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2016 in RETROSPECT – A Year of TOO MANY Human Rights Abuses for Rohingya

By Haikal Mansor, A Journey through Darkness
RB Article
January 1, 2017

Things that begins badly ends worse!

PEOPLE WITHOUT IDs

Rohingya welcomed the Year 2016 as people without IDs. Former President Thein Sein ordered to repeal of temporary identity cards, also known as ‘White Cards’ in February 2015. The last pieces of document Rohingya came to possess after decades of systematic forceful documents seizures.

DISENFRANCHISED PEOPLE

The revoke of the IDs completely stripped of Rohingya last right - Voting despite having participated in every election before and after Burma’s Independence.

NO PARLIAMENTARY REPRESENTATIVES

For the first time in Burmese history, no members of Rohingya or Muslim communities in general are allowed to represent in both parliaments as well as 14 State and Regional parliaments. U Shwe Maung, a sitting Rohingya members of parliament was barred running again in the November 2015 Election.

IDPs REMAIN IDPs

Nearly 140,000 Rohingya who were displaced from their homes during the genocidal campaign in 2012, continue to live in horror without basic human rights – freedom of movement, education, healthcare, religion, occupation and security.

NO HIGHER EDUCATION

Since 2012, Rohingya students are barred from pursuing university education within and outside Rakhine State, living with little hope for their future.

MORE DISCRIMINATORY LAWS

Four Race and Religion Laws (Monogamy Law, Religious Conversion Law, Interfaith Marriage Law and Population Control Law) brought by Ma Ba Tha, an extremist Buddhist group were signed into law by President Thein Sein on August 31, 2015. The laws are especially designed for Rohingya and religious minorities, still effective under Aung San Suu Kyi led NLD government. AUGUST 31, 2015

THIS IS A MILLION TOO MANY

Ms Yanghee Lee, Special Rapporteur to Burma highlighted the situations of human rights. “There are more than a million Rohingya Muslims in Myanmar deprived some of the most fundamental human rights. This is a million too many.” MARCH 14, 2016

AUNG SAN SUU KYI’S PROXY PRESIDENT

Aung San Suu Kyi handpicked her long-time confidant Htin Kyaw as Burma’s first civilian government in its 53 years of history. MARCH 15, 2016

NLD GOVERNMENT SWORN

President Htin Kyaw and his 18-member cabinet sworn in Naypyidaw. MARCH 30, 2016

STATE-COUNSELLOR BILL

President Htin Kyaw signed the bill to create State-Counsellor role for Aung Sans Suu Kyi. APRIL 6, 2016

AUNG SAN SUU KYI’S ISLAMOPHOBIC REMARK

Peter Popham revealed in his book “The Lady and The Generals – Aung San Suu Kyi and Burma’s Struggle for Freedom” that Aung San Suu Kyi has reportedly said off air in October 2013 interview with BBC Presenter Mishal Husain, “No one told me I was going to be interviewed by a Muslim” after the presenter pressed her on the plight of Rohingya.

BIGOT AS PRESIDENTIAL SPOKESPERSON AGAIN

In April 2016, Zaw Htay was reappointed as ‘the spokesperson’ and promoted to ‘Deputy Director-General’ under Aung San Suu Kyi government despite a strong advocate of Burma Military (Tatmadaw) and Thein Sein whom he also served as presidential spokesperson. Famous for his bigotry, inflammatory remarks and anti-Rohingya sentiments, he is one of main culprits who constantly stirs up fear, violence and hatred through his Facebook He spread false rumours of “terrorists coming from Bangladesh” and posted a photo of Ma Thida Htwe, an alleged rape victim which is still widely used to justify the genocidal acts and to continue mobilizing anti-Rohingya and anti-Muslim sentiments. APRIL, 2016


BOAT TRAGETY

At least 21 Rohingya including women and children drown off the coast of Sittwe after being forced to use sea route to buy basic goods and medicine in an apartheid-style movement restriction Rakhine State. APRIL 20, 2016.

MA BA THA’S BARK ON ‘ROHINGYA’

Extremist monks and their supporters protested in front of the U.S. Embassy in Yangon on the use of ‘Rohingya’ by Ambassador Scot Mariel in his condolence statement on the Boat Tragedy. APRIL 28, 2016

AUNG SAN SUU KYI AND ‘ROHINGYA’ TERM

She told the United States, the European Union and the UN Special Rapporteur to refrain from using ‘Rohingya’ term instead recommended ‘Muslim Community in Rakhine State’ denying the right to self-identification. MAY 4, 2016

RAKHINE MONKS COUNTERACT

Thousands of Rakhine nationalists led by monks protested against the use of ‘Muslim Community in Rakhine State’ proposed by Aung San Suu Kyi’s government, instead asked to use ‘Bengali’. JULY 3, 2016

NLD’S ‘NATIONAL VERIFICATION CARDS’ SAGA

Aung San Suu Kyi government, border affairs minister, immigration minister and Police commissioner of Rakhine State persuaded Rohingya to accept and register for National Verification Cards which intended to remove ‘Rohingya’ from the official record completely. A saga she has failed terribly. JUNE 16, 2016

DALAI LAMA CHIDES AUNG SAN SUU KYI

The Dalai Lama urged Aung San Suu Kyi to take “moral” responsibility to solve the crisis of Rohingya. JUNE 3, 2016.

HEADCOUNT IN GHETTOO

Rohingya in famous Aung Mingalar ghetto were forced to count after Rakhine extremists claimed that hundreds of Rohingya entered and lived illegally in the ghetto. The headcount found fewer than 4,000 compared to 4,500 from four years ago. MAY 16, 2016

CURFEW EXTENSION

The curfew placed after 2012 genocidal campaigns was extended from 12am to 4m until October 8, and prohibited congregation of more than 5 persons in public areas or mosque. The curfew is only applied to Rohingya community alone. AUGUST 8, 2016

KOFI ANNAN THE COMMISSIONER

Aung San Suu Kyi announced Kofi Annan as the head of 9-member (6 national experts) Advisory Commission on Rakhine State to “find lasting solution” without a member of Rohingya community in the commission, but included people who publicly engage in denials of Rohingya rights to self-identification and human rights abuses against Rohingya. AUGUST 23, 2016

ANP CALLED FOR ITS CANCELLATION

The Arakan National Party ANP called the government to cancel the commission for the inclusion of 3 international experts despite inclusion of Rakhine nationalist Saw Khin who condoned “to go and kill all of those Bengalis (Rohingya) people with our own hands! We’ve now got the advantage of gaining the support of all the national races all over Myanmar on the incidents that we’ve sacrificed so far”. AUGUST 28, 2016

ARMY GANG-RAPED ROHINGYA WOMAN

Raysuana, 25 was abandoned on road side near an army compound naked and unconscious, and died due to the restricted medical treatment imposed to Rohingya. No independent investigation was ever undertaken on the rape. AUGUST 18, 2016

EU PRAISED BURMA’S HUMAN RIGHTS PROGRESS

The European Union praised Burma’s Human Rights Progress and did not introduce a resolution at the United Nations condemning Burma’s records for the first time in 15 years. SEPTEMBER 23, 2016

SANCTIONS LIFTED

The Obama administration lifted the remaining sanctions imposed in 1997 on Burma including military officials and cronies. Easing of the sanctions provides the military a blunder embrace to further commit human rights abuses. OCTOBER 7, 2016

DEMOLITION THREAT

Rakhine State’s Border Affairs Minister Colonel Htein Linn threatened to bulldoze 2,270 buildings including 9 mosques, 24 madrasas, 1,667 Rohingya houses, 445 shops and 125 other buildings in Maungdaw Township, and another 1,056 buildings – 3 mosques, 11 madrasas, 876 houses, 159 shops and 7 other building in Buthidaung Township, what the official termed ‘illegal buildings’. SEPTEMBER 21, 2016 

THE CLEARANCE OPERATIONS

A little known ‘Harakah al-Yaqin’ attacked three police posts with swords & spears killing nine officials in Kyikanpyin, Kotankauk and Ngakhuya, northern Maungdaw and Rathedaung at 1:30 am, Sunday, October 9, 2016.

Blame quickly and collectively shifted to Rohingya Muslims for the attacks and announced “the State of Emergency” and extended Curfew further from 7pm to 6am and closed down of 402 schools in Maungdaw District (Maungdaw and Buthidaung)

A. Summary Killing – approx. 400

Myothugyi (Shidda Fara) and Kyauk Pyin Seik (Nari Bil) became the first two villages to witness extrajudicial killings. At least 13 Rohingya civilians (7 in Myothugyi including a 13-year old schoolboy) were killed on October 9. Nine more were killed along with a child and a woman in Nwa Yung Taung in the third day of ‘clearance operations’.

The killing become rampant with pouring of armed forces and ‘blanket denial’ of media. More mass graves are slowly being discovered in Kyauk Pyin Seik, Kyet Yoe Pyin (Kiari Farang), Nwar Yon Taung and many other places. The government official number of death is stuck at 86 like the number of 2012 genocidal campaign while “RAW DAILY LOG OF ROHINGYA REPORTS”’s record documented triple of the official number.

B. Arbitrary Arrest – at least 1,000

The mass arrest of Rohingya civilians is being reported widely since the start of clearance operations. The military put the number of arrest at 575. According to sources from the ground, at least a thousand including women and minors are held behind the cells subjected to torture, and a number of cases of death behind the bar also came to the broad-light.

A video leaked on December 31 shows the rounding up of Rohingya men and boys as young as twelve, in Kotantauk (aka Dounsay Fara), Rathedaung on November 5, 2016. It also clearly indicates beating, use of derogatory term ‘Kalar’ and threat to kill the men. The state media has published a number of reports where the arrestees were falsely levelled ‘terrorists’ or ‘suspected militants’, as a tool to acquire the growing anti-Rohingya public sentiment on the crackdown of Rohingya civilians.

C. Rape as Weapon – at least 250

“They are very dirty. They Rohingya women have very low standards of living and poor hygiene. They are not attractive so neither the local Buddhists men or soldiers are interested in them,” is the sexist and racist remark of Aung Win, a Rakhine MP from Myebon Constituency No. 1 and also Chairman of Rakhine Investigation Committee, on BBC, November 7.

The first rape case reportedly took place in Singiri village on October 12, since then the rape is ‘used as a weapon’ to dehumanize and demoralize Rohingya community. At least 250 is estimated, though it could be higher as majority of cases remain unreported due to the cultural and religious stigma. Many of the victims of rape ‘begged for contraception’ in video messages sent to outside Rakhine State as the region is in complete lockdown. 

On October 28, Zaw Htay used Facebook to denounce Fiona MacGregor’s special investigative reporting on the alleged rape of dozens of Rohingya women by the Burmese armed forces in Maungdaw. Subsequently the pressure of Ministry of Information forced the Myanmar Times to sack Fiona from the job. Fiona later said, “It’s extremely concerning and unacceptable that representatives of the democratically elected government would use social media and bullying tactics to suppress stories about important issues like gender-based violence in conflict.”

D. Scorched-earth Technique

The technique is widely used by the Burmese army in the regions of ethnic minorities. It is not surprising to see the application of the technique, but the extensive destruction of Rohingya houses, properties, schools and religious structures coupled with looting of goods, gold and cash, and confiscations of documents, highlights the severity of the human rights violations.

Despite the eye-witnesses, the video recordings and the series of satellite imagery released by Human Rights Watch on 9, 14 and 22 October and 10, 17 and 18 November, the military deny burning down of approximately 3,500 (1,250 in HRW Reports) houses and instead blamed Rohingya ‘burning their own houses’ in order to ‘get new houses’ according to Commander-in-chief Min Aung Hlaing.

E. Mass Displacement – more than 50,000

It has been a long time coming. Maungdaw is one of the last two remaining towns (another being Buthidaung) with vast Rohingya majority, which affected very less in terms of mass displacement during the 2012 campaign. The towns have been under the radar of the military and the Rakhine extremists to depopulate Rohingya as highlighted in “1988 SPDC Rohingya Extermination Plan” and “2014 Rakhine Action Plan”.

Having displaced nearly 140,000 Rohingya in nine townships across Rakhine State, the new displacement more than 50,000 Rohingya from northern Maungdaw greatly pinpoints their motive being fulfilled in the context of clearance operation.

Several video footages show Rohingya women, children, elderly and men are living in paddy fields with little or no shelters in the harshest time of winter.

30 security posts in addition to the existing 96 posts, and 7 Buddhist resettlement villages (provided with arming and training of Buddhist villagers) in the region already work in progress accordingly to a Rakhine State minister.

F. Push-back

Border Guard Bangladesh (BGB) are “given strict orders to prevent any Rohingya entering Bangladesh”, though more 40,000 Rohingya managed to infiltrate into the Bangladesh side of 237-km long border while hundreds of small boats full of Rohingya are continuously pushed back into Naf River. Many of them stranded in the river rejected by guards on both sides of the border or perished in the water, as it occurred on December 5 when a boat carrying women and children capsized in the river killing 31 Rohingya. Zafar Alom, a Rohingya toddler from Yae Khat Chaung Gwa Son (Bor Gozi Bil) who was widely compared to Elan Kurdi the Syrian boy, for the similar tragedy – found dead ashore. It has been reported that at least 250 died in the border crossing while whereabouts of many push-back victims are yet to be known.

G. Refugees in Bangladesh

Rohingya who fled into Bangladesh face harsh restrictions as the government denies to recognize them as refugees and also places restrictions on local or international NGOs to humanitarian access. The majority of the newcomers take refuge in unregistered makeshift Kutupalong refugee camp in Cox’s Bazar, with poor shelter, little food, clothes, water and medicine.

On December 19, Ukiya Forestry Department destroyed 120 temporary sheltered built by the new refugees forcing to sleep under open-sky without shelter. On the following day, Indonesian Foreign Minister Retno Marsudi briefly met Rohingya refugees in Kutupalong Refugee camp.

The rape victims who fled also face lack of treatment, and reportedly asking to be killed due to the unbearable psychological and physical trauma sustained from the vicious rape crime. Tales of human rights abuses are rapidly coming out of the Rohingya refugees who witnessed the various forms of abuses under the hands of Burmese armed forces.


H. Denial of humanitarian access

The effect of restriction on humanitarian access in Maungdaw, Buthidaung and Rathedaung is greatly felt by approximately 150,000 Rohingya who depend on the international donors, now facing access denial nto the region since October 9. 

On December 9, a delegation of UNHCR and WFP led by Rakhine State Chief Minister Nyi Pu visited Alay Than Kyaw, south Maungdaw instead of north to distribute ‘blanket, sleeping mats and mosquito nets’ for ‘a publicity stunt’ against mounting international pressure.

I. Commission of Inquiry

As an escape or cover-up plan, President Htin Kyaw formed a13-member commission of inquiry on December 1, chaired by Vice-President 1 U Myint Swe who as the Chief of Military Security Affairs oversaw the notorious border security force NaSaKa which had track-record of severe human rights abuses until it was defunct in July 2013 and renamed as the current Border Guard Police. Not a single member of Rohingya was included in the commission, while anti-Rohingya Burmese nationals are heavily featured.

On December 12, the commission made visit to Maungdaw where the military have pre-arranged Rohingya men and women to be interviewed, and a week later, the commission released a statement which said ‘there is no concrete evidence that points human rights abuses’ being committed by the armed forces.

The similar commissions of inquiry were formed following the massacre of 10 Muslim pilgrimages in Taungup, Rakhine State on June 3, 2012, the genocidal campaign unfolded on June 8, 2012 and the Duchira Dan Masscre took place on January 13, 2014, which all distorted facts, covered up the evidence and blamed the Rohingya victims.

J. Denials and ‘fabrications’

On December 1, Aung San Suu Kyi laughed out loud and openly agreed with the allegations as ‘fabrications’ and urged the Burmese public to disregard and counter these allegations. Her State-counsellor office accused me of ‘propagandist fighting Myanmar with malicious falsehood video footages” for translating and putting English subtitles on her Q&A video taken in Singapore. 

Despite mounting evidence of crimes against humanity being committed against Rohingya, her office defended the military “regarding those incidents (rape, extrajudicial killing, destruction of Rohingya villages, etc.), after asking the Tatmadaw (Burma’s armed forces) and Border Guard Troops in those regions, it is known that the information is absolutely not true”, when herself once said in May 2011, that “rape is used in my country as a weapon against those who only want to live in peace, who only want to assert their basic human rights. Especially in the areas of ethnic nationalities, rape is rife. It is used as a weapon by armed forces to intimidate the ethnic nationalities and to divide our country.”


INTERNATIONAL CONDEMNATIONS

Malaysian Prime Minister

Najib Tun Razak told on December 14, “we want to tell Aung San Suu Kyi, enough is enough… The world cannot sit and watch genocide taking place”, causing anger in Naypyidaw which responded banning Burmese workers from going to Malaysia.

UN Human Rights Commissioner

Zeid bin Ra’ad Al-Hussain, condemned, “The repeated dismissal of the claims of serious human rights violations as fabrications, coupled with the failure to allow our independent monitors access to the worst affected areas in northern Rakhine, is highly insulting to the victims and an abdication of the Government’s obligations under international human rights law... If the authorities have nothing to hide, then why is there such reluctance to grant us access? Given the continued failure to grant us access, we can only fear the worst.” DECEMBER 16, 2016

UN Special Rapporteur on Burma

Ms. Yanghee Lee questioned, “The Government has mostly responded with a blanket denial. This begs the question as to whether relevant evidence is being preserved to enable perpetrators to be held to account for their wrongdoings. Pointing fingers without definitive answers should be avoided. However, it is crucial to recognize the issue at hand - as objectively as possible - and immediately embark on a transparent, non-partial, independent investigation." “It is not acceptable that for six weeks there was a complete lockdown, with no access to the affected areas." NOVEMBER 17, 2016

European Parliament

The parliament called, “End persecution of Rohingya in Myanmar. MEPs are extremely concerned about reports of violent clashes with the Rohingya people in the state of Rakhine in Myanmar and deplore the loss of life, livelihood and shelter, as well as the reported ‘disproportionate use of force’ by the Myanmar armed forces. They urge the military and security forces to put an immediate stop to the killing, harassment and rape of the Rohingya people and to stop burning down their homes.” DECEMBER 15, 2016

U.S. Holocaust Memorial Museum Manager

Andrea Gittleman, Programme Manager for the Centre for Prevention of Genocide at U.S. Holocaust Memorial Museum raised concerns, “Given the history and context and given reports [on the recent violence], we would be very concerned about the threat of genocide against the Rohingya.” DECEMBER 22, 2016

International State Crime Initiative

Penny Green, professor of Law at Queen Mary University of London and director of ISCI predicted, “We sounded the alarm in 2015 that what we saw amounted to the early stages of a genocidal process. Local sources now report a ramped up security and military presence, additional restrictions on freedom of movement, and a further limiting of access to food and healthcare.” OCTOBER 17, 2016 

Amnesty International

Rafendi Djamin, director of Southeast Asia and the Pacific, Amnesty International pointed, “The Myanmar military has targeted Rohingya civilians in a callous and systematic campaign of violence. Men, women, children, whole families and entire villages have been attacked and abused, as a form of collective punishment. The deplorable actions of the military could be part of a widespread and systematic attack on a civilian population and may amount to crimes against humanity. We are worried that the horrific tales of violations we have uncovered are just the tip of the iceberg. While the military is directly responsible for the violations, Aung San Suu Kyi has failed to live up to both her political and moral responsibility to try to stop and condemn what is unfolding in Rakhine state.” DECEMBER 19, 2016

Fortify Rights Group

Matthew Smith, Chief Executive pointed the finger, “The situation has taken a dramatic turn for the worse for the Rohingya in the north. We were talking with a group of people today, conducting interviews. In a group of 9 or 10, every single one had witnessed family members being killed, every single one coming from different villages. Seeing the same tactics employed in disparate locations indicates the systematic nature of what’s happening… Her true colours are being shown based on how she thinks of Rakhine State, and those colours are very concerning. She’s not only failing to prevent atrocities but she’s also denying atrocities are occurring.” DECEMBER 22, 2016

The Arakan Project

Chris Lewa, Consultant and Coordinator of the Arakan Project saw worst, “They’re starting to harass the community even more by trying to say, ‘You’re not a citizen, you can’t do this, you can’t do that — you need permission. So really, there is more oppression in the last few months under the NLD government than there was before.” OCTOBER 15, 2016

WORLD LEADERS WARNED AUNG SAN SUU KYI

A group of 13 Nobel Laureates and 10 world leaders wrote a letter to the United Nations Security Council expressing the disappointment on the failure of Aung San Suu Kyi’s handling of Rohingya situation and urged for ‘immediate action to avoid ethnic cleansing and crimes against humanity’. DECEMBER 29, 2016

There is nothing to call Year 2016 a good year. It is a disaster when it comes to human rights. It is a collective failure of the world on protecting and standing for the rights, particularly Burma’s Nobel Peace Laureate. She has shamelessly betrayed the world including those who have worked tirelessly to release her from the house-arrests, now instead of standing for human rights, she is now siding the army which in first-hand house arrested her for 15 years, kept her family apart for almost the entire life, failed to assassinate her in 2003, nullified her 1990 election results and denied her to be president in 2016.

From the perspectives of current situation, the future looks grim for Rohingya as the clearance operations enter into another year, adding to the four decades of state-sponsored institutionalized human rights abuses.

Dr Habib Siddiqui
RB Article
December 11, 2016

A genocide is taking place against the Rohingyas of Myanmar. It has been an on-going ethnic cleansing national program in this Buddhist-majority country to erase Muslim presence soon after Burma emerged as an independent state. 

After General Ne Win took power in 1962 in a military coup, the status of Rohingya further deteriorated. His military junta adopted a policy of "Myanmarisation", which was an ultra-nationalist ideology based on the racial purity of the Myanma (or more properly Bama) ethnicity and its Buddhist faith. 

By 1977, the Rohingyas had witnessed at least 13 pogroms. Their condition turned worse in 1978 when the Naga Min or King Dragon Operation started on February 6 from the biggest Muslim village of Sakkipara in Akyab (now called Sittwe). The purpose of this operation was to scrutinize each individual within the state as either a citizen or alleged "illegal immigrant". It sent shock waves over the whole region within a short time. The news of mass arrest of Muslims, male and female, young and old, torture, rape and killing in Akyab panicked Muslims greatly in other towns of North Arakan (now called the Rakhine state). 

In March 1978 the operation reached Buthidaung and Maungdaw (close to the border with Bangladesh). Hundreds of Muslim men and women were thrown into the jail and many of them were tortured and killed. Muslim women were raped freely in the detention centers. Terrified by the utter ferocity and ruthlessness of the operation and total uncertainty of their life, property, honor and dignity, a large number Rohingya Muslims left their homes to cross the Burma-Bangladesh border. Within 3 months nearly a quarter million Rohingyas took shelter in makeshift camps erected by Bangladesh Government. The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) recognized them as genuine refugees and started relief operations. Many of the refugees were later repatriated to Myanmar where they faced further torture, rape, jail and death.

To justify the on-going ethnic cleansing of the Rohingya, the Burma Citizenship Law (1982), co-authored by a wicked Rakhine academic Aye Kyaw, was passed during the Ne Win era. The Rohingyas were not listed as one of the country’s 135 “national races” entitled to Burmese citizenship, effectively making them a people without a state — even after living for generations in Arakan. They became the most persecuted people in our planet. 

“Stripped officially of their citizenship, the Rohingya found their lives in limbo: prohibited from the right to own land or property, barred from travelling outside their villages, repairing their decaying places of worship, receiving an education in any language or even marrying and having children without rarely granted government permission. The Rohingya have also been subjected to modern-day slavery, forced to work on infrastructure projects, such as constructing ‘model villages’ to house the Myanmar settlers intended to displace them, reminiscent of their treatment at the hands of the Burmese kings of history,” Professor Akbar Ahmed observes.

To further terrorize the already marginalized Rohingya people, the Pyi Thaya Operation (or Operation Clean and Beautiful Nation) was launched by the military in July 1991. This major pogrom lasting for nearly a year resulted in the exodus of some 268,000 Rohingyas to Bangladesh. The United Nations Refugee Agency referred to those operations as “ethnic cleansing campaigns led by the military junta itself.”

Dr. Michael W. Charney, a University of London scholar who specializes in South East Asian studies, wrote in his paper Buddhism in Arakan: Theory and Historiography of the Religious Basis of the Ethnonym that the “Rohingya […] are compelled to thrive under really testing conditions where even their personal lives are under strict state scrutiny. Whatever property they inherited from their ancestors have been forcefully taken away from them, and granted to the Buddhist majority under the banner of different national schemes that served to institutionalize and hence legitimize racist discrimination of Rohingya”.

Benjamin Zawacki, Senior Legal Advisor for Southeast Asia at the International Commission of Jurists, in his article Defining Myanmar’s “Rohingya Problem,” this is “a political, social, and economic system – manifested in law, policy, and practice – designed to discriminate against this ethnic and religious minority [which] makes such direct violence against the Rohingya far more possible and likely than it would be otherwise”.

In spite of murderous activities of the junta and their henchmen, the Rohingyas of Arakan refused to vanish from the Mogher Mulluk of Burma. So, the military junta come with a new program, no less sinister than the previous ones. 

NaSaKa (Nay-Sat Kut-kwey Ye), a border security/military force, was create in 1992 to terrorize the Rohingyas of Arakan on a daily basis. It was to be found only in North Arakan (Rakhine) state, where they became the main perpetrators of human rights abuse against the Rohingya. The day-to-day lives of the Rohingya took a dramatic turn for the worse. They faced severe restrictions on their movement and were subjected to forced labor and arbitrary land seizure and forced displacement, and endured excessive taxes and extortion. Since 1994, it has been illegal for married Rohingya to have more than two children. In the words of Pulitzer-winning journalist and photographer Greg Constantine “almost all aspects of their lives in North Rakhine are controlled or exploited by NaSaKa.”

The persecution and abuses of power by the NaSaKa, terrorizing the Rohingya, continued unabated for decades until it was disbanded with the advent of a so-called reform government that was led by Thein Sein, an ex-military general. He promised democracy and opened the doors of Myanmar for foreign investment. The gesture was reciprocated by the West by withdrawing its economic and military sanctions against the once-pariah government. During Thein Sein’s time, the old IDs and national cards were all seized from the Rohingya people who were also banned from participating in the general elections. What is worse, his regime empowered Buddhist terrorist monks who through popular religio-fascist organizations like the MaBaTha continued to spread hate crimes and prepare the groundwork for the latest genocidal crimes against all Muslims, esp. the Rohingyas of Arakan. The latter were falsely portrayed as ‘illegals’ from nearby Bangladesh who are’ threatening’ the Buddhist identity of the country through ‘high birth rates’. Deliberately omitted in such narratives was the mere fact that the percentage of Muslims have been declining since Burma won independence from Britain. 


It was in this highly poisonous environment that the 2012 genocidal campaigns against the Rohingya was unleashed. Within weeks in June nearly a quarter million Muslims were internally displaced inside Myanmar in an orgy of Buddhist violence that was participated from top to bottom, enjoying full support from the government, politicians and the Buddhist monks. It was Rwanda all over again in this genocidal crime against the Muslims, esp. the Rohingyas, of Myanmar. 

And I am not alone when I state that the Rohingyas are victims of genocide. From the Human Rights Watch to the academic experts on genocide concur. Phil Robertson, Asia director for Humans Right Watch, wrote nearly four years ago that “the Burmese government engaged in a campaign of ethnic cleansing against the Rohingya that continues today”. Professor William Schabas, former President of the International Association of Genocide Scholars, went a step further and cautioned, “we’re moving into a zone where the [genocide] word can be used.” 

Whatever doubt, if any, against the use of the term ‘genocide’ have to be shelved after October 9 of this year (2016) when the Myanmar security forces attacked Rohingya villages, ethnically cleansing these. According to ARNO, more than 500 innocent Rohingya civilians were killed, many hundreds of women raped, about 3,500 houses were burned down, unknown number of people arrested and involuntarily disappeared, and at least 40,000 internally displaced, in addition to systematic destruction of rice, paddy and food products. About 10,000 people had also fled to Bangladesh. Regular humanitarian assistance has been disrupted for many weeks, putting at risk over 150,000 vulnerable people. Reports indicate a marked deterioration of the human rights situation in northern Rakhine State. And yet, Suu Kyi remains nonchalant by such gross violations of her security forces. Like a sly politician who is more interested in solidifying her hold to power, she seems approving of the war crimes of her murderous military who continues to use her as a pawn to carry out their religio-fascist Myanmarism. 

The Rohingya predicament underlines a paradox for Buddhism, which emphasizes compassion and kindness and yet, we see little evidence of this in its dealings with the Rohingya people.

Will our generation ever see the end of this monstrous crime? I simply don’t know the answer. And yet, like many other well-wishers of the persecuted peoples in our planet, I would like to see a quick end to this shameful event. The sooner the better!

Sayeda Khatun with two of her four children and another child (centre). Photograph: Sayed Ullah/The Guardian

Dr Habib Siddiqui
RB Article
December 11, 2016

On Saturday, December 10, 2016, the Guardian ran a story on two Rohingya women, Noor Ayesha and Sayeda Khatun. 

“Noor Ayesha held her last surviving daughter tight as their boat crossed into Bangladeshi waters. She left behind a firebombed home, a dead husband, seven slain children and the soldiers who raped her,” wrote the Guardian.

“A group of about 20 of them appeared in front of my house,” the 40-year-old Rohingya woman recalled of the morning in mid-October when her village was invaded by hundreds of Burmese government troops. “They ordered all of us to come out in the courtyard. They separated five of our children and forced them into one of our rooms and put on the latch from outside. Then they fired a 'gun-bomb' on that room and set it on fire. Five of my children were burnt to death by the soldiers. They killed my two daughters after raping them. They also killed my husband and raped me.”

Sayeda Khatun was more than five months pregnant, but said that did not deter the soldiers who arrived at her house in the village around noon on October 11. “They carried me at gunpoint to a large courtyard in the village where they had gathered around 30 other Rohingya women,” the 32-year-old said. “From among us the soldiers separated around 15 younger ‘good-looking’ women and took them away to an unknown place. I was in the group of about 15 older women who were raped in that courtyard by the soldiers. Fearing that they would shoot and kill us, all of us took off our clothing as the soldiers ordered.”

She considers herself lucky: she lost no family members and eventually found a way to escape to Cox’s Bazar (in southern tip of Bangladesh) with her husband, Oli Mohammad. But the violence has fractured their relationship, Mohammad believing the men who raped Khatun are also her baby’s fathers, “at least partly”.

Noor Hossain, a resident of a neighboring village, Ngasaku, told the Guardian by phone that the Burmese soldiers had arrived in Kyet Yoe Pyin on October 11 accompanied by Buddhist settlers known as Natala. 

More than half the Rohingya community’s 850 houses were razed over the next two days and soldiers killed at least 265 people, he claims. “At least 100 women were raped and 25 of them were killed during the attack in Karyiprang. At least 40 Rohingyas were burnt alive in the village. Apart from killing people with gunshots and burning them, the soldiers also slaughtered many with knife. They also took away about 150 Rohingya men who have not returned as yet,” Hossain said.

The accounts of Ayesha, Sayeda and Noor are three of several such eye-witness reports of extra-judicial crimes in Suu Kyi’s Myanmar government that is committing genocide and is using rape as a weapon of war against the Rohingyas of Arakan (Rakhine) state, bordering Bangladesh. As a result of the latest pogroms since October 9, at least another 30,000 Rohingyas are now internally displaced. [According to UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) data, as many as 500,000 Rohingya are already internally displaced.] Rohingya males - old and young - are shot on site, while women – young and old – are raped by the Myanmar military to terrorize the community. To finish the job, the military is burning homes and villages. 

Human Rights Watch has analyzed satellite imagery that shows more than 1,250 buildings in northern Rakhine state that have been destroyed, mostly by arson attacks. 

At a rally in Kuala Lumpur last weekend, Malaysia’s prime minister, Najib Razak, likened the persecution of Rohingyas in Myanmar to a genocide.

Penny Green, a professor of law at the University of London, led a 12-month investigation into the Burmese military’s campaign against the Rohingya and concluded that the military was “engaged in a genocidal process” against the minority group. “It’s important to understand genocide as a process which may evolve over many years, beginning with the stigmatization of the target community and moving into physical violence, forced isolation, systematic weakening and finally mass annihilation,” she said. 

“For four years now the Rohingya have suffered state-sponsored denial of access to healthcare, livelihood, food and civic life as well as debilitating restrictions on their freedom of movement. 

“And now, since 9 October this year, the Rohingya in northern Rakhine state are facing a terrifying new phase in the genocide: mass killings, rapes, village clearings and the razing of whole communities, committed with impunity by the Myanmar military and security forces,” she said.

Many Rohingyas are finding it very difficult to trust Myanmar government for their safety and security and, in utter despair, are trying to flee to Bangladesh where they face push-back from Bangladesh Navy and the Border Guard (BGB). [As I write this essay, another 166 Rohingyas have been pushed back by the BGB.] Hundreds of Rohingyas have also been detained on both sides in the last two months attempting to illegally travel across the Naf River, which separates Myanmar and Bangladesh. And yet, some 22,000 Rohingya refugees have managed to pour into Cox’s Bazar. Every week, thousands continue to make the journey in spite of such obstacles. 

Suu Kyi’s government is still in denial of such gruesome crimes of her military (Tatmadaw), and has not allowed international media and aid agencies to visit the northern Rakhine state to either verify the charges against the military or provide humanitarian aid to the Rohingyas. 

The Kofi Annan commission is proving to be jawless. The former UN Secretary General was recently permitted to visit the Rakhine (Arakan) state for the first time since the crisis erupted. He was greeted by Buddhist protesters holding signs reading "Ban the Kofi Annan commission". [Obviously, they are opposed to any investigation of the Buddhist crimes against the Rohingya minority.] Mr. Annan interviewed villagers in Kyet Yoe Pyin on December 3. He told a press conference in Yangon on Tuesday (December 6) that his committee was deeply concerned by reports of “human rights abuses” in the Rakhine state and urged Burmese security forces to act within the law. [Obviously, Mr. Annan needs a History 101 lesson on Tatmadaw that has perfected the art of committing war crimes under the pretext of securing law and order in this apartheid country.]

The Myanmar government does not want the international community to learn of its genocidal crimes, and, thus, those interviewed by Mr. Annan were later arrested by security forces. The move was meant to discourage Rohingya victims to speak out. Worse yet, Burmese soldiers resumed operations in Rohingya villages two days after Annan’s visit, and at least 50 women were raped and four killed in last week in the village of Kyauk Chaung in northern Arakan. 

As part of another very calculated ploy to deflect international backlash, Suu Kyi has recently formed a 13-member commission, which, not surprisingly, again, in this den of hatred and intolerance included no Muslim and is led by Vice President Myint Swe, a retired army general, formerly blacklisted by the United States. The commission is created with the sole purpose of parroting government propaganda. Phil Robertson, deputy director of Human Rights Watch in Asia, said the new commission "doesn't look like it's independent or impartial". 

According to the UNHCR data, since 2014 an estimated 94,000 asylum seekers have fled to neighboring countries by means of deadly sea journeys. The commonly preferred destination is Malaysia, which hosts approximately 142,000 people. Indonesia currently has approximately 1,000 Rohingya refugees, excluding unregistered asylum seekers, mainly based in Aceh. 

The Rohingyas need unpretentious international help, esp. from the ASEAN countries and Bangladesh. The push-back, a familiar tactic employed by Bangladesh government, simply cannot be an option. It is both criminal and morally repugnant, let alone being inexcusable for a country that had witnessed ten million of its own people become refugees in neighboring India during the liberation war of 1971. The push-back policy blemishes the spirit of liberation! 

The Bali Process, an international high-level forum on people smuggling, human trafficking and related transnational crimes, which aims to push for more practical arrangements including the implementation of burden-sharing and collective-responsibility principles, however, has proven to be a failure because of its non-binding nature and no consequences for non-adherence. Bangladesh, for instance, has failed to uphold its commitment made during the 2016 Bali Declaration.

It is clear that Bangladesh and ASEAN member states have miserably failed to sober Myanmar - their rogue neighbor. If the current crisis lingers without restoring Rohingya rights, all these countries should be prepared to receive more Rohingya refugees and provide protection and necessary humanitarian assistance to them. 

As noted by Shaffira Gayatri of the Asia Pacific Refugee Rights Network (APRRN), there is no existing legal framework in ASEAN to deal with refugees and forced migration. [In the Southeast Asian region, only the Philippines, Cambodia and Timor Leste (East Timor) are signatories to the 1951 Refugee Convention.] ASEAN has preferred to focus on its economic functions, while turning a blind eye to more pressing political and human rights issue like the Rohingya crisis. This morally indefensible non-interference principle needs serious reevaluation. Ms. Gayatri opines that “ASEAN has to step up pressure on the Myanmar government to stop the persecution of and discrimination against the Rohingya people through persistent diplomacy. A stronger diplomacy is also needed to allow and ensure the admission of humanitarian aid agencies into the Rohingya area.” 

My personal opinion is that a pariah state like Myanmar cannot be sobered by carrots; i.e., its decades of criminal habits cannot be reformed by diplomacy, and surely not be rewarded with trades and investment. It needs sticks, biting sanctions and trials of its leadership in The Hague for its crimes against humanity. The decision to lift economic and other sanctions was simply premature and foolish. 

In recent weeks, protesters across South and South-east Asia have turned out for demonstrations against the genocidal violence, particularly in Indonesia, Bangladesh and Malaysia. They demanded their governments to stand up for the Rohingyas who are running away from state-sponsored extermination campaigns, acting in the name of race and religion. 

Sadly, the powerful western countries, busy with the rise of ultra-nationalist populist parties in their midst, seem least concerned with gross violations of human rights in apartheid Myanmar. They seem more interested in opening up business with the new regime, which has a Nobel Peace Prize winner as its de-facto leader, no matter how she had disgraced the award. Lost in that transaction is the fact that the situation of minorities like the Rohingya has simply worsened under her rule. 

Recently, a cross-party group of 70 British parliamentarians have urged the UK government to “intensify pressure” on the Myanmar government to allow full humanitarian access to Rohingya Muslims in the North Rakhine State of Myanmar. “Together with the international community, the UK government must intensify its pressure on the Myanmar government to allow full humanitarian access to the Rohingya,” the British parliamentarians, including co-chair of the all-party parliamentary group for Burma Rushan Ara Ali (MP), said in a letter to British Foreign Secretary Boris Johnson. They called on the British government to do all in its power to help those fleeing the violence to find a safe passage home. “We condemn any reprisal attacks that have followed the recent incidents of violence on the Myanmar border and call for an immediate end to the targeted use of violence of an already persecuted religious minority,” the parliamentarians wrote.

We need serious initiatives all across the globe urging governments and the UN Security Council to intensify pressure on Suu Kyi to stop war crimes of her Tatmadaw. 

Truly, it is high time for the world community to demand a total halt to the on-going genocidal crimes of Suu Kyi’s government against the Rohingyas of Myanmar. Must the Rohingya people wander in the wilderness for two millennia and suffer repeated persecution, humiliation and genocide to qualify for our support for their existence? Do they need to be ‘children’ of a ‘higher’ God to qualify?



Ro Mayyu Ali
RB Article
October 21, 2016

Maungdaw is a border trading town in Rakhine State, situated in south-west of Myanmar. It is home to more than 500,000 inhabitants from varying backgrounds such as Rohingya, Rakhine, Hindu, Thet, Dai-net Mro, Kamee and Marmagyi.

Among the people, Rohingya are historically the most indigenous and documented as the richest people in the township. In population, approximately 80 percent are Rohingya, 15 percent Buddhists and five percent are Hindus. Most of the land, forests and lakes are owned by native Rohingya. Religiously, Rohingya are the only group who believes in Islam and all the rest except Hindus are Buddhists who enjoy full freedom of all legal rights. The fate of most Rohingya is so perilous and their ethnic identities in Myanmar have been denied as well as they have been suffering Civil and Human Rights violation and even genocide today.

In other townships in Rakhine State, Buddhist nationalists and anti-Muslim chauvinists who play a role in the Union and State governments have been bringing their attention on the population and influence to the wealth of Rohingya in three townships: Maungdaw, Buthidaung and Rathidaung in Northern Rakhine State. They have been focusing their racial and religious concerns in those townships.

Firstly, they chose to filter the township of Maungdaw where there is the most Rohingya population in. Because they foresee that other two townships would be easier if they could damage the livelhoods of Rohingya intiailly in Maungdaw by implementing several kinds of profound schemes and deep-running strategies.

In these regards, over the last two decades, they have been installing two new risky groups like an anti virus to monitor bona fide Rohingya in the township. One are the Natala (local term) who are taken from Upper Myanmar and provided with facilities of a bungalow, some acres of paddy land which was taken from native Rohingya, a couple of cows and some other religious accesses per a family. Strategically, the village tracts of Natala people are set up in the middle of Rohingya villages and where there are easy accesses of transportation, education, medical assistance and marketing services.

The second risky group are Bangali Rakhines whom are taken from the border of Bangladesh. They fit better than Natala people because they are from the same feather. Usually, they receive Myanmar National Scrutiny Card like other Rakhines whose births are in the township. Their children can enjoy education initially in monasteries and Buddhists orphan houses. Moreover, after 2012 communal violence, hundreds of Bangali Rakhines including Thet and Myo have been taken significantly three times to Maungdaw Township.

But today, both groups enjoy in the luxuries of wealth, education, transportation, medical assistance and other facilities much more than native Rohingya and even the roads to their model villages are specially made of cement which will last a long time, as is found in southern Maungdaw Township.

Now, they take pride in themselves that they are Thaiyinthar (local term for indigenous people). To use a common phrase, they come to exile native Rohingya whose rice and water they survived on, using the offending terms (Kalas and Bangalis) that other Rakhines in the township use for Rohingya people.

Nevertheless, the local authorities have been setting up several kinds of snares for Rohingya in the township such as, trading hindrance from one township to another, extortion large sums of money, arbitrary arrests, long time incarceration , accusations of illegal activity, etc.

Incidentally, the fire of 2012-June communal violence began in Maungdaw Township and spread to other townships in Rakhine State. In 2013, the fire was resumed again in Du Cheer Tan Village, in southern Maungdaw. During that violence, Maungdaw is, in fact the most hidden of the affected townships in Rakhine State, where the result of losing more than 50 Rohingya innocent souls, a loss of 100 Rohingya houses, looting millions from properties of Rohingya, incarceration of more than (100) young Rohingya men and the fleeing thousands of vulnerable Rohingya to their neighbor countries such as, Malaysia, Indonesia, India, Thailand and Bangladesh. The worst is many Rohingya lives have been lost drowing in the sea while trying to reach, on rickety boats, a safe shore for a refuge. These reported tolls are only for Maungdaw Township. At the time, they have targeted and cleared whatever they could particularly in downtown and south of Maungdaw Township.

Now, northern Maungdaw is still fresh and green, but their hunger sees no bounds., and the appetite of their greed and lust are keener. They gear up to a higher level with their many ill-talents what they can be as the followers of Gautama.

It is very tense as their racial divisions and prejudice become stronger and more aggregated. After the 2012-June precarious violence, their movement is much more operative than before. In the township, along the border are iron-fences. Hundreds of Border Guard Police check points are installed. A leader of 969 anti-Muslim movements from each Rakhine Village tract is locally organized. The supply of INGOs and Agencies humanitarian aids are remarkably limited and the approval of their activities are delayed for a long time and often denied, as well. The services of medical assistance of the Township Medical Department is limited and the immunization process is limited and this has led to suffering of polio by a couple of Rohingya children during the last year in township. The techniques and methods of Schools for Rohingya students are unbelievably separated and discriminated. And the twists and propaganda of Myanmar Social Medias are in the headlines against Rohingya. For sure, it is then in dangerous with their racially multi-sectarian currents to attack the dwellings and lives of those native Rahingyas who have a long existence in the township. Would the Buddhist chauvinists take full aim in northern of Maungdaw at this time? 

Unfortunately, at the predawn of 9 of October, 2016, Border Guard Police Head Quarter No.1 in Kyi Kan Pyin Village and a check outpost in Nga Khu Ya Village in Maungdaw Township as well as another check outpost in Ko Tan Kauk Village in Rathidaung Township were attacked by some militants. According to local authorities, 9 BGP Forces were killed and some weapons were taken away by the attackers who were holding rods, swords and pistols. As two of three attacks were in northern Maungdaw Township the township became again like a well-blocked dam to catch fish and they may whatever eat whatever they like. What a moment comes for them!

On 10 of October, 2016 in the early morning, 7 innocent Rohingyas including Mohammed Ayas son of Kamaal, 13 year old, a grade-8 student in Myo Thu Gyi Village track (located in 6-miles away to BGP HQ where there was attack that of the previous night) were shot to death in cold blood by military personals. At noon on the same day, a mass grave of three Rohingya men, shot by military forces, was discovered in Kyauk Pyin Saik Village, northern Maungdaw and the hamlet of Wapaik in Kyi Kan Pyin was set on fire by the military. Before the statement of the Myanmar President‘s Office, consecutively the village tracks of northern Maungdaw such as, Kyet Yoe Pyin, Nga Sar Kyu, Oo Shan Kyar, Phur Wet Chaung, Ngan Chaung, Kyauk Pyin Saik were already cleansed by Myanmar army.

On 14 of October, 2016, Myanmar President Office released a statement regarding the terror attack in Maungdaw. It stated that the name of the attacking group is Aquamul Mujahidin, the leaders of the group are outsiders who entered through Bangladesh and the leaders convinced around (400) young Rohingyas, particularly in the villages of Oo Shan Kyar, Ngar Khu Ya, Kyauk Pyin Saik and other neighbor where military forces have already burned down, shot dozens of Rohingya to death and looted the properties. In facts, what I mention about the statement in there is just brief. However, the statement intentionally described events beyond the abilities of the attackers. But also, it has a purpose pointing out a location and a type and amount of Rohingya in the township. It is a statement that can worsen the lives of Rohingya much more than previous schemes on them. But still the questions remain to ask: Why did Bangladeshi government let the attackers to jump to Myanmar through their country when they could hand over catching up the attackers during coming back? What did thousands of Myanmar Border Guard Police forces stand for in West Gate? 

However, the process of Myanmar military’s clearance operation for those sectors is officially launched. And the forces have started to play with fire. Under the process, military personals have killed more than (100) Rohingyas including children and old women, set fire to more than (1000) Rohingya homes, looted billions Kyat of Rohingya’s properties, raped some Rohingya girls and women and displaced internally more than (30000) Rohingya people.

Is it enough for those hungry schemes? Not at all, still tthose mentioned by the President’s office’s statement are wanted. Are they only seeking the men who are wanted for these crimes? No, they have to practice how to kill the birds while targeting the eggs in the nest of Rohingya. It is the target to the nest, not only to the eggs.

Though there was no more shooting nor setting fire in Maungdaw for the past couple of days, some strange actions are taking place against Rohingya in northern Maungdaw. On the 18th of October, 2016, Karim Ullah, 58 years old, a senior humanitarian Rohingya, was tortured to death while in Maungdaw Police Custody. On the 19th of October, 2016, two prominent Rohingya men, Jenna Khan and Ludeya were killed in Maungdaw Police Custody while they were being interrogated. Dozens of Rohingya are detained and still in custody. Moreover, in some hamlets, many men and young boys pass their nights in nearby the fields, toddy gardens and embankments of the lakes and lagoons. Just the women and young girls are staying at home. It is because of this that the Myanmar military forces who have a reputation for using rape as a weapon in war are raping young Rohinya girls and some have been taken away as sex-slaves. This is the update as of the 20th of October, 2016.

Indeed, today the township becomes the third Ghetto. However the brutality is, no Rohingya can move and flee to other neighboring countries like before. Bangladeshi government has choosen to hand over any Rohingya who flee to their country while most of Rakhine people have been taken to Sittwe city for safety. Would they also move them to safety at the first sign of a soft rain as well? Aung San Suu Kyi shows no interest in finding a good resolution of its Rohingya issue. The international community remains unmoved to act in the face of human rights violations continuing against the Rohingya, but have spoken up periodically. This has moved for hidden movements against the Rohingya where crimes can be hidden or ignored. 

The worst possible outcome is that the supremacists will get what they want, and Rohingya will be wiped away from the land. The Lady of Myanmar herself bears responsibility as well for the killing of old Rohingya ladies, gang rape of young Rohingya girls, displacement of Rohingya pregnant women and heart-break of long-suffering Rohingya mothers. Does her heart have any sympathy for the persecuted Rohingya people in her country? What is most painful is that under the first democratic Government of Myanmar Rohingya suffer more than ever before.

(Photo: Adam Jones)


By Ro Mayyu Ali
RB Article
September 13, 2016

My Higher Education in Sittway University (Part-1)

Parents were cheerful. Siblings were proud. Friends were joyful and neighbors were pleased. All the teachers as well were glad with us because only we 8, out of 236 students, had passed the matriculation examination in the 2008 academic year in the Basic Education High School in Kyein Chaung Village. The school, situated in northern 24-miles away from Maungdaw Township. My eldest brother living abroad, really proud of my success, encouraged me to continue my study and promised that he would give me all the allowances when I go to study higher education in Sittway University, situated in Sittway City, Rakhine State, Myanmar.

I’m from a less-afforded family who lives from hand to mouth. My father is a fisherman, an anchor for us. So, for me, my eldest brother is the only one who can provide for me the means of higher education if my fortune sees the bound. So, being the second ranked matriculated student as well as being the only one with an English major as a specialization subject for the academic program made me celebrated in our school. Perhaps, I was too delighted to be. Everyone was enthralling. A new academic year of 2009 was knocking. Then, it was the time to prepare towards heading to it.

First of all, I had to apply for a White Card because without it, no Rohingya, even a student, is allowed to move from one place to another. For that regard, I had to take the following recommendations;

(1) A Village Authorization Form, locally called Ywa Twar Hla Mat (that should have an attached photo of the holder certified that the one is going to the downtown area. (Administration Office Clerk charges 1000 kyats for it + a copy of passport sized photo costs 200 kyats).

(2) A recommendation letter (It certifies that the holder is a resident of the relevant village and his or her character is good as well. (Village Administrator charges 2000 kyats for it.)

(3) Two copies (It costs 100 kyats per page.) and the original of my family list together.

On next day of 14th of November, 2008 at 7:45 am, I was in a Jeep car heading towards downtown in the Maungdaw Township. It was my second trip downtown. In our area, riding in a car is like frog-dancing that makes all the passengers easily tired and sleepy, but not my sharp mind. Hours later, the car stopped and the conductor sounded us to get off. When I looked up, I realized it was in front of Border Immigration Head Quarter in Kyi Kan Pyin. No sooner I got out of the car I remembered the word of in-charge Nasaka (an immigration personal) in that check point when I was going to sit for my matric exam in Maungdaw High School. “I’m not your class teacher. Why do you provide me your student ID?” he shouted me when I gave him mine. He asked for my White Card but he forgot my age and that was not eligible to hold it. However, I fortunately got on again though I saw myself through some extortions at the check point.

Almost 3 hours later, the car reached downtown. Getting out of the car, I went directly to the Township Immigration Office with my file to apply before having my lunch. By the time I entered the office, a staff said to me that the Immigration Officer had gone to Sittway and that I had to go back. Indeed, it’s my common fate as a Rohingya in Northern Rakhine State!

A couple of weeks later, I went to there again. I received a White Card to apply for my higher education costing 19500 kyats. On the same day, thinking myself that everything was ready enough, I was submitting my file to go study in Sittway University. Then my file was rejected as my name had different spellings between my family list and what was listed in school. No wonder! It’s a common discrepancy that Immigration personals misspelled whilst writing our name in family lists. That is most likely the bane of our student life when we go to the Immigration Office with our files. When I asked what I had to do, the recipient advised me to have another recommendation from the Village Administrator regarding the issue. So, I had to go back again to take it.

I explained everything to Village Administrator and he gave me a recommendation and certified that the holder is the same person even though he has two different names in the different lists. Then, I was confident that there were no more flaws in my file. Finally I submitted my application. Even though it had to cost more money as a student to submit a file, it seemed like things were going easily. I came to realize that I was going to see Sittway University very soon. Then, I felt I would become like a prince who would enjoy studying in Sittway University. Just a dream! What a joy it was!

For me, everything seemed quite simple and possible. All University students were preparing to leave. My elder sister invited me for a special dinner because I was leaving soon and she gave me some pocket money too. Then all students from our village fixed the 26th of December, 2008 to leave together. Everything was readily packed up and prepared.

It was the 24th of December, 2008. A man came to my home in the early morning and told us that there was a call for my father from Saudi Arabia. Hearing the man, I felt myself that I was in a paradise thinking my eldest brother was going to inform my father about my money to go to Sittway. “Mom, I’m really proud of my eldest”, I surprised my mom hugging suddenly. Then, my father and I went together with a great pleasure. It was the first time that I have ever walked in front of my father with a blooming smile. However, when my father held the call, it was a friend of my eldest brother in Saudi Arabia. He said that my brother was arrested and detained last night by Police. My father was shocked. Then, I was broken. He hugged and encouraged me that I might go anyway to study. It was my tear in the middle of the joy! However, my hope had the same acceleration. 

In the evening of the same day, one of my friends came to inform me that my file was launched and the clerk of Immigration Office was asking about me. My mother shared with him what had happened. When the fixed day came, everyone left to University. I however, remained in my home and my file was in the Immigration Office. I understood that my brother was still detained. My siblings whose hearts were more broken than me as I couldn’t go to study. My first year was gone. My first hope was lost.

So, my parents started to convince me that I was going to join in next academic year. I therefore, came to realize that the release of my brother was more important than my dream. I was praying for his release. My family was trying to find the resources to educate me. We sharpened the blade of our hope again for next academic year.

However, my fate is that the time passed by so fast. 2010, a new academic year was quickly coming up. My brother had not yet been released. I could not find another source to go to study. The second year was also over. My second hope for the same thing was lost too.

Two academic years were already passed. Then, I had to turn my hope back to the release of my eldest brother. On the other hand, for two years I had taught a private English class for Grade-10 students in my village and I could save some money that was quite enough to live for one month in Sittway City. Then, my mind was finally made up to join University of Distance Education in Sittway University. By the help of a friend, I had a contact with a clerk who makes doing everything for Distance Students in Sittway University if she gets money. I was transferred and enrolled in it, costing more than 50000 kyats. Then, she sent all text books and assignment papers to me. So, I started my self-study reading my texts and assignment at home.

It was 12th of October, 2011. Everything was again packed up and I was leaving. Although it was the procedure for us to go to Sittway University were the same as before. Aziz (one of my friends, also going to attend Distance University) and I went to Immigration Office in downtown and received our files that included the following documents;

(1) A Form-4 certified that the holder is a resident of the relevant village, going to cross over township. (It costs 3000 kyats including the costs of photos.)

(2) The approval of Township Immigration Office. (Immigration Office clerk charges 1500 kyats per a student.)

(3) The approval of District Immigration Office (No charge for it)

(4) The approval of State Immigration Office (No charge for it)

(5) The approval of Township Administration Office (No charge for it)

(6) Ten copies of Form-4, to give in every check points on the way. (It costs total 1000 kyats as 100 kyats per page.)

After lunch, we were heading by car to Buthidaung Township. While we were in the car, we both poor, were brain-storming about the extortion of the NASAKA at the 3-Mile check point. Aziz is a relative of U Aung Myo Myint, a Parliament Member of Rakhine State in 2010. “U Aung Myo Myint told me that he has already been made aware of every check points and not to ask for money from students.”, he encouraged me and I was a bit relieved.

When we were in there, we had to get out to be checked. Before signing the the original of our Form-4, the in-charge Nasaka of check point asked for 1000 kyats per one. We handed two copies. So, we looked at one another. “This is check point, not Parliament”, the in-charge NASAKA fired us when Aziz tried to explain him. Then we had to pay 2000 kyats.

It was 5:35 pm when we reached Buthidaung's downtown. We decided to stay the night in Ko Kyaw Gyi Guesthouse. After showering, we had our dinner in a restaurant. We then telephoned Mostafa Kamaal (a friend from our village in Sittway City) to pick up us from the Sittway jetty where we would reach the next evening. When we tried to go to bed, we found that the beds were set up from East to West that is forbidden for us in Islam to sleep. We both thought then to turn the beds to the right way ourselves. “Aziz, how about NASAKA in jetty”, I asked him. He was silent for a while. So, I had to make him shaking his body when his mood was melt down. We justly prepared and planned something. It was an exciting moment. The night was so long. Suddenly, we both sank into sleep.

When the day broke, we woke up and quickly prepared ourselves after performing our prayers. Then, we had our breakfast. We took a packet of fried sticky-rice (Shwe Tamin) and purchased two tickets for the slow boat as the price of 3500 kyats per one. We were in limited expenditure then as we were heading towards the boat. Soon, we were in line. We saw that some were under checking up and some were not. We both were only those whom were asking for 1000 kyats per one among the group of around a hundred. It was my talk against extortion in jetty of Buthidaung!

I (A Rohingya) : “Why do I need to pay money?”

A Nasaka : “You don’t know. We are Nasaka!”

I (A Rohingya) : “Why do we only two need to pay when all the others don’t?”

A Nasaka: “Because they are Taiyinthar (indigenous) and you both are Kalars (illegal immigrants), understand?”

No sooner than Nasaka’s finger touched my face than the bell of boat suddenly rang up for passengers to get on then we had to pay 1000 kyats per each for the Buthidaung jetty too. It was the boat, Danyawaddy-7 that we were on. By the time the boat started, all people on the jetty were waving their hands to the boat. We both were those poor two in the boat whose parents were not able to wave their hands to us. It was a time of double-wounds for our young innocent hearts, indeed.

Our seats were in the middle and we put down our bodies. I had the Philosophy that however we have tried and whatever we have planned for, it was nothing better than useless in front of those merciless Nasakas. It is like asking for pity from chicken to a hungry fox. Suddenly, a mixed laughter of passengers made me wake up. It was a joking dialogue of a Myanmar film that made them laugh on the boat. Then, I looked at the face of my friend and joined in the end of their laughter. And soon, we had our lunch on boat.

It was 4:45 pm when we reached to the jetty in Sittway. We were looking for Mostafa Kamaal whom we had requested to pick up us from jetty. We saw that he was waiting for us in gateway where there is another Nasaka check point and we waved our hands at him. “We are going to get off first because we both are new and we’ll have more things to do”, Aziz, my clever friend reminded me. We both got off first and handed some copies and the original of our travel authorization of form-4 to in-charge of Nasaka in check point. He took it and kept it in his hand without signing the original. “I’m responsible for this check point”, the Nasaka replied Mostafa Kamaal when he tried to introduce us to the Nasaka saying that we both were students. We had to wait in there for more than 15 minutes until all were others were gone. We saw ourselves that all people were passing over check point even without even being checked. We both were made to wait for a signature in form-4 despite checking everything of us from A-to-Z. Finally, we had it without extortion as it is the jetty of Sittway.

Then, we got on a taxi heading to Mow Lai Quarter in Sittway. At 5:15 pm, we reached the lodging of Payami then we got off. We had rooms on the ground floor as the upstairs was full. It was later than 5:30 pm that we were readily set up with our materials in our room. So, we have planned to go to the Immigration Office the next day in order to have our arrival approval in Sittway. Then, we took our shower and had our dinner in a nearby restaurant, Old Lady’s Restaurant by the local name. It was a very exciting day for us. As we got tired and weary, we went early to our bad. For sure, it was the first night for us in Sittway City.

TO BE CONTINUED…


Rohingya Exodus