ေနာင္အႏွစ္သံုးေလးဆယ္တြင္ ကမၻာေပၚရွိ ဦးေဆာင္ေနသူမ်ား အားလုံး၏ေနရာတြင္ ယေန႕လူငယ္ဟု အမည္တြင္ေနသူမ်ားက အစားထုိး၀င္ေရာက္ၾကမည္ ျဖစ္ပါသည္။ ထုိအခါတြင္ ဘီလ္ဂိတ္ေနရာတြင္လည္း ယေန႕လူငယ္၊ ဘင္ကီမြန္းရာထူးကိုလည္း ယေန႕လူငယ္၊ ေဒးဗစ္ဘက္ခမ္း၏ ေက်ာ္ၾကားမႈကိုလည္း ယေန႕လူငယ္မ်ားျဖင္႕သာ ဖုံးလႊမ္းသြားမည္သာ ျဖစ္ပါသည္။ ထို႕ေၾကာင္႕ မိမိမ်က္စိေရွ႕တြင္ ေပ်ာ္ေနၾကေသာ လူငယ္မ်ားကို သာမန္လူငယ္မ်ားဟု မေတြးဘဲ မိမိတုိ႕ေနထုိင္ခဲ႕ဖူးေသာ ကမၻာၾကီးကို ဆက္လက္ထိန္းသိမ္းေပးသြားမည္႕ သူမ်ားအျဖစ္ ျမင္ၾကည္႕ေစလိုၾကပါသည္။ လူငယ္မ်ားကိုလည္း လူၾကီးျဖစ္ရမည္႕ ဘ၀ကို ခဏမွ် နက္နက္နဲနဲေတြးေတာ ၾကည္႕ေစလိုပါသည္။ မိမိေျပာသမွ်ကို ခြန္းတုံ႕မခံျပန္ေျပာေနေသာ သားသမီးမ်ားႏွင္႕ အတူေနထုိင္ရမည္႕ ဘ၀မ်ိဳးကို ျမင္ေယာင္ၾကည္႕ေစလိုပါသည္။ ထုိသို႕ ႏွစ္ဦးႏွစ္ဖက္ စာနာနားလည္ေပးႏုိင္ၾကလွ်င္ ကမၻာၾကီးသည္ ပို၍ေနေပ်ာ္ဖြယ္ေကာင္းလာမည္ ထင္ပါသည္။

ေန႕အိပ္မက္

Link::http://www.lawka-ahla.com/news.php?extend.1068.2

ASIAN HUMAN RIGHTS COMMISSION - URGENT APPEALS PROGRAMME

Urgent Appeal Case: AHRC-UAC-135-2011
Dear friends,

The Asian Human Rights Commission (AHRC) has received details about a private company in Burma that with the backing of retired army officers sent bulldozers in the dead of night to destroy an historic Muslim cemetery so that the land can be claimed for commercial activities. The destruction was stopped after interventions from the local community, but extensive damage was already done and it is feared that the company will use further techniques to force the cemetery off the land. The case is another that illustrates the shifting character of rights abuse in many parts of Burma, from direct violations committed by the armed forces or police to those where private companies backed by serving and former government officials play a key role.

CASE NARRATIVE:

According to information obtained by the AHRC, three bulldozers entered a historic Muslim cemetery in Meikhtila, upper Burma, around 2am on 25 July 2011 and began destroying gravesites without prior warning. After the intervention of the local Muslim community, they left the cemetery at about 11am on the same day. However, extensive damage had already been done to some graves. The bulldozers also have reportedly not been withdrawn completely but are still situated nearby, with the intention that they might be used again.

Some photographs of the bulldozers and the damage caused, as seen in the daylight hours, are here: photo-1, photo-2, photo-3, photo-4 and photo-5.

The local Muslim leaders have alleged that the nighttime bulldozer raid on the cemetery was carried out at the behest of a local private company that wants to use the land for commercial activities. Two of the company officials are former army officers, and the Muslim community fears that they will use their influence to force the cemetery to relocate so that the land can be used commercially. The grounds of the cemetery have already been extensively damaged and the amount of damage already caused may be used to justify a takeover.

The community has called upon the government, police and other groups and key individuals to support its right to stay on the land, and to afford it protection against unlawful intrusion onto the land and destruction of gravesites. It is also reportedly preparing to lodge legal action against the trespass and damage caused.

Further details of the case are in the sample letter below: your action is required to address the issues both of forced confiscation of land and also the assault and criminal case against the farmers.

BACKGROUND COMMENTS:

The raided cemetery and adjacent mosque have been situated at the same site in Meikhtila for over 150 years. Evidence also suggests that Muslims may have settled at the site much earlier. The land titles are made out to the religious committee responsible for the premises. The private company has no legal rights whatsoever to the land.

The local authorities had reportedly warned for some time that they intended to take control of the land, but according to information received by the AHRC, had given the impression that they wanted to use the land for a park. After the bulldozer raid, it is clear that the intention is to occupy the land for commercial purposes.

According to local sources, many buildings and much land around the Meikhtila township that had previously been taken over by the government decades earlier after non-Burmese residents were forced out of the country is now being assessed and resold to make profits for local officials, and the Islamic glebe land is viewed as another source of quick income.

ADDITIONAL COMMENTS:

This case is another that speaks to the emergence of new forms of private-military economic interests in Burma responsible for human rights abuses in Burma.

Previously the AHRC had issued an appeal on the case of a group of farmers who themselves were criminally prosecuted for defying orders concerning the use of their land: http://www.humanrights.asia/news/urgent-appeals/AHRC-UAC-073-2011.

Although the prosecution resulted in conviction and imprisonment of the farmers, we are pleased to note that on appeal they were released from custody, although not acquitted. Rather, the appeal court reduced their sentences to cover time already served. However, the question of ownership of the land in that case also remains unresolved.

There are many other hundreds, probably thousands, of cases of a similar sort emerging from Burma at the moment, some of which the AHRC is closely following and documenting, in which a nexus of military, commercial and administrative interests are responsible for human rights abuses.

For more commentary on these and other human rights issues in Burma, visit the Burma page on the new AHRC website: http://www.humanrights.asia/countries/burma

REQUESTED ACTION:
Please write to the persons listed below to call for an investigation into this incident and for guarantees that the cemetery will not again be raided or forced to relocate because of commercial interests. Please note that for the purposes of the letter Burma is referred to by its official name, Myanmar.

Please be informed that the AHRC is writing separate letters to the UN Special Rapporteurs on Myanmar and on freedom of religion or belief calling for interventions into this case.

SAMPLE LETTER:

Dear ___________,

MYANMAR: Private company attempts to destroy historic Muslim cemetery

Place of incident: Green Land Islamic Glebe Land, Meikhtila Township, Mandalay Region, Myanmar

Date and time of incident: Around 2am on 25 July 2011

Persons identified as responsible:
1. Captain Htun Htun Win, retired
2. Colonel Ko Ko Kyi, retired
3. Zekamba U Khin Shwe, owner of the private company involved

I am writing to you regarding a covert nighttime attempt to destroy an historic Muslim cemetery in the north of Myanmar, apparently in order that the land can be occupied for commercial purposes.

According to the information that I have received, three bulldozers entered the historic Muslim cemetery in the Green Land Islamic glebe land in Meikhtila around 2am on 25 July 2011 and began destroying gravesites. After the intervention of the local Muslim community, they left the cemetery at about 11am on the same day. However, extensive damage had already been done to graves, tombstones and walls.

The local Muslim leaders have alleged that the nighttime bulldozer raid on the cemetery was carried out at the behest of a private company owned by U Khin Shwe that wants to use the land for commercial activities. Two of the company officials are former army officers, Captain Htun Htun Win and Colonel Ko Ko Kyi, and the Muslim community fears that they will use their influence to force the cemetery to relocate so that the land can be used commercially.

Previously, the community had been aware of plans to convert part of the site into parkland; however, it is now clear from this incident that it is a blatant attempt at land grabbing and profiteering off a religious compound.

I note that the cemetery was established over 150 years ago and that since 2002 no new burials have taken place at the site, in accordance with an administrative order. Since then it has been preserved as a heritage site.

The community has called upon the government, police and other groups and key individuals to support its right to stay on the land, and to afford it protection against unlawful intrusion onto the land and destruction of gravesites. I join these calls, noting that under article 362 of the 2008 Constitution of the Union of Myanmar, Islam is recognized as a religion of Myanmar, and that under article 364 "any act which is intended or is likely to promote feelings of hatred, enmity or discord between racial or religious communities or sects is contrary to this Constitution".

Furthermore, I call for a police investigation into this incident to establish who was responsible for the sending of the bulldozers into the glebe land in order that criminal charges are brought against them, so that a clear message is sent to businesses and influential persons in Myanmar that this sort of action will not be tolerated.

Yours sincerely,

----------------
PLEASE SEND YOUR LETTERS TO:

1. U Hla Min
Minister for Home Affairs
Ministry of Home Affairs
Office No. 10
Naypyitaw
MYANMAR
Tel: +95 67 412 079/ 549 393/ 549 663
Fax: +95 67 412 439

2. U Thein Sein
President of Myanmar
President Office
Office No.18
Naypyitaw
MYANMAR

3. U Tun Tun Oo
Chief Justice
Office of the Supreme Court
Office No. 24
Naypyitaw
MYANMAR
Tel: + 95 67 404 080/ 071/ 078/ 067 or + 95 1 372 145
Fax: + 95 67 404 059

4. Dr. Tun Shin
Attorney General
Office of the Attorney General
Office No. 25
Naypyitaw
MYANMAR
Tel: +95 67 404 088/ 090/ 092/ 094/ 097
Fax: +95 67 404 146/ 106

5. U Kyaw Kyaw Htun
Director General
Myanmar Police Force
Ministry of Home Affairs
Office No. 10
Naypyitaw
MYANMAR
Tel: +95 67 412 079/ 549 393/ 549 663
Fax: +951 549 663 / 549 208

Thank you.

Urgent Appeals Programme
Asian Human Rights Commission (AHRC) (ua@ahrc.asia)

Document Type :

Urgent Appeal Case

Document ID :

AHRC-UAC-135-2011

Countries :

Burma (Myanmar)

Issues :

Freedom of religion, Rule of law

Document Actions

ခ်င္းမိုင္ (မဇၥ်ိမ) ။ ။ “ ျပည္သူ႔ေခါင္းေဆာင္ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္” ဟု ေခၚဆိုလိုက္ၿပီး တိုင္းရင္းသားလူမ်ဳိးမ်ား ဖက္ဒရယ္ေကာင္စီ UNFC က တိုင္းရင္းသား ေဒသမ်ားတြင္ အပစ္ခတ္ရပ္စဲၿပီး ပဋိပကၡမ်ားကို ေဆြးေႏြးျခင္းျဖင့္ အေျဖရွာပါရန္ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္၏ ပန္ၾကားခ်က္ကို ေထာက္ခံေၾကာင္း ေသာၾကာေန႔တြင္ ေျပာဆိုလိုက္သည္။

“ ယေန႔ျဖစ္ရွိေနေသာ လက္နက္ကိုင္ ပဋိပကၡကို ႏိုင္ငံေရးအရ ေတြ႔ဆံု ေဆြးေႏြး ေျဖရွင္းႏိုင္ေရး အတြက္
ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္၏ အဆိုျပဳ ပန္ၾကားခ်က္ကို က်ေနာ္တို႔ တုိင္းရင္းသား လက္နက္ကိုင္ အင္အားစုမ်ားက သေဘာတူ ေထာက္ခံေၾကာင္း ျပန္ၾကားအပ္ပါသည္” ဟု တိုင္းရင္းသား လက္နက္ကိုင္ အဖြဲ႔အားလံုးနီးပါးျဖင့္ေပါင္းစည္းထားေသာ UNFC က ေၾကညာခ်က္ ထုတ္၍ တံု႔ျပန္လိုက္သည္။
ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္က ၾကားဝင္ ေစ့စပ္ေပးလိုေၾကာင္း ကမ္းလွမ္းလာသည့္ ဇူလုိင္ ၂၈ ရက္ေန႔ ေပးစာတြင္ သမၼတ ဦးသိန္းစိန္ႏွင့္ UNFC အဖြဲ႔ဝင္ ၄ ဖြဲ႔ကိုသာ လိပ္မူခဲ့ေသာ္လည္း UNFC အဖြ႔ဲ တခုလံုးအေနျဖင့္ ျပန္ၾကားျခင္းျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း ေဖာ္ျပထားသည္။

ထို႔အျပင္ တိုင္းရင္းသား အဖြဲ႔အစည္းမ်ား၏ အမ်ဳိးသားတန္းတူေရးႏွင့္ ျပည္နယ္အတြင္း ကိုယ္ပိုင္ျပ႒ာန္းခြင့္ အျပည့္အဝရွိေသာ စစ္မွန္သည့္ ဖက္ဒရယ္ ျပည္ေထာင္စု တည္ေဆာက္လိုျခင္းကို မီးေမာင္း ထိုးျပထားသည္။

“ ႏွစ္ေပါင္း ၆၀ ေက်ာ္ ျဖစ္ပြားခဲ့ေသာ တုိင္းရင္းသား ျပႆနာကို ႏိုင္ငံေရးအရ အေလးထား ေျဖရွင္းခဲ့ျခင္း မရွိဘဲ စစ္ေရးျဖင့္သာ ဖိအားေပး ေျဖရွင္းလာခဲ့သျဖင့္ က်ေနာ္တုိ႔ ႏိုင္ငံသည္ သယံဇာတ ေပါႂကြယ္ဝေနပါလ်က္ ဖြံ႔ၿဖိဳးမႈေနာက္က်ေနရၿပီး လူမ်ဳိးစံု ျပည္သူမ်ားသည္ ဆင္းရဲ ဒုကၡမ်ဳိးစံုႏွင့္ ရင္ဆုိင္ေနရသည္။ ျပည္သူတုိ႔သည္ လြတ္လပ္သည့္ ႏိုင္ငံသားဟု ဆုိေသာ္ျငားလည္း ဗမာ အပါအဝင္ တုိင္းရင္းသား လူမ်ဳိးအားလံုးတို႔မွာ လြတ္လပ္ေရး၏ အရသာကို မခံစားၾကရပါ” ဟု ေဖာ္ျပထားသည္။

“ျပည္တြင္းစစ္ေၾကာင့္ ႏိုင္ငံႏွင့္ ျပည္သူမ်ားအေပၚ ထိခိုက္ နစ္နာေစၿပီး၊ အင္အားသံုး ေျဖရွင္း၍ အက်ဳိးရွိမည္ မဟုတ္ေၾကာင္း ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ နည္းတူ ထပ္တူထပ္မွ် ႐ႈျမင္သည္” ဟု ပါရွိသည္။

UNFC ကို ၂ဝ၁၁ ခု၊ ေဖေဖာ္ဝါရီလ ၁၂-၁၆ ထိ က်င္းပေသာ တိုင္းရင္းသား လူမ်ဳိးမ်ားညီလာခံတြင္ ကခ်င္ျပည္ လြတ္လပ္ေရးအဖြဲ႔ KIO၊ ကရင္အမ်ဳိးသားအစည္းအ႐ံုး KNU၊ ကရင္နီအမ်ဳိးသား တိုးတက္ေရးပါတီ KNPP၊ ခ်င္းအမ်ဳိးသား တပ္ဦး CNF၊ မြန္ျပည္သစ္ပါတီ NMSP၊ ရွမ္းျပည္ တိုးတက္ေရးပါတီ SSPP၊ ပအိုဝ္းအမ်ဳိးသား လြတ္ေျမာက္ေရးအဖြဲ႔ခ်ဳပ္ PNLO၊ ပေလာင္ျပည္နယ္ လြတ္ေျမာက္ေရးတပ္ဦး PSLF၊ ရခိုင္ျပည္အမ်ဳိးသားေကာင္စီ ANC၊ လားဟူ ဒီမိုကရက္တစ္သမဂၢ LDU၊ ဝ’ အမ်ဳိးသားအဖြဲ႔ခ်ဳပ္ WNO ႏွင့္ ကခ်င္အမ်ဳိးသားအစည္းအ႐ံုး KNO တို႔ျဖင့္ အမ်ဳိးသား တန္းတူေရး၊ ျပည္နယ္အတြင္းကိုယ္ပိုင္ျပ႒ာန္းခြင့္အျပည့္အဝရွိေသာဖက္ဒရယ္ျပည္ေထာင္စုတည္ေဆာက္ေရးတို႔အတြက္ ဖြဲ႔စည္းခဲ့သည္ဟု ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ကို ရွင္းျပထားသည္။

လက္ရွိ ျပည္ေထာင္စု ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံ၏ ပိုင္နက္ နယ္ေျမမ်ားကို ဗမာအပါအဝင္ တိုင္းရင္းသား လူမ်ဳိးမ်ား၏ ဘိုးဘြားပိုင္ နယ္ေျမမ်ားျဖင့္ ဆက္စပ္ စုစည္းထားျခင္း ျဖစ္ၿပီး စုေပါင္း တိုက္ပြဲဝင္ခဲ့သျဖင့္ ကိုလိုနီကၽြန္ဘဝမွ လြတ္လပ္ေသာႏုိင္ငံ ျဖစ္လာရသည္ဟု UNFC ၏ အေျခခံ သေဘာထားကို တင္ျပထားသည္။

http://www.mizzimaburmese.com/news/inside-burma/8093-2011-08-05-12-15-18.html

Twenty three years ago today over 3,000 people protesting for freedom in Burma were gunned down by the country’s military regime. Thousands more were killed during previous months, as the democracy movement swept the nation. Aung San Suu Kyi returned to Burma after many years living abroad, and rapidly emerged as the democracy leader and a voice of hope.

Since 1988, thousands more people have been killed. Aung San Suu Kyi, whose party, the National League for Democracy (NLD), overwhelmingly won elections held in 1990, spent most of the subsequent two decades under house arrest. The junta refused to recognise the results and instead of handing over power, those elected were jailed, killed or exiled. Even though Aung San Suu Kyi was freed nine months ago, almost 2,000 prisoners of conscience remain behind bars. The military has intensified its offensives against the ethnic nationalities, using rape as a weapon of war, forced labour, the forcible conscription of child soldiers, human minesweepers, torture and killings as a matter of policy on a widespread and systematic level. More than 3,600 villages have been destroyed in eastern Burma alone.
In November last year, twenty years on from the election won by the NLD, the regime held a new, heavily rigged sham poll, and formed a supposedly new, civilian government. Yet in reality the change is cosmetic – a few changes of personnel, perhaps some subtle changes of tone, and a change of clothing from military uniform to civilian suits, but no change in behaviour. In the past nine months the human rights and humanitarian crisis has continued. On 9 June the regime ended a 17-year cease-fire agreement with the Kachin Independence Army (KIA), resulting in the displacement of over 20,000 civilians, and the rape of at least 32 women and girls. Of the cases of rape, at least 13 victims were then killed. And these are only the cases that have been documented and reported. A few months earlier, the regime broke a 22-year ceasefire with one of the Shan ethnic armed groups, wreaking death and destruction upon thousands more civilians.

Since 1992, the UN General Assembly has been calling on the regime in Burma to respect the Geneva Conventions. Since 1997, the UN General Assembly has made 18 calls for inquiries into human rights violations. In its 20 resolutions, the General Assembly has detailed at least 15 possible categories of war crimes and crimes against humanity perpetrated by the regime in Burma. Recent resolutions have described the regime’s human rights abuses as “major and repeated violations of international humanitarian law.”

Surely it is now time to establish a UN Commission of Inquiry into war crimes and crimes against humanity in Burma? For the sake of justice, for the sake of ending impunity, and for the sake of the shaky credibility of the UN, isn’t it time? The UN Special Rapporteur for Human Rights in Burma, Tomas Ojea Quintana, has repeatedly recommended establishing such an inquiry, concluding that “failing to act on accountability in Myanmar will embolden the perpetrators of international crimes and further postpone long-overdue justice.”

At least 16 countries have expressed support, including 12 EU member states as well as the United States, Canada and Australia. Former UN rapporteurs Paulo Sergio Pinheiro and Yozo Yokota support it. Fourteen Nobel Laureates, including Archbishop Desmond Tutu, Mikhail Gorbachev and Elie Wiesel have called for it. Some of the world’s leading jurists have recommended it. Democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi has repeatedly expressed her support, particularly when she addressed the US Congress by video link in June. Now is the time to work proactively to build up further support and propose it at the General Assembly in October.

Foreign Secretary William Hag

ue has long been a champion of Burma’s struggle. In opposition, he and David Cameron met Charm Tong, an exiled Shan activist from Burma, in 2005 and he shared a platform with her at an event hosted by the Conservative Party Human Rights Commission. Soon after that, William Hague pressed the Labour Government to support an initiative to bring Burma to the agenda of the UN Security Council. In 2006, the Burma Campaign UK’s Campaigns Manager, Zoya Phan, received a standing ovation at the Conservative Party Conference when she spoke immediately before William Hague. She was invited back the following year. In 2007, at a debate on Burma in the House of Commons in the immediate aftermath of the brutal crackdown on protests led by Buddhist monks, William Hague insisted on opening for the opposition, even though the then government fielded only a junior Foreign Office minister. In 2009, he spoke at the launch of Zoya Phan’s book, Little Daughter, despite having returned from the United States that morning. He reportedly read the entire book before speaking at the event. And in 2010 the Conservative Party Human Rights Commission published a report recommending a Commission of Inquiry.

Most importantly, the British Government – and William Hague – support a Commission of Inquiry. So now it is time to make it happen.

Early next month, the European Union Foreign Ministers will meet to consider, among other things, the text of a resolution on Burma sponsored by the EU at the UN General Assembly. When the Foreign Secretary goes to that meeting, he should go armed with an overwhelming case for including in the resolution a proposal for a Commission of Inquiry. The UK should also, at the same time, be working to stiffen the spines of our existing allies on this, particularly the United States, and to build up the numbers needed in the General Assembly. Political and diplomatic resources should be invested in lobbying countries that have not yet expressed support but may be sympathetic. If necessary, the Prime Minister and Foreign Secretary should be encouraged to personally intervene, placing phone calls or having a quiet word with strategic counterparts around the world.

For over half a century Burma has been ruled by brutal military regimes, and for the past twenty-three years the suffering of the people of Burma has intensified. The UN General Assembly has called for an end to the culture of impunity in Burma on numerous occasions. If the regime is allowed to continue violating international law with no consequence, what message does that send to dictators around the world? A Commission of Inquiry is not only necessary if the UN General Assembly’s authority and credibility are to be upheld, it may also serve to prevent future human rights violations in Burma, and may well contribute towards establishing a meaningful dialogue between the regime, the democracy movement, the ethnic nationalities and the international community. It is a vital step towards national reconciliation. Britain has the opportunity and the responsibility to take the lead – we owe it to the people of Burma to do so.

Benedict Rogers
East Asia Team Leader
Christian Solidarity Worldwide UK

Teknaf, Bangladesh: Camp security police and local villagers have increased harassment against the refugees of Nayapara official camp since Ramadan month began on August 2, said a refugee committee member who declined to be named.

On the evening of August 5, camp security police accompanied by some local villagers harassed and looted the belongings of a group of refugees when they tried to enter the camp through rear gate. Refugees are not allowed to go out of the camp from the police gate, so they go out of the camp from rear gate without giving any information to the camp police.

On that day the police and local people looted bananas, sugar, chickpeas, edible oil, green chilies, onions, and more from the refugees who had bought the items from Teknaf market earlier. They looted from 30 refugees on that day. They also seized two mobile phones and money from the refugees.

The police entered the camp, destroyed the small shops of refugees and threw the goods away. Some goods were taken by the police who ordered the refugees to not sell any goods in the camp.

A refugee said that in Thailand, refugees are allowed to sell goods in the camp openly and there are no restrictions. “Even refugees are allowed to do business. Why are we not here? We are the same as other refugees.”

“During Ramadan month, everybody (Muslims) wants to have good food. Refugees are provided some goods in the camp, but it is not sufficient. So they want to buy some other necessary things from outside the camp. Without buying essential goods, they cannot survive.”

The same day, after sunset, a refugee named Mohamed Shoffee (40), on of Du Du Meah, B-Block, MRC No. 0917, Shed No.1024, of Nayapara camp, went to the health clinic of the camp to give food where his wife was admitted for treatment. At that time, a group of police led by one inspector went to his shed and carried away his bedstead, which was made of ordinary wood five months ago by Du Du Meah himself. He is a carpenter and had been taking training for carpentery in the camp that was provided by a government initiative, said a relative of the victim from the camp.

“This matter was appraised to the Camp-in-Charge (CIC) Saiful Islam Mujumdar and a UNHCR official, but the CIC admonished the victim, saying, ‘This is a refugee camp, and no one has a permit to sleep with a bedstead. You have no soil under your feet, why do you want to sleep on a bedstead?”

After that, the victim went to the camp security police to ask them to return his bedstead, but the police asked him to pay 2,000 Taka for his bedstead to be returned. So the victim abandoned it, as it would be worth only 1,000 Taka when sold in a market.

“Everyday, the camp police and local villagers disturb us when we want to go out and when we try to enter the camp after buying essentials from the market. The authorities concerned are requested to provide us facilities to buy things out of the camp during the holy month of Ramadan,” said a refugee elder from the camp.

Credit : Kaladan Press

(၁) Civil Society ဆိုင္ရာ အခက္အခဲမ်ား

political liberalization အေတြးအေခၚကို ကိုင္စြဲ၍ ဒီမိုကေရစီ ပန္းတိုင္သို႕ သြားရန္ ၾကိဳးပမ္းမွဳတြင္ civil society ၏ အခန္းက႑မွာ အလြန္ အေရးပါလွသည္။ ႏိုင္ငံေတာ္မွ ၾကိဳးကိုင္ျခယ္လွယ္မွဳ ကင္းရွင္းသည့္ အစုအဖြဲ႕မ်ား၊ လူထုလွဳပ္ရွားမွဳမ်ားႏွင့္ ပညာတတ္လူပုဂၢိဳလ္မ်ား ပါ၀င္ေသာ active civil society ရွင္သန္လာေရးသည္ အေရးၾကီးလွေသာ လိုအပ္ခ်က္တရပ္ျဖစ္သည္။ အဆိုပါ အဖြဲ႕အစည္းမ်ားသည္ လူ႕အဖြဲ႕အစည္းမွ ဒီမိုကေရစီ စံမ်ားကို နားလည္က်င့္သံုးလာေစေရး၊ ကြဲျပားျခားနားမွဳမ်ားအၾကားမွ ညီညြတ္မွဳကို နားလည္လက္ခံလာေစေရး၊ စီးပြားေရးႏွင့္ လူမွဳေရး ဖြံ႕ျဖိဳးတိုးတက္မွဳမ်ား ရွိလာေစေရးတို႕ကို ေဆာင္ရြက္ရမည္ျဖစ္ျပီး၊ ႏိုင္ငံေတာ္၏ ၀င္ေရာက္စြက္ဖက္ ၾကိဳးကိုင္ ခ်ယ္လွယ္မွဳမ်ားႏွင့္ တတ္ႏိုင္သမွ် ကင္းရွင္းရမည္ ျဖစ္ေလသည္။ သို႕မွသာ ႏိုင္ငံေတာ္၏ ပါ၀ါခ်ိန္ခြင္လွ်ာကို တဘက္တလမ္းမွ ထိန္းေက်ာင္းႏိုင္မည္ျဖစ္ျပီး၊ လူ႕အဖြဲ႕အစည္းအား ႏိုင္ငံေတာ္မွ ထိန္းခ်ဳပ္ထားမွဳကို အားေပ်ာ့ေစမည္ ျဖစ္သည္။ အစိုးရမဟုတ္ေသာ အဖြဲ႕အစည္းမ်ား (အန္ဂ်ီအို) မ်ားသည္ state ႏွင့္ society တို႕ အၾကားတြင္ buffer zone အျဖစ္ ရပ္တည္ၾကရမည္ျဖစ္သည္။

political liberalization ကို အေကာင္အထည္ေဖာ္ခဲ့သည့္ ႏိုင္ငံအမ်ားစုတြင္civilsocietyအဖြဲ႕အမ်ားစုကိုအာဏာရွင္တို႕က ၾကိဳတင္ဖြဲ႕စည္း ထိန္းခ်ဳပ္ထားသည္။ လူ႕အဖြဲ႕အစည္းအတြင္းတြင္ civil society အားေကာင္းလာေစရန္ ပညာေရး၊ လူမွဳေရး၊ စီးပြားေရးက႑မ်ားမွ ထိုးေဖာက္ေနသည့္ အဖြဲ႕အစည္းမ်ားႏွင့္ လူပုဂၢိဳလ္မ်ားအား ပံုမွန္ ေစာင့္ၾကည့္ေလ့ရွိျပီး၊ အဆိုပါ အဖြဲ႕မ်ားႏွင့္ လူပုဂၢိဳလ္မ်ားသည္ အာဏာရွင္တို႕ႏွင့္ ၾကိဳးကိုင္အဖြဲ႕မ်ားအား ထိပ္တိုက္ရင္ဆိုင္လာမည့္ အေျခအေနရွိမရွိကို အကဲျဖတ္ေလ့ရွိသည္။

အာဏာရွင္ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲမ်ား က်င္းပ၍ ႏိုင္ငံတကာေရးရာတြင္ international legitimacy ရေစရန္ ၾကိဳးပမ္းထားေသာ ၾကိဳးကိုင္အစိုးရမ်ား၏ ရပ္တည္မွဳကို ထိခိုက္လာႏိုင္သည္ဟု ယူဆပါက public space ကို ျပန္လည္ကန္႕သတ္သည္။ လိုအပ္လာပါက အမ်ိဳးသားလံုျခံဳေရး (national security concerns) ကို အေၾကာင္းျပ၍ civil society ကို ဖိႏွိပ္ရန္ႏွင့္ အာဏာျပန္သိမ္းႏိုင္ရန္ ဥပေဒမ်ား သတ္မွတ္ျပဌာန္းထားသည္။ သို႕ျဖစ္ရာ အာဏာရွင္တို႕၏ political liberalization ကို အခြင့္အေရးဟု သတ္မွတ္၍ ဒီမိုကေရစီ ပန္းတိုင္သို႕ အေရာက္သြားရန္ ၾကိဳးပမ္းလိုသူမ်ားသည္ အဆိုပါ obstacles မ်ားကို မည္သို႕ ေက်ာ္လႊားမည္နည္းဟူေသာ လမ္းစဥ္မ်ားကို စဥ္းစားထားၾကရန္ လိုအပ္သည္။

(၂) ႏိုင္ငံေရးယဥ္ေက်းမွဳဆိုင္ရာ အခက္အခဲမ်ား

ႏိုင္ငံတႏိုင္ငံတြင္ ဆယ္စုႏွစ္ေပါင္းမ်ားစြာ အာဏာရွင္စနစ္ တည္တံ့ခိုင္ျမဲေနရျခင္း အေၾကာင္းတရား မ်ားတြင္ ႏိုင္ငံေရးယဥ္ေက်းမွဳဆိုင္ရာ အေၾကာင္းအခ်က္မ်ားလည္း ပါ၀င္ေလ့ရွိသည္။ ႏိုင္ငံတႏိုင္ငံ၏ ႏိုင္ငံေရးယဥ္ေက်းမွဳသည္ ဒီမိုကေရစီ စနစ္၏ အေျခခံသေဘာတရားမ်ားႏွင့္ ကြဲျပားျခားနားျပီး၊ အာဏာရွင္ဆန္ေသာ လူ႕အဖြဲ႕အစည္းသ႑ာန္ ျဖစ္တည္ေနပါက ဒီမိုကေရစီ စနစ္ ရွင္သန္ခိုင္မာေရးကို အတားအဆီး ျဖစ္ေစႏိုင္ပါသည္။ ဖြံ႕ျဖိဳးဆဲႏိုင္ငံမ်ား၏ ႏိုင္ငံေရးယဥ္ေက်းမွဳကို ေရွးႏွစ္ေပါင္းမ်ားစြာကပင္ "patrimonialism" ဆိုေသာ သေဘာတရားက လႊမ္းမိုးထားပါသည္။"patrimonialism" ဆိုသည္မွာ ႏိုင္ငံေရးေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ားသည္ အလုပ္အတူ တြဲလုပ္ရမည့္ ႏိုင္ငံေရးေခါင္းေဆာင္ငယ္မ်ား၊ အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ေရး ၀န္ထမ္းမ်ားကို သူတို႕ႏွင့္ နီးစပ္ေသာ အသိုင္းအ၀ိုင္းအတြင္းမွ မိသားစု၀င္မ်ားႏွင့္ ပုဂၢိဳလ္ေရးအရ သစၥာရွိသူဟု ယူဆထားသူ မ်ားကိုသာ ေရြးခ်ယ္တာ၀န္ ေပးအပ္ျခင္း ျဖစ္သည္။ အာဏာရွင္ အသိုင္းအ၀ိုင္းတြင္သာမက အတိုက္အခံတို႕၏ ႏိုင္ငံေရး အ၀န္းအ၀ိုင္းတြင္ပါ ယင္းသို႕ ျပဳလုပ္ၾကသည့္အခါ ႏိုင္ငံေရးေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ား၏ အနီးတြင္ ရွိေနသူမ်ားသည္ လိုအပ္လွ်င္ ေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ားကို ေ၀ဖန္အၾကံျပဳခ်က္မ်ား ေပးႏိုင္မည့္ အရည္အခ်င္းရွိ ပုဂၢိဳလ္မ်ား မဟုတ္ပဲ ေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ား အလိုက် ေခါင္းညိမ့္လက္ခံျပီး ပုဂၢိဳလ္ေရး ကိုးကြယ္မွဳ လုပ္ေနသူမ်ားသာ ရွိလာသည္။ႏိုင္ငံေရးရာမ်ားတြင္ အရည္အေသြးက အဓိကမက်ပဲ မည္သူ႕သားသမီး၊ မည္သူ႕ေဆြမ်ိဳးသားခ်င္း ဆိုသည္က အေရးပါလာသည္။ ပုဂၢိဳလ္ေရး ကိုးကြယ္သူမ်ားကသာ မ်ားျပီး၊ ေ၀ဖန္ ပိုင္းျခားဥာဏ္ျဖင့္ သတိေပးႏိုင္သူမ်ားက အနီးတြင္ မရွိသည့္အခါ ေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ား၏ ငါတေကာ ေကာကာ လုပ္ေဆာင္မွဳမ်ား ေပၚထြက္လာတတ္သည္။ ဒီမိုကေရစီ အတိုက္အခံ ေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ားပင္ျဖစ္ေစကာမူ ဤသေဘာတရား၏ လႊမ္းမိုးမွဳမ်ားကို ခံရပါက အာဏာရွင္ဆန္ဆန္ ျပဳမူမွဳမ်ား ရွိလာတတ္သည္။ "patrimonialism" သေဘာတရား လႊမ္းမိုးခံရသည့္ လူ႕အဖြဲ႕အစည္းတြင္ ႏိုင္ငံေရးအခြင့္အလမ္းႏွင့္ စီးပြားေရး အခြင့္အလမ္းမွာ ယွဥ္တြဲေနတတ္သည္။လူ႕အဖြဲ႕အစည္းမွာလည္း ကိုယ္ပိုင္အရည္အခ်င္းႏွင့္ တက္လမ္းရွာေဖြျခင္းကို အားေပးေလ့မရွိ။ ႏိုင္ငံေရးအရ အခြင့္အလမ္း ရွိေနေသာ အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္သူမ်ား၏ အသိုင္းအ၀ိုင္းမ်ားအား မွီခိုမွဳမ်ားကို အားေပးေလ့ရွိသည္။ ဥပမာ- စစ္အာဏာရွင္စနစ္ ျဖစ္လွ်င္ ႏိုင္ငံေရးအခြင့္အာဏာရွိေနေသာ စစ္တပ္တြင္း၌ အေရးပါေသာ ရာထူးမ်ား ရရွိေစရန္ အားေပးခ်ီးေျမွာက္သည့္ လူအမ်ား ေပၚထြက္လာမည္။ ဒီမိုကေရစီ ဘက္ေတာ္သားမ်ားက ႏိုင္ငံေရးအာဏာ ရျပန္လွ်င္လည္း အဆိုပါ လူအမ်ားသည္ပင္ ဒီမိုကေရစီ ေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ားအား ေထာက္ခံအားေပးၾကမည္ျဖစ္သည္။ "patrimonialism" သေဘာတရား လႊမ္းမိုးခံရေသာ လူ႕အဖြဲ႕အစည္းတြင္ ယင္းသို႕ေသာ လူမ်ား အမ်ားအျပား ပါ၀င္ေလ့ရွိသည္။အဆိုပါ သေဘာတရားသည္ ႏိုင္ငံေရးအာဏာကို မွီတြယ္ျခင္း စိတ္သေဘာႏွင့္ ဆက္စပ္ေနေလရာ ႏိုင္ငံေရးအာဏာကို ျပန္လည္ ထိန္းညွိမည့္ inherent logic of strong civil society ကို ေထာက္ခံ အားေပးျခင္း မရွိ။ သို႕ျဖစ္ရာ civil society အဖြဲ႕အစည္းမ်ား အမ်ားအျပား လိုအပ္သည့္ political liberalization ကို ေႏွာင့္ေႏွး ၾကန္႕ၾကာေစမွဳမ်ား ျဖစ္လာေစႏိုင္သည္။ အဆိုပါ သေဘာတရား၏ လႊမ္းမိုးမွဳ ေလ်ာ့နည္းလာေသာ လူ႕ေဘာင္သစ္ကို တည္ေဆာက္ႏိုင္မွသာ political liberalization အေတြးအေခၚျဖင့္ ဒီမိုကေရစီ ပန္းတိုင္သို႕ အေရာက္သြားႏိုင္မည္ျဖစ္သည္။

(၃) စီးပြားေရး ဖြံ႕ျဖိဳးတိုးတက္မွဳ ဆိုင္ရာ အခက္အခဲမ်ား

အာဏာရွင္မ်ားဘက္မွ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲမ်ား က်င္းပေပးျခင္း၊ ႏိုင္ငံေရး ပါ၀င္ပတ္သက္ခြင့္ အနည္းငယ္ ေပးလာျခင္း စသည္တို႕တြင္ ႏိုင္ငံစီးပြားေရး အေျခအေနႏွင့္ ပတ္သက္ေသာ အေျခအေနမ်ား ပါ၀င္ေလ့ရွိသည္။ ႏိုင္ငံတႏိုင္ငံတြင္ ေငြေၾကးေဖာင္းပြမွဳႏွဳန္းမ်ားျပီး၊ အလုပ္လက္မဲ့ရာခိုင္ႏွဳန္း ျမင့္မားေနပါက အရပ္သားျပည္သူလူထုကို ႏိုင္ငံေရးပါ၀င္ပတ္သက္ခြင့္ အနည္းငယ္ ေပး၍ စိတ္၀င္စားမွဳ အာရံုေျပာင္းေပးရသည္။ ယင္းသို႕ မဟုတ္လွ်င္ စီးပြားေရး ဆုပ္ယုတ္မွဳ အေျခအေနေပၚမူတည္၍ အာဏာရွင္ဆန္႕က်င္ေရး စနစ္ လွဳပ္ရွားမွဳမ်ား ေပၚထြက္လာႏိုင္သည္။အခ်ိဳ႕က ဆိုတတ္ၾကသည္။ အာဏာရွင္မ်ားက ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲ မလုပ္ေပးပဲ အာဏာဆက္သိမ္းလွ်င္လဲ ရပါလ်က္ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲျပဳလုပ္ေပးသည္မွာ အာဏာရွင္ဘက္က သေဘာထား ေပ်ာ့ေပ်ာင္းလာျခင္းျဖစ္သည္ ဟု ဆိုတတ္ၾကသည္။ အာဏာရွင္တို႕ဘက္မွ စတင္သည့္ political liberalization ျဖစ္ရပ္အခ်ိဳ႕အတြက္ ဤအဆိုမွာ မွန္ေကာင္းမွန္မည္ ျဖစ္ေသာ္လည္း ျဖစ္ရပ္တိုင္း တြင္ကား မဟုတ္ေခ်။ ေခြးတေကာင္ကို အျပင္သို႕ ေခၚ၍ လမ္းေလွ်ာက္ထြက္ပါက လက္ထဲတြင္ အတင္းဆုပ္ျပီး ကိုင္ထား၍ မရ။ မထင္မွတ္ခ်ိန္တြင္ လြတ္ထြက္သြားႏိုင္သည္။ လမ္းေလွ်ာက္ခြင့္၊ ေျပးခြင့္ အနည္းငယ္ကိုေတာ့ ေပးရသည္။ ကိုင္ထားေသာ ၾကိဳးကို လိုသလို အဆြဲအဆန္႕ လုပ္ႏိုင္ဖို႕သာ လိုသည္။ political liberalization ဆိုသည္မွာလည္း ဤနည္းႏွယ္ႏွယ္ပင္။ လြတ္ထြက္သြားမည္စိုး၍ ၾကိဳးတန္းလန္းျဖင့္ လြတ္လပ္ခြင့္ ေပးလိုက္ျခင္းသာ ျဖစ္သည္။၁၉၇၃ ခုႏွစ္က အီဂ်စ္ႏိုင္ငံတြင္ Sadet က တံခါးဖြင့္ စီးပြားေရး မူ၀ါဒကို က်င့္သံုးခဲ့သည္။ တံခါးဖြင့္ စီးပြားေရး မူ၀ါဒ က်င့္သံုးခ်ိန္တြင္ ျပဳလုပ္ရန္ လိုအပ္သည့္ အျခားေသာ macro-economic arrangements မ်ားကို မျပဳလုပ္ေသာေၾကာင့္ လက္တဆုပ္စာ လုပ္ငန္းရွင္ တစုသာ ေပၚထြက္လာျပီး၊ တိုင္းျပည္တြင္ ဆင္းရဲခ်မ္းသာ ကြာဟႏွဳန္းက မတရား ထိုးတက္သြားခဲ့သည္။ ၁၉၇၇ ခုႏွစ္တြင္ အေျခခံစားေသာက္ကုန္ ေစ်းႏွဳန္းမ်ားက တရေဟာ ထိုးတက္သြားျပန္ရာ ႏိုင္ငံႏွင့္ အ၀ွမ္း ဆႏၵျပပြဲမ်ား ေပၚလာေတာ့သည္။ အဆိုပါ အေျခအေနမ်ား ထပ္မံ ေပၚေပါက္လာျခင္း မရွိေစရန္ အီဂ်စ္အစိုးရက အတိုက္အခံပါတီမ်ားကို ပါတီေထာင္ခြင့္ ေပးလိုက္သည္။ လူအမ်ားကို လြတ္လပ္စြာ စုေ၀းခြင့္၊ ေျပာဆိုခြင့္ အနည္းငယ္ ေပးလိုက္သည္။စိတ္ပညာသေဘာအရ လူတေယာက္၏ စိတ္ထဲတြင္ ပိတ္ေလွာင္မြန္းၾကပ္ေနမွဳကို လြတ္လပ္စြာ ေဖာ္ထုတ္ခြင့္ ေပးလိုက္သည့္အခါ ထိုလူ၏ စိတ္ထဲတြင္ ေပါ့ပါးသြားေလ့ရိွရာ အာဏာရွင္အစိုးရသို႕ စုျပံဳလာေသာ မေက်နပ္မွဳမ်ားကို ေဖာ္ထုတ္ခြင့္ျပဳ လိုက္ျခင္းျဖင့္ မေက်နပ္မွဳမ်ား ေပါက္ကြဲထြက္သြားျပီး ဆန္႕က်င္သည့္ အဆင့္သို႕ မတက္လွမ္းေတာ့ပဲ ျပီးသြားတတ္သည္။ အီဂ်စ္ႏိုင္ငံအပါအ၀င္ အေရွ႕အလယ္ပိုင္း ႏိုင္ငံအမ်ားစုတြင္ တတိယလွိဳင္း ဒီမိုကေရစီ လွိဳင္းလံုးၾကီးႏွင့္ ေမ်ာမပါပဲ အာဏာရွင္အစိုးရမ်ား ရပ္တည္ေနႏိုင္သည့္ အေၾကာင္းအခ်က္မ်ားတြင္ ဤအခ်က္ကလဲ တခ်က္ အပါအ၀င္ပင္ျဖစ္သည္။ အေရွ႕အလယ္ပိုင္းေဒသမွ ႏိုင္ငံမ်ားတြင္ political liberalization အေတြးအေခၚ လႊမ္းမိုးခဲ့သည္မွာ ဆယ္စုႏွစ္ေပါင္းမ်ားစြာ ရွိခဲ့ျပီး၊ ဒီမိုကေရစီ ပန္းတိုင္သို႕ တက္လွမ္းျခင္း မရွိပဲ ရပ္တန္႕ေနခဲ့သည္မွာလဲ ကာလအတန္ၾကာျမင့္ခဲ့ျပီျဖစ္သည္။ မည္သို႕ဆိုေစ political liberalization အေတြးအေခၚသည္ အာဏာရွင္ အစိုးရမ်ားမွ အာဏာကို အသြင္သ႑ာန္တမ်ိဳးျဖင့္ ဆက္လက္ခ်ဳပ္ကိုင္ထားႏိုင္ေစေရးအတြက္ ေဆးေကာင္းတခြက္ပင္ ျဖစ္သည္။ စီးပြားေရး အက်ပ္အတည္း ျပႆနာမ်ားကို ႏိုင္ငံေရးနည္းလမ္းျဖင့္ အာရံုေျပာင္းေပးႏိုင္သည့္ မ်က္လွည့္ ဆရာ တပါး ဟုလည္း ဆိုႏိုင္မည္ျဖစ္သည္။သို႕ရာတြင္ political liberalization ႏွင့္ စီးပြားေရးဖြံ႕ျဖိဳးတိုးတက္မွဳတို႕သည္ လံုး၀ ဆက္စပ္ျခင္း မရွိသည္ကား မဟုတ္။ political liberalization လုပ္ခ်ိန္ႏွင့္ တျပိဳင္နက္တည္းတြင္ economic liberalization ကိုပါ ပူးတြဲလုပ္ေဆာင္ရန္ လိုအပ္သည္။ အသြင္ေျပာင္းကာလ စီးပြားေရး အေျခအေနကို မွန္ကန္ေသာ မူ၀ါဒမ်ား ခ်မွတ္၍ ရလဒ္ေကာင္းမ်ား ေပၚထြက္လာေအာင္ ေဆာင္ရြက္ရန္ လိုအပ္သည္။ Transition-induced contraction ေၾကာင့္ ျဖစ္လာႏိုင္ေသာ ထုတ္လုပ္မွဳႏွဳန္း က်ဆင္းျခင္းကို ၾကိဳတင္ကာကြယ္ထားႏိုင္မည့္ မူမ်ား ခ်ရမည္။ supplier-buyer relationship ကို ဖရိုမရဲ မျဖစ္ေစရန္ ထိန္းေက်ာင္းေပးရမည္။အသြင္ကူးကာလ စီးပြားေရး ျပဳျပင္ေျပာင္းလဲမွဳတြင္ အေရးၾကီးေသာ ဧရိယာ သံုးမ်ိဳးျဖစ္ေသာ liberalization of internal markets, liberalization of external markets, privatization and restructuring စသည္တို႕တြင္ သင့္ေလ်ာ္ေသာ မူ၀ါဒမ်ား ခ်မွတ္ရန္ လိုအပ္သည္။ အသြင္ကူးကာလ စီးပြားေရး ျပဳျပင္ေျပာင္းလဲမွဳ ဆိုင္ရာ မဟာဗ်ဴဟာ ႏွစ္မ်ိဳးျဖစ္သည့္ shock therapy ႏွင့္ gradual reform strategy တို႕အနက္ အခ်ိန္ကာလႏွင့္ ကိုင္ညီသည့္ မဟာဗ်ဴဟာကို ေရြးခ်ယ္ႏိုင္မွဳကလည္း အေရးၾကီးေလသည္။စီးပြားေရးအေျခအေနဆိုးရြားမွဳေၾကာင့္ political liberalization စတင္လာျခင္း ျဖစ္ေသာ္လည္း၊ တက္လာသည့္ အစိုးရသစ္မွ အေျခအေနႏွင့္ ကိုက္ညီမည့္ စီးပြားေရးမူ၀ါဒမ်ားကို မွန္မွန္ကန္ကန္ အသံုးခ်ႏိုင္လွ်င္ liberalization ႏွင့္ economic growth တို႕အၾကားတြင္ positive relationship ျဖစ္လာႏိုင္သည္ျဖစ္ရာ economic reform မ်ား၏ adverse effects မ်ားကို ထိန္းခ်ဳပ္ရန္ နည္းလမ္းမ်ားကို ရွာေဖြၾကရမည္ျဖစ္သည္။ ဒီမိုကေရစီႏွင့္ economic growth တို႕အၾကားမွ ဆက္စပ္မွဳမွာ positive တခုတည္း မဟုတ္ေၾကာင္းကိုလည္း သတိျပဳၾကရန္ လိုအပ္သည္။ political liberalization ႏွင့္ economic liberalization တို႕ တျပိဳင္တည္း ျဖစ္မလာပါက negative marginal effects မ်ား ေပၚထြက္လာတတ္ပါသည္။အေရးၾကီးဆံုးအခ်က္မွာ ဒီမိုကေရစီသည္ ႏိုင္ငံေရး မေသခ်ာမွဳႏွင့္ ဆက္စပ္ေနျခင္း ျဖစ္ပါသည္။ ဒီမိုကေရစီ အစိုးရမ်ားသည္ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲမ်ားျဖင့္ မူ၀ါဒ ခ်မွတ္ႏိုင္ေရးကို ၾကိဳးပမ္းၾကရသည္ျဖစ္ရာ စီးပြားေရး မူ၀ါဒ သက္တမ္းမ်ားသည္ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲသက္တမ္းျဖင့္ အခ်ိန္မတူညီပဲ economic reform ၏ ေရတို adverse effects မ်ား ေနာက္တၾကိမ္ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲမတိုင္မီ ေပၚထြက္လာျပီး၊ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲသစ္တြင္ ႏိုင္ငံေရးအရ backlash ျဖစ္မည္ကို အာဏာရပါတီမ်ားက စိုးရိမ္ေလ့ရွိၾကပါသည္။

သို႕ျဖစ္ရာ ေရတိုတြင္ ေႏွာင့္ေႏွးေသာ္လည္း ေရရွည္ အက်ိဳးစီးပြားကို ေဆာင္က်ဥ္းေပးႏိုင္မည့္ မူ၀ါဒမ်ားကို ေရွာင္ၾကဥ္၍ ေရတိုအက်ိဳးစီးပြားကိုသာ ၾကည့္တတ္ၾကေလရာ ဒီမိုကေရစီ အေျခခံသေဘာတရားျဖစ္သည့္ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲျပဳလုပ္ျခင္းကပင္လွ်င္ ေရရွည္စီးပြားေရး တိုးတက္မွဳကို ျပန္လည္ ထိခိုက္လာသည္မ်ားလည္း ရွိတတ္ပါသည္။အထက္ပါ အခ်က္မ်ားအျပင္ political liberalization အေတြးအေခၚျဖင့္ ဒီမိုကေရစီ ပန္းတိုင္သို႕ အေရာက္သြားေရးတြင္ အခက္အခဲျဖစ္ေစႏိုင္မည့္ ပထ၀ီ၀င္ ႏိုင္ငံေရး အေျခအေနမ်ား၊ ႏိုင္ငံတကာကုန္သြယ္ေရး၊ ႏိုင္ငံျခားေရး အေျခအေနမ်ားႏွင့္ လူမွဳေရး အေျခအေနမ်ားစြာလဲ ရွိပါေသးသည္။ Political liberalization ဆိုင္ရာ က်မ္းတေစာင္ မဟုတ္၍ အက်ယ္မခ်ဲ႕လိုေတာ့ပါ။ Political liberalization အေတြးအေခၚကို ကိုင္စြဲ၍ ဒီမိုကေရစီ ပန္းတိုင္ကို အေရာက္ခ်ီရန္ ရည္ရြယ္သူမ်ားအေနျဖင့္ အဆိုပါ အေျခအေနမ်ားကို နားလည္သိရွိထားၾကရန္ လိုအပ္ေပလိမ့္မည္။

(ဆက္လက္ေဖာ္ျပပါမည္)

ခင္မမမ်ိဳး

By Prof.Kanbawza Win

The bullet holes at the Rangoon General Hospitals that snuff out the lives of doctors and nurses tending the wounded have long been fill up and the pools of blood in front of the American embassy has been washed away. The White Bridge at Inya Lake has cleansed, while Kyandaw crematorium where the Junta troops burnt both the dead and wounded has been renovated and green vegetation has grown tall over the mass graves. But for the Burmese people they are still hearing the silent moan of the wounded, the epic calling of the dead and the clarion call of the persecuted crying out for help or at least to do something so that the atrocities which they have suffered at the hands of the Burmese army will not repeat again to their younger generation.

One and a half decades have passed and still the men in uniform who have committed these indescribable atrocities are still in power and still continuing its brutalities as the Depayin episode indicates. There is no remorse, no request for forgiveness, no attempt to explain things because they believe in the theory that the power comes out of the barrel of the gun (Chairman Mao's theory that the regime steadfastly follows), and that is why they let the Chinese to dominate our country. But this 8888 is an indisputable fact that the people of Burma have unmistakably expressed their wish for democracy and human rights and have attempted to overthrow the shackles of the tyrannical military rule.

But "a lot of water has flowed under the White Bridge," the paramount dictator has died in disgraced, so also the shinning gentlemen of Rangoon, the leading narco baron suffering from cancer is not permitted die in Homong, while most of the autonomy fighters have entered the cease fire. In their places new military dictators and new narco barons have emerged as the autonomy leaders seek for greener pastures. But the most troubling aspects are that some Burmese Diaspora intelligentsia have switched their identification from the persecuted people to that of the persecutor. Such is life. Globalization as in any other mankind has caught up with the Burmese and it seem that Machiavelli's theory of "the end justifies the means" seems to be true.

For many more years to come, it seems that the people of Burma will continue to suffer silently, children will die of malnutrition, life span would be short, students will have little or no education, the Na Wa Ta disease (AIDS) will be rampant, girls will be sold to prostitution not to mention the forced labour, forced relocation, ethnic cleansing, environmental degradation etc. It seems we have reached of what Lord Buddha has predicted in "the sixteen points dream of King Kawsala." But we will struggle on for hope springs eternal in human breast. Is there any hope for a genuine Pyidaungsu Myanmar Naingan Daw (Union of Burma) other than the Junta led version of tyrannical disciplined democracy? This question is the crux of all the problems in the Burmese minds. Are we hopeless? Life is hope and without hope life is nothing. There is still a dim light flickering in the dark encouraging us to carry on the fight without fail and that is none other than our noble Nobel Laureate Daw Suu.

How many times has she been arrested? What psychological torture she must gone through when the Junta did not allowed her dying husband to see her? Staying all alone and even and has not been allowed to make a memorial service for her slain father she has barely recovered from the injury she received in her attempted assassination, yet she continues to whisper in our ears to carry on. Just imagine a widow separated from her children forced to live all alone in her house not being able to see friends and foe alike and incommunicado. If she did not give up why should we? Both the father and the daughter have not faltered in their believe and conviction come what may. Let us follow their example and carry on the good traditions as the motto of our emblem says for even though our heads our bloody yet we are unbowed

We will die fighting rather than live on our knees. We will have to plan our strategy meticulously, revamped the leaders in the Diaspora group and call it "a spade a spade". We must always bear in mind that in our goal to reach democracy is that we must have unity in diversity. Many people will work in several different ways and we cannot blame other people who do not work our way only. The only point is that the goal of our epic struggle must not be lost. If we were to look at international supporters we cannot lump altogether and say that they are all members of NATO, i.e. no action talk only. America has just come up with sanctions on Burma very lately while all the time US is just contend with preventing new investment. Looking at the Junta's response we can gauge that this is the language, which affect the Junta very much. At least the rogue and thugs knows the punitive language even if it refuse to comprehend dialogue, compromise, conflict resolution or what ever the civilized way may be. If so why can't we all support sanctions? Besides, Daw Suu and the NLD has supported sanctions, this explicitly means that those who do not support the sanctions have crossed the line into the Junta's camp. This is a clear line that must be drawn.

However, we cannot be satisfied with this. What are we going to do in the long term? What are our plans for the future generation in comparison with the Junta? If we don't move fast and grab the opportunities as they arise, we will end up like previous failed waves of resistance. CTY is gone; Tin Maung Win had said good-bye long ago. The old man Bo Mya is in dotage, most of the NLD executive commit members are septuagenarian or octogenarian while some have to come to the meeting on wheel chair, and every day we are all getting old. On the other hand the Burmese military has layers and layers of young leaders and they are training them vigorously penetrating our democracy forces. The authentic prove is that we predicted that once Ne Win is gone there would be democracy has proved to be wrong. Looking back to our contemporary history we will have to admit that in half a century of ethnic nationalities struggle very few of them could produced young ethnic nationality leaders while in the biggest group nepotism is distinct. Now as we reflect on the 8888 group on this anniversary of August 8th we should clearly think of what are we going to do. Shall we allow history to repeat the same mistakes again? Let us judge not by our emotions but by science of reasoning.

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