By Zin Linn

Asian Tribune

December 26, 2013

Burma or Myanmar has a serious political sickness in the name of ‘constitution change’ that spread throughout the country especially in the ethnic constituencies.

At the same time, people are worried about for rigid clauses that help military elites keep going above the law. Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, Nobel laureate and chairperson of the National League for Democracy, said at a press conference following a three-day (8-10 May, 2013) workshop that the strictest restrictions that make the 2008 constitution unchangeable must be removed before any constitutional amendment could succeed.

Section 435 of the 2008 Constitution says that if 20 percent of the total number of the Union Parliament representatives submits a Bill to amend the Constitution, it shall be considered by the Union Parliament. Section 436 states that the constitution can only be amended with the prior approval of more than 75 percent of all the representatives of the Union Parliament, followed by a nationwide referendum.

So it is understandable that the military-made constitution seems unchangeable, especially if it seeks to remove unelected army representatives from the legislative body.

As mentioned in the media news, the amendment appilication was put forward as an important issue to the Lower House by Thura Aye Myint, vice chairman of the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP), and it was approved without any difference of opinion. Military appointed parliamentarians also voted in favor of the proposal.

“I believe that the 2008 Constitution now requires reviewing according to the current situation of the country though it was written with a good cause for the future of our country,” Thura Aye Myint said at the parliament.

“A committee or commission will be formed comprising of law experts, academics and professionals,” he added.

The 15-chapter 2008-Constitution, drafted in line with the core principles laid down by the previous junta, was promulgated in May 2008 after a controversial public referendum.

Under existing constitution, a general election was held on 7 November 2010 and the USDP won majority of the parliamentary seats. The USDP Chairman U Thein Sein has been elected as president of the new quasi-civilian government and run the office in March 2011.

Since taking office in March 2011, President U Thein Sein has introduced a series of remarkable political and economic reforms after almost five decades of authoritarian rule by military dictatorship. A major reform was giving political space for Suu Kyi's party so as to take part in the by-electoral process in April 2012 through which the NLD won 43 of 44 seats last year.

Even though USDP’s MPs submitted a constitutional amendment, it is not predictable to meet Suu Kyi's dream for presidency; the presentation sends a warning sign that the government party is pragmatic and most likely willing to deal with hot ethnic bids before the 2015 general election.

Myanmar’s current Constitution, approved in a May 2008 referendum, is flooded with misleading principles. It says the country must be united under one military command. To bring the ethnic groups in line with this term, the previous military regime has ordered all armed rebel groups to become part of Burma’s border guard force ahead of the 2010 election.

The Union Parliament of Myanmar has agreed a proposal shaping 109-member Joint Committee to Review the 2008 Constitution on 25 July with the purpose of making necessary changes.

The committee was set up with the deputy speaker of the Union Parliament as chairman along with the deputy speaker of the Lower House and the deputy speaker of the Upper House as vice chairman. The committee was formed with members of parliament, members of political parties, military MPs and individuals.

However, the ruling USDP party holds 52 seats and military representatives hold 25 seats in the 109-member committee, while 7 members of the opposition NLD take part with 25 members from small ethnic parties. The formation of the committee seems unbalanced since there are 77 pro-military members in the 109-member Joint Committee.

As a result, there is widespread expectation that the committee will defend the undemocratic articles of the 2008 Constitution. According to the common people’s understanding, the existing constitution protects the military and its business empire together with the everlasting authorized power.

The political fixture seems try to find solution to the burning constitution problem on the agenda for the 2015 general election. Parliamentarians from Myanmar’s ruling party on March 15 took the first step towards the possible amendment of the constitution which was drawn up under the previous military junta and intentionally vetoes the opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi from the presidency.

The constitution says that candidates whose spouses or offspring are citizens of a foreign country shall not run in the presidential and vice-presidential selection. As Suu Kyi’s late husband Michael Aris and their two adult sons are British, people can easily see such clauses are targeted at the opposition leader.

In addition, ethnic minorities have been suffering through decades of vicious circle under military operations in the name of national unity. Attacks on these rural civilians continue on a regular basis, recently in Kachin and Shan states. There is a constant demand from Burma’s ethnic groups to enjoy equal political, social and economic rights. The Constitution needs to guarantee the rights of autonomy and of equal representation for every ethnic group in the legislative body.

On 14 November, opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi told a European Union business forum that investors should not ignore the country’s political challenges as it heads towards crucial 2015 elections.

The Nobel laureate said constitutional change was very important for the economic improvement of the country, as Myanmar opens its key regional developing market after decades of military rule.

“Anybody that encourages business or investment or any other activity in Burma while at the same time totally ignoring the need to amend the constitution is not being pragmatic,” Aung San Suu Kyi said, using the country’s former name, according to AFP News.

The NLD has been determined to work together with the ethnic parties to get an idea of public opinion on the correction of the constitution. It also said that the results of its findings will be submitted to the legislative body.

The NLD is once again using its canvassing strategies as exercised in the by-election in April last year, with a firm focus on the restoration of the rule of law, constitutional amendments where the 2008 Constitution does not meet the standard of democracy, especially in completion of equal-shared democracy, lack of creation of equal opportunity for all citizens, and to make changes to the terms that prevent a free and fair election in 2015.

People do not fail to remember that the current constitution come into view in the course of a farce referendum in May 2008, irreverently held just after the destructive Nargis cyclone that caused more than 138,000 deaths and left millions homeless.

The bill was ratified by the parliament in January 2011. The biggest flaw in the constitution is that 25 percent of the seats in the parliament are set aside for soldiers who are basically appointed to the legislative body by the commander-in-chief of the military.

Unless this is amended, it is easier said than done to create a true democratic change in Myanmar. Situation may even force the country to suffer a harmful political sickness.

According to Daw Aung San Suu Kyi’s explanations, it is a must to amend the existing constitution prior to 2015 General Elections so as to become free and fair polls. Even though 2015 ballot may be free, it will not be fair under the current undemocratic 2008 Constitution, the Nobel laureate said.

By Zin Linn

Asian Tribune

December 9, 2013

President U Thein Sein of Myanmar/Burma used to say that his government recognizes political reforms as essential to create development of economic reforms. He also used to pronounce that his government has attempted to ensure involvement of all the citizens in the political process.

Besides, he also underscored that his government has worked out continually to promote equal rights for every citizen to enjoy job opportunities in the course of economic reforms. He puts emphasis on rural development and poverty alleviation for socioeconomic development of rural people.

However, after three in office, none of U Thein Sein’s calculations came true since ceasefire process seems uncertain and unemployment rate yet to be declined. Furthermore, his government cannot stop land grabbing activities launched by the military and cronies who ignored the miseries of the poor farmers as well as President’s reform policy.

Now, on December 1, on his tour to hundred-acre Aung Mingala modern farmland in Kyaunggon Township in Delta area, President U Thein Sein continues saying that the objective of the government’s reform process is accomplishing the two requirements of the citizens to guarantee peace and stability and the rule of law and socioeconomic development of the nation through implementation of agriculture sector improvement. He added that the ongoing tasks for agriculture sector development are meant to generate incomes of rural people and to create more job opportunities.

Human resources development is essential to economic success in the region, he said, in so doing generating incomes and improving education and health standards of local people. He called on local people to use their full competence in agriculture sector for ensuring food surplus as well as food sufficiency.

He pointed out that unity is a must for implementation of national, regional development activities. It is required to change mindset and to drop bad behaviors that can affect sense of cooperation and common good, he added.

On November 18, at an opening of national workshop on rural development strategic framework held at Myanmar International Convention Centre- MICC, President U Thein Sein also said development of agriculture and livestock sectors will be accomplished, when incomes of rural people are increased and poverty rate be reduced. It is also obligatory to generate intended per capita income to be able to obtain for every citizen.

One contradictory point is that President highlights the importance of political reforms as vital to economic development. However, he and his government grab the unfair constitution which does not help ensuring involvement of all the citizens in the political process as well as in economic contribution with reference to equal rights, especially for the rural population.

On 30 November, President U Thein Sein met with active supporters from some civil society organizations in Myanmar. The CSO-members pointed the finger at the reformist president of reluctant to grant them enough free space to have an effect on country’s democratic transformation. Although the government said that it has been moving towards democratic system, the activists from civil-based organizations have been banned practicing their right to freedom of expression.

On that occasion, U Thein Sein said at one point, “I would like to say that civil society and community- based organizations can freely work on political, economic, and social development issues according to their principles and beliefs. However, at present when your organizations are facing a delicate situation, uncertainty or other challenges, I encourage you to avoid confrontational attitudes and instead resolve issues through dialogue. In conclusion, as you find solutions through dialogue, I urge you, in your capacity as an organization or as a private citizen to act in a manner that further strengthens the current political reforms to achieve lasting change.”

Even though the President said that the CSOs can freely work on political, economic, and social development issues in keeping with their principles and values, they have to use dialogue to settle the problems instead of using challenging attitudes. His words look like threats rather than encouragement.

According to the Irrawaddy News, environmentalists at Saturday’s meeting also complained that a lack of transparency and cooperation from governmental departments had created a trust gap.

“We have to question whether the government will consider civil society organizations as enemies and control us or take us as friends with whom to work together,” said Myint Zaw, an environmentalist from EcoDev, reading out a speech from the group’s director – as reported by the Irrawaddy News.

President has pledged to bring about ‘transparency’ and ‘good governance’ in the professed pro-democracy country, since taking office in March 2011. But questions hang around unbeatably whether U Thein Sein recognizes working together with people-based CSOs since Myanmar is a member of the Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN).

Despite the consequences of political, economic and social reforms, the country has still in the middle of the troubles associated with the Letpadaung Taung copper-mine project, issues on land rights, communal conflict in Rakhine State and the impasse of peacemaking in Kachin state.

President U Thein Sein's message to the last parliamentary session refusing the withdrawal of electricity-price hiking seems against not only the people's will but also his own reform scheme of poverty alleviation. President U Thein Sein sent a letter dated 14 November to the parliament, mentioning electricity payment hikes will not be cut and will go into operation in the next fiscal year, as reported by media.

But, the President's letter seems to be overpowering upon the Parliament on this matter of electricity fees hiking. According to the Daily Eleven, Members of Parliament said that the topic needs the people's agreement in order to make judgment for hiking payment for electricity consumptions.

In brief, U Thein Sein has delivered a lot of public speeches through the state-run media since his presidential inauguration. According to some watchful citizens, the President’s speeches seem empty rhetoric since the citizens have been disappointed with the government’s negligence policies relating to public affairs such as health, education and job creation.

Earlier this year, people are paying attention to listen the President’s speeches. But later, they are not so interested in his propagation since his words never change into good results. For instance, he cannot even trim down the electricity charges for the poor. Citizens used to say in these days that words without implementation may not change Myanmar to become a free democratic nation.

By Dr. Habib Siddiqui

Asian Tribune

November 11, 2013

In its July 1 issue, the Time magazine has covered the recent genocidal activities against the Muslims of Myanmar. In this, reporter Hannah Beech has done an excellent job analyzing the role played by Wirathu, a Buddhist monk, who has become the face of Buddhist terrorism. Her report has stirred up a hornet’s nest among the Buddhists. They are very upset.

Unlike OBL, whose views had forced him to settle for a life of refuge outside the country, Wirathu who likes to call him ‘the Burmese bin Laden’ is quite popular inside Myanmar. He is an abbot who has a significant following not just within the Sangha but also within the government, military, and civilian population of his Buddhist-majority country. Soon after the publication of the Times issue, President Thein Sein came to his defense and said, "Buddhist monks, also known as Sanghas, are noble people who keep the 277 precepts or moral rules, and strive peacefully for the prosperity of Buddhism.” From such testimonials, it is not difficult to understand the level of support that Wirathu’s 969 Movement – or more correctly creed - enjoys inside Myanmar. And this is troubling. It paints a very damning picture not only about Myanmar – long known for its gruesome records of human rights violations but also about its Buddhist faith sanctioning such horrendous crimes.

After all, there is nothing honorable about the 969 Movement, which Wirathu launched in 2001. It draws its inspiration from fascism and Nazism and is racist, bigotry-ridden and apartheid to the core calling for boycott of anything Muslim the same way Jews of Germany were depicted and treated in the 1930s and 1940s until the fall of Hitler. "We have a slogan: When you eat, eat 969; when you go, go 969; when you buy, buy 969," Wirathu declared at his monastery in Mandalay. (Translation: If you're eating, traveling or buying anything, do it with a Buddhist.) This apartheid 969 creed led to sharp increase in anti-Muslim violence in Myanmar, especially after the Bamiyan statues were destroyed by Taliban in March of 2001. As a result, several mosques were destroyed by Buddhist monks. The sporadic violence which included killing of several Muslims and destruction of Muslim properties and mosques would continue until 2003 when he was arrested. The military regime sentenced him to 25 years in prison for distributing anti-Muslim pamphlets that incited communal riots in his birthplace of Kyaukse, a town near Meikhtila. At least 10 Muslims were killed in Kyaukse by a Buddhist mob, according to a U.S. State Department report.

Wirathu was freed last year from jail during an amnesty for hundreds of political prisoners, among the most celebrated reforms of Myanmar's post-military rule. He is now an abbot in Mandalay's Masoeyein Monastery, an expansive complex where he leads about 60 monks and has influence over more than 2,500 residing there. From that power base, he is again preaching hatred and intolerance. Many monks are highly influenced by his hateful messages, and are directly involved in genocidal campaigns against the minority Muslim population in Myanmar. They are also supported by government agencies at all levels - from local to central.

It is widely believed by Dr. Maung Zarni and many other independent researchers that the government of Thein Sein is using Wirathu and his terrorist monks, with wide support within the Buddhist society, to do what it could not do officially. Thus, the crimes of Wirathu cannot be separated from those of Thein Sein. They are in collusion.

Nyi Nyi Lwin, a former monk better known as U Gambira who led the "Saffron Revolution" democracy uprising in 2007 that was crushed by the military told Reuters that if government was serious to stop anti-Muslim pogroms, it could do it. "In the past, they prevented monks from giving speeches about democracy and politics. This time they don't stop these incendiary speeches. They are supporting them," he said. "Because Wirathu is an abbot at a big monastery of about 2,500 monks, no one dares to speak back to him. The government needs to take action against him."

Last year in May-October when Rohingya Muslims were killed in the Arakan state, the Buddhist monks played major roles not only in inciting violence against them, they allowed their monasteries to be used as arms depot and also participated themselves in the slaughter. Government security forces and ultra-racist Rakhine politicians also participated in such raids. The anti-Muslim pogroms last year led to the death of hundreds of Muslims and homelessness of nearly 140,000 Muslims in the Rakhine state. Seventy Muslims were slaughtered in a daylong massacre in one hamlet alone, according to Human Rights Watch. Children were hacked apart and women torched. In several instances, monks were seen goading on frenzied Buddhists. Muslim townships and villages were totally wiped out from the map. As usual, in this Buddhist country not a single Buddhist was found guilty for committing such horrendous crimes against the minority Muslims.

The communal violence, which the government has done little to check, has since migrated to other parts of the country. In March, dozens were killed and tens of thousands left homeless as homes and mosques were razed in Meikhtila. As widely documented, Buddhist monks led the massacre of Muslims and destruction of Muslim properties there. Rioters spray-painted "969" on destroyed businesses. A knife-wielding Buddhist monk was video-taped holding a Muslim girl. "If you follow us, I'll kill her," the monk taunted police, as a Buddhist mob armed with machetes and swords chased nearly 100 Muslims in this city in central Myanmar. It was Thursday, March 21. Within hours, the Buddhist monks led the mob to kill dozens of Muslims.

The killings took place in plain view of police, with no intervention by the local or central government. The police were told not to intervene. The region's military commander, Aung Kyaw Moe, could have stopped the riots with a few stern orders - especially given that thousands of soldiers are permanently stationed in Meikhtila and nearby. [That pattern echoed what Reuters reporters found last year in an examination of October's anti-Muslim violence in Myanmar's western Rakhine State. There, a wave of deadly attacks was organized, according to central-government military sources. They were led by Rakhine Buddhist nationalists tied to a powerful political party in the state, incited by Buddhist monks, and assisted by local security forces.]

Graffiti scrawled on one wall in Meikhtila called for a "Muslim extermination." The Buddhist mob dragged their bloodied bodies up a hill in a neighborhood called Mingalarzay Yone and set the corpses on fire. Some were found butchered in a reedy swamp. A Reuter’s cameraman saw the charred remains of two children, aged 10 or younger. As noted by Min Ko Naing, a revered former political prisoner, bulldozers were used to destroy Muslim properties. Some 1600 Muslim owned homes and businesses were destroyed in Meikhtila. A historic mosque and an orphanage were also burned. By March 29, at least 15 towns and villages in central Myanmar had suffered anti-Muslims pogroms. In many of these incidents, Buddhist monks not only stopped firemen from dousing fire but also participated in killings of Muslims.

In his report, Tomas Ojea Quintana, the U.N. special rapporteur on human rights in Myanmar said he had received reports of "state involvement" in the violence. Soldiers and police sometimes stood by "while atrocities have been committed before their very eyes, including by well-organized ultra-nationalist Buddhist mobs," said the rapporteur.

Wirathu had a quick answer to the question of who caused Meikhtila's unrest: the Buddhist woman who tried to sell the hair clip. "She shouldn't have done business with Muslims."

As I have repeatedly said in my speeches and writings, genocide of Muslims has become a national project in Myanmar in which most Buddhists at all levels – from sly President Thein Sein to ignoble Nobel Laureate Suu Kyi to racist politicians to terrorist monk Wirathu to ordinary monks to criminal members of the security forces to general public – are involved one way or another. That is why Suu Kyi is silent on this greatest crime of the 21st century. Her criminal silence to condemn the anti-Muslim pogroms in her country has disgraced the Nobel Peace Prize!

Naturally, Wirathu's fascist movement is working: 969 stickers and signs are proliferating everywhere like mushroom — often accompanied by violence. Anti-Muslim mobs in Bago Region, close to Yangon, erupted after traveling monks preached about the 969 movement. Stickers bearing pastel hues overlaid with the numerals 969 are appearing on street stalls, motorbikes, posters and cars across the central heartlands. In his speech in a community center in Minhla, a town of about 100,000 people, which is a few hours' drive from Yangon, on February 26 and 27, in front of thousands of Buddhist monks, Wimalar Biwuntha, an abbot from Mon State, explained how monks in his state began using 969 to boycott a popular Muslim-owned bus company.

After the speeches, the mood in Minhla turned ugly. Muslims were jeered. A month later, about 800 Buddhists armed with metal pipes and hammers destroyed three mosques and 17 Muslim homes and businesses, according to police. No one was killed, but two-thirds of Minhla's Muslims fled and haven't returned, police said. One attacker was armed with a chainsaw, he said.

As reported by Reuters a local police official made a deal with the mob: Rioters were allowed 30 minutes to ransack a mosque before police would disperse the crowd, according to two witnesses. They tore it apart for the next half hour, the witnesses said. A hollowed-out structure remains.

Two days earlier in Gyobingauk, a town of 110,000 people just north of Minhla, a mob destroyed a mosque and 23 houses after three days of speeches by a monk preaching 969. Witnesses said they appeared well organized, razing some buildings with a bulldozer.

On April 2, 13 Muslim boys died in a fire at a Yangon religious school. The floors were surprisingly slick with oil during the blaze, clearly pointing out that the blaze was deliberately set by others. However, the local police blamed the fire on electric problem.

For too long we in the West had entertained a very romantic view of Buddhism. Forgotten or ignored there was the ground reality of Buddhist crimes done under the name of religion, let alone its people. As I have noted in my book ‘Rohingya: the forgotten people of our time’, for hundreds of years the Arakanese

Buddhist Maghs terrorized Bengal and neighboring territories of Muslim-ruled India. That history is a blood-soaked history of unfathomable cruelty and savagery that devastated Bengal (today’s Bangladesh and the state of West Bengal of India). According to the words of historian Shihabuddin Talish, an eye witness: "They [Buddhist Maghs] carried off the Hindus and Muslims, male and female, great and small, few and many that they could seize, pierced the palms of their hands, passed thin canes through the holes and threw them one above another under the deck of their ships.” He continued, “The Magh did not leave a bird in the air, or a beast on the land from Chatgaon [Chittagong] to Jagdia, the frontier of Bengal, increased the desolation, thickened the jungles, destroyed the land, closed the road so well that even the snake and the wild could not pass through.”

As also noted by British historian G.E. Harvey, “The Arakan pirates, both Magh and feringhi, used to come by the water-route and plunder Bengal. Mohammedans underwent such oppression, as they had not to suffer in Europe. As they continually practiced raids for a long time, Bengal daily became more and more desolate and less and less able to resist them. Not a house was left inhabited on their side of the rivers lying on their track from Chittagong to Dacca. The district of Bakla [Backergunge and part of Dacca], which formerly abounded in houses and cultivated fields and yield a large revenue as duty on betel-nuts, was swept so clean with their broom of plunder and abduction that none was left to tenant any house or kindle a light in that region.”

While the children of abducted slaves of Africa are recognized as citizens in the USA, the children of those abducted Bengali Muslims, settled in Arakan state and elsewhere inside Myanmar, are now denied their due citizenship rights.

I wish I could have said that the savagery of the Buddhist Maghs and Bamars of Myanmar had stopped. Alas, the recent history of Myanmar has once again proven that they are beyond reform. They never understood civility and like to remain buried in their savage past. Thus, rather than condemning the religio-racist violence led by a criminal Buddhist monk, Wirathu is celebrated as a national hero and his horrendous crimes are condoned by the highest authority of the land. Only in Mogher Mulluk can one witness such an amazing thing!

One should thank the Time magazine and its courageous reporter Hannah Beech for a much needed factual account of a war criminal like Wirathu who is a disgrace to any religion. With the religious edicts he and other terrorist monks make they soil the good name of their faith, and portray the ugly side of what Theravada Buddhism has become in Myanmar that scripts and directs genocide against an unarmed minority. It is disgraceful!

Thein Sein cannot hoodwink the rest of the world with his appeasing comments that these terrorist monks are model Buddhists who only strive for Buddhist prosperity. At whose expense is such prosperity earned?

Is genocide or pogrom of another people acceptable in that goal of selective prosperity? If not, his government better stop Wirathu and his terrorist supporters now. If the answer is yes, then he better accept the grim reality that Buddhism in Myanmar means genocide of other non-Buddhists, esp. its Muslim population. Period and simple! Thein Sein and other Buddhists of Myanmar cannot have it both ways.

When asked about the Time cover story, Wirathu said, "This is being done because the Islamic extremists want my downfall. ... If I fall down, it will be very easy for the extremist who wants to overwhelm Burma with their extreme beliefs. They want me to be arrested, or killed. That’s why, they put me on the [Time] cover, I think. … Extremists are trying to turn Burma into an Islamic country. There is financial, technological, human resources support for this, even media support. I’ve observed these things and because I’m speaking out to show these things to the world, I have become their number 1 enemy, so they are targeting me."

He repeats the same mantra uttered by every damn Nazi and fascist before him. Pure nonsense to justify their savagery unto the minority people! It is inexcusable.

Is there any hope in Myanmar? I am glad that a monk like U Pantavunsa is speaking out against such monstrosity done in the name of Buddhism. How far such dissent voices would succeed, I don't know. Nonetheless, it is high time for conscientious human beings inside and outside Burma to condemn the 969 movement and its executioners for the crimes against humanity. They must also demand restoration of citizenship and human rights for all the residents of Myanmar.

By Zin Linn

Asian Tribune

November 11, 2013

If one looks back through near past of Burma/Myanmar, he can run into the previous junta’s famous political slogan - "Roadmap to Disciplined Democracy" – under which a Constitutional referendum was passed and enforced the 2008 Constitution which was systematically and unfairly drawn to prolong the military power.

After serving as the Prime Minister of Myanmar from 2007 to 2011, Thein Sein was officially sworn in as President of the quasi-civilian government on March 30, 2011. This looked as if the country made the first political change after 50 years of closed-door policy.

The making of a President apart from the commander-in-chief of the military was exceptionally noteworthy for Myanmar under military-dictatorship. Yet, President Thein Sein is a retired general of the army and his military background remains a primarily important feature in his Presidency. So, to several analysts, President Thein Sein has been distinguished as a military-minded soft-liner because of his awareness on good governance by launching free-market and open-society with making concessions to oppositions.

U Thein Sein government has started easing restrictions on fundamental freedoms, relaxing restrictions on the media, floating the Myanmar currency in line with the market, allowing the creation of trade unions, and releasing political prisoners. The purposeful political transformation in Myanmar is a response to the economic sanctions that have been enforced by the international community with the United States, the European Union.

The Obama Administration has diplomatically encouraged Myanmar's democratization as well as relaxing restrictions on financial assistance and the beginning of the process of ambassador exchanges between the United States and Myanmar. The United States Secretary of State, Hillary Clinton, visited Myanmar in December 2011 to engage with President Thein Sein and opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi. This showed a historical diplomatic improvement for relations between the United States and Myanmar in excess of 50 years.

On November 19, 2012, President Obama visited Myanmar and met President Thein Sein giving confidence in favor of the Myanmar’s political reforms. Obama also met with the Nobel laureat Aung San Suu Kyi at her residence where she had spent scores of years under junta’s house arrest.

These were the preliminary steps toward democratization of Myanmar. But, there are many more steps to do for transformation into a democratic government. In response, the NLD led by Aung San Suu Kyi and a range of ethnic oppositions are continuing to reveal their doubts about reversal. Many politicians and citizens remain skeptical of the nature of the sham democracy promised by the military-backed quasi-civilian government.

The most recent release of 56 political prisoners on October 8, 2013, was seemingly an improvement, but ultimately disappointing due to the fact that the restrictions placed upon them by Article 401, their freedom is not unconditional, as said by the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (Burma). Their release does not officially acknowledge their political status and ensures they are released with conditions restricting their freedom. It is unacceptable that the old prison sentence still hangs over them once they have been freed.

In its 9th October statement, AAPP(B) said that It is essential to continue to recognize the difficulties political prisoners face upon their release.

According to AAPP (B), there still remain 133 political prisoners incarcerated in prisons across the country. When they are released, AAPP (B) insists that the use of Article 401 must no longer be viewed as a necessary part of their freedom. The UN General Assembly Resolution stated the demand for political prisoners to be released unconditionally. By ignoring this, the government is continuing to maintain barriers to democratic freedom.

Such kinds of stances by the U Thein Sein government spotlight the current situation of Myanmar as less progress toward a democratic society. The underlying motives for the government’s moves in politics are less likely to be a genuine call for democratic state.

The government's encouragements are recognized via various factors including economic reforms and human rights endorsement within the international community. Having the chairmanship to the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) in 2014 was indication of regional recognition of the changes taking place in Myanmar.

But, Myanmar's development towards democracy still needs to be pressured by its regional partners and the Western democracies on condition that rule of law and anti-graft operations are made in support of poverty alleviation.

On the other hand, due to ruthless maltreatment of its citizens, Myanmar’s military-backed quasi-civilian government will be maintained under closely monitor by rights groups evaluating its course of action for democratization.

In contrast, Aung San Suu Kyi, chairperson of the key opposition party, the National League for Democracy (NLD), pronounced in March this year publicly towards her fellow members to be united in the midst of fuss that could weaken the league in the upcoming historic elections in 2015. The NLD, Myanmar’s once outlawed opposition party, had launched its first ever historic party congress in front of the diplomats, journalists and leaders of other political parties, on 8-9-10 March 2013 in Rangoon.

The NLD congress elected 85 representatives for central working committee including many new well-educated members as well as female members. Moreover, the congress has voted 15-member central executive committee. The CEC has re-elected Nobel laureate Aung San Suu Kyi, 67, as chairperson of the party. She has been leading all for the democratization movement in the country for a quarter of a century since 1988.

According to the NLD’s political report to the first congress, the party has decided to help addressing the problems in unrest Kachin and Rakhine States. It has also made a decision to restore ‘Rule of Law’ as well as peace and stability in Myanmar. It also says that the party will endeavor amending the undemocratic 2008 Constitution as its first priority.

Although Suu Kyi’s party won 44 seats out of 660 lower house, it was not enough to challenge amending the undemocratic clauses of the 2008 constitution fortified by the government’s ruling party. Hence, Suu Kyi is determined to win national elections in 2015 by adding up the party with "new blood" and spread out the power for decision-making.

During the first ever conference, Suu Kyi made three extraordinary suggestions to her delegates that they must be honest to the people, they must be loyal to each other and they must not brush aside the value of the gratitude.

The first ever congress of the NLD is the most up-to-date indicator of the remarkable changes appeared in Myanmar since ex-general Thein Sein took power as president in March 2011, expecting international aid and recognition to the pariah state.

On 21 October, before meeting in Luxembourg with European Foreign ministers, Suu Kyi said that changes in the constitution are essential to make Burma truly democratic, according to EurActiv News.

'The crucial one is to amend the constitution and then, there is a question of inclusive development and internal peace. All of this are linked to amendments to the constitution. There are many many issues in Burma, but in order to resolve all of this, we have to have a basic foundation of democratic practises and this can not be established without an amendment of the constitution', said Burmese opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi.

Apart from the sympathy of the international community, the question now is how the opposition parties, especially the National League for Democracy (NLD), will prepare ahead of 2015 elections which is under the management of the two-faced ruling party.

To some NLD youths, the party depends on the people’s support. Although the ruling regime gets in the way, the NLD may flex its muscles in defiance of the military monocracy. It’s time to show its opposition power by defying the heavy-handed political climate.

By Zin Linn 

Asian Tribune

October 22, 2013

Burma or Myanmar has received a new great reward on 10 October for its over-the-top political changes, taking the wheel of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) even with critics’ warnings that the step was hasty. A long time ago, friendless rogue was properly granted the rotating chair of the ASEAN routinely for 2014. It won the seat at the end of the group's summit in Bandar Seri Bagawan, Brunei.

When Burma/Myanmar became a member of the Association of Southeast Asian nations in 1997, many countries criticized ASEAN leaders because of its questionable human rights records.

Myanmar has suffered under military’s ruthless ruling since 1962. The regime has earned a reputation as one of the world's worst human rights violators. It brutally suppressed pro-democracy movements in 1988, during the Depayin conspiracy on May 30, 2003, and the Saffron Revolution in September 2007, as well as many other sporadic crackdowns.

It was in 1976 in the Thailand’s Department of Foreign Affairs building in Bangkok, the Association of the Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) came into existence on August 8, with the signing of 'Bangkok Declaration' by foreign ministers of five original member countries namely Indonesia, Malaysia, Philippines, Singapore, and Thailand.

The five foreign ministers are considered the organization's ‘Founding Fathers,’ and they are Adam Malik of Indonesia, Narciso R. Ramos of the Philippines, Tun Abdul Razak of Malaysia, S. Rajaratnam of Singapore, and Thanat Khoman of Thailand. The ‘Founding Fathers’ envisaged that the organization would eventually encompass all the countries in Southeast Asian region.

Following the founding of the organization, Brunei Darussalam became the sixth member of the ASEAN when it joined on January 7, 1984, barely a week after the country became independent on January 1, 1984. It would be a further 11 years before ASEAN expanded from its original six core members.

Vietnam became the seventh member in July 28, 1995, and Laos and Myanmar joined two years later in July 23, 1997. Vietnam would become the first Communist member of ASEAN. Cambodia was to have joined the ASEAN together with Laos and Myanmar, but was deferred due to the country's internal political struggle. Cambodia finally joined on April 30, 1999, following the stabilization of its government.

Joining of Cambodia brought the completion of ASEAN-10, by which constituting almost all the countries in the Southeast Asia region.

The Treaty of Amity and Cooperation (TAC) in Southeast Asia, was signed at the First ASEAN Summit on 24 February 1976, which declared that ASEAN political and security dialogue and cooperation should aim to promote regional peace and stability by enhancing regional resilience. Regional resilience shall be achieved by cooperating in all fields based on the principles of self-confidence, self-reliance, mutual respect, cooperation, and solidarity, which shall constitute the foundation for a strong and viable community of nations in Southeast Asia.

The Association of the Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) had started facing the first strong challenge from the international community due to Myanmar's human rights violations on 30 May 2003. The Association was called on to address human rights concerns in the region, including allegations of grave human rights violations at Dapeyin in Sagaing Division of Upper Myanmar, where the country's charismatic leader Aung San Suu Kyi, then General-Secretary of the National League for Democracy (NLD), and her entourage were ambushed by the military junta's goons and killed more than 70 innocent people. From that day on, Aung San Suu Kyi and her chief lieutenant U Tin Oo and many others were arrested and kept incarcerated for several years.

As international pressure piled up, ASEAN has to review its non-interference policy. In a departure from the ASEAN policy of "non-interference", the organization issued a statement calling for the early release of Aung San Suu Kyi and other NLD members during the 36th ASEAN Ministerial Meeting (AMM) (held on 16, 17 June 2003) in Phnom Penh.

ASEAN’s concern followed a Myanmar junta-backed attack on Aung San Suu Kyi and hundreds of other political activists, where scores of people were killed or injured.

The 36th AMM's statement says, “We discussed the recent political developments in Myanmar, particularly the incident of 30 May 2003. We noted the efforts of the Government of Myanmar to promote peace and development. In this connection, we urged Myanmar to resume its efforts of national reconciliation and dialogue among all parties concerned leading to a peaceful transition to democracy.”

Myanmar, which is internationally condemned for political and human rights abuses, including the detention of the Nobel Peace prize laureate Aung San Suu Kyi, is due to take the alphabetically rotating chairmanship of Asean in 2006. The United States and the European Union, which have imposed economic sanctions on the country, have been pressuring the regional grouping to block its chairmanship.

Filipino Foreign Secretary Alberto Romulo at the Cebu retreat predicted that he expected "vigorous debates" over Myanmar amid continued pressure from the West. Romulo also spoke out Manila's position that Myanmar's ruling junta should implement promised democratic reforms, release pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi from house arrest, give access for the drawing of a democratic constitution and allow the U.N. special envoy to visit the country showing cooperation with the world body.

In June 2005, the Indonesian Parliament's Commission on Defense and Foreign Affairs issued a resolution urging the government to boycott the ASEAN meetings if military-ruled Burma or Myanmar is allowed to take over the chairmanship. Indonesia's parliamentarians are urging their government to support the resolution, which the parliamentary commission passed.

Malaysian and Philippine legislators, along with pro-democracy groups, have also opposed Myanmar's chairmanship, warning that ASEAN could lose credibility.

Following ‘the 7 November 2010 election’, the junta released opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi from house arrest on 13 November. Then President Thein Sein’s government took the office in March 2011. Built upon the military drafted 2008 Constitution and the undemocratic elections in 2010, Thein Sein’s government has continually beleaguered by criticisms of state impunity and military supremacy.

Although the new government did not stop systematic human rights violations, other ASEAN leaders said they had no objections in principle but urged Myanmar to improve its human rights record leading up to 2014.

Myanmar was originally scheduled to chair an ASEAN summit in 2006, but it skipped its turn to chair because of widespread criticism of its human rights record and negative response to implement political reforms. However, President U Thein Sein Government has been reinforcing its troops in several regions where ethnic armed groups said are their territories. Armed forces reinforcements have been reported in Kachin State, Shan State and Karen State in the country since June 2011.

Sporadic armed clashes has been going on recently between the junta’s troops and armed ethnic groups such as the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO/KIA), the Shan State Army–North (SSA-North) and Shan State Army-South (SSA-South).

Consequently, Myanmar has been continuing war against the ethnic minorities who are defending their basic civil rights including self-determination. If ASEAN leaders support offering the chair to Myanmar in 2014, they must pressure U Thein Sein’s government to stop the unjust war on the ethnic people. They ought to push Myanmar to end the civil war ahead of 2014.

Accordingly, they must press on President U Thein Sein to initiate putting into practice the words made in his inauguration speeches without hindrance. The ASEAN leaders particularly need calling for a total amnesty for every political prisoner in the country and the arrangement of an all-inclusive political dialogue in quest of reconciliation.

By Asian Tribune

October 18, 2013

Bangkok - Legislators from across Southeast Asia today called on Aung San Suu Kyi and European Parliamentarians and leaders to use the National League for Democracy (NLD) leader’s visit to Europe to secure greater commitments to tackle persistent human rights concerns in Myanmar, and draw particular focus on growing sectarian conflict and anti-Muslim violence there.

“The underlying tensions that stem from discrimination against ethnic and religious minorities pose a threat to Myanmar’s democratic transition and stability,” said ASEAN Parliamentarians for Human Rights (APHR) President and Indonesian Member of Parliament Eva Kusuma Sundari.

“There exists an urgent need to address anti-Muslim violence that has spread throughout Myanmar. Calls for action have so far fallen on deaf ears and as fellow parliamentarians in ASEAN, we have consistently offered to contribute in any way possible to help the people of Myanmar resolve this dangerous situation: many of our peers in Europe also feel the same.”

APHR understands that the European Union is in the process of drafting a resolution on the human rights situation in Myanmar to be put before the United Nations General Assembly next month. ASEAN parliamentarians stand behind the effort to again raise important human rights concerns in Myanmar whilst also recognising the political advances made as the country continues its transition to democracy.

Since being elected to Parliament in 2012, Aung San Suu Kyi has come under criticism for failing to tackle serious human rights concerns in her country. But as the de-facto leader of the opposition in Parliament, who also holds considerable sway and respect overseas, she is in a unique position to help broker offers of assistance to the Burmese government, with whom she has developed an effective working relationship, APHR said.

“It is of vital importance that the UN General Assembly resolution on Myanmar not gloss over the great failures of this transition so far: there have been many political advances but the government has systematically failed to improve on almost all of the concerns raised in the UN General Assembly resolution passed in 2012. It’s sincerity in tackling human rights abuses, unfortunately, remains questionable,” said Kraisak Choonhavan, APHR Vice-President.

“Daw Suu and political leaders in Europe must engage with the Myanmar government and ASEAN, through the UN and other international instruments. Thein Sein must be pushed to produce immediate and tangible improvements. Cowered by the threat of the return of military dictatorship and enticed by economic opportunity, the world is allowing ethnic cleansing to take place under its nose. It must stop here. We are all accountable: Daw Suu, Jose Manuel Barossa, David Cameron… everyone.”

Anti-Muslim violence, fuelled by nationalist-Buddhist extremism, has spread throughout Myanmar. On many occasions, security forces have failed to protect Muslim communities from targeted arson attacks and rioting mobs.

The majority of an estimated one million Rohingya Muslims are effectively denied access to citizenship through the controversial 1982 Citizenship Act. The UN General Assembly should press the government of Myanmar to improve access to humanitarian aid to tens of thousands of internally displaced persons across Myanmar, particularly those in Kachin, Shan and Rakhine states, APHR said.

The UN General Assembly must also press the Myanmar government to amend the 1982 Citizenship Act to bring it in line with international standards and to lift all abusive restrictions on ethnic and religious minorities, including Muslims, the organisation of parliamentarians from across ASEAN said.

APHR has received credible reports of continued harassment, arrest and torture of Rohingya populations by state security forces. Some 140, 000 displaced men, women and children are living in makeshift camps with little access to food, healthcare, education and other basic rights and services. Their movement remains restricted and therefore they cannot work to provide for their families, and they are being prevented from returning to the sites of their homes which were destroyed by mobs during communal unrest. Instead, the government is keeping them in camps while developing plans to move them to new areas, segregated from other communities. Also, judicial proceedings in other regions following ant-Muslim riots in Central Burma this year also point to institutionalised racism, with widespread arrests and disproportionately harsh sentences for Muslims.

Aung San Suu Kyi is on her third visit to Europe since being released from house arrest in 2010. She is scheduled to meet officials at the European Parliament in Strasbourg France, before visits to Luxembourg, Belgium, Italy, England and Northern Ireland. The Burmese pro-democracy icon and politician made her first trip overseas in 24 years in June 2012, visiting Thailand and several European countries, including Switzerland, Norway, Ireland, Britain and France.

By Zin Linn

Asian Tribune

October 7, 2013

Recently on October 1, President Thein Sein made a tour in Burma/Myanmar's western state of Rakhine which was the first visit by the president since the Rakhine sectarian conflict occurred in 2012. On his arrival in Maungtaw, the president met with both Muslim and Rakhine communities, urging them to keep on residing in peaceful coexistence.

Also on October 1, President U Thein Sein sent a message to the Conference of the Leaders of Five Faith. In his massage, he said, “Individual freedom or the basic foundation of democracy is to enjoy freedom without harming others. The Constitution of Myanmar fully guarantees freedom of religion as the fundamental rights of citizens. We all should never misuse this noble idea of the freedom of religion as a springboard for any kind of extremism and fueling hatred.”

However, looking back in the near past in May and June 2012, sectarian violence in western Myanmar had taken place. As a result of unrest, riots and arson between groups of raging peoples, killing 50, wounding 54 and burning down 2230 houses and 14 religious buildings till 14 June, the president’s office says in its statement (1/2012) dated 25 October 2012. The incident also left 61,462 people homeless forcing victims to take shelter at relief camps, the statement mentioned.

In order to bring back immediate peace and stability, the Rakhine State government issued Article 144 of the Criminal Code of Law in some townships in Rakhine State. The president also declared a state of emergency by issuing ordinance in agreement with the constitution, the statement said. Moreover, the government in cooperation with local people as well as police and army personnel took measures to restore the rule of law, the president’s office says in its statement (1/2012). According to the statement, the state of emergency was declared under the law with the approval of the Union Parliament.

According to the then president office’s statement, the government was under serious criticism over the affair – described as an abuse of human rights by some international organizations – and the case had been taken to the United Nations. The government of Myanmar had to defend against those criticisms through all possible means, the statement said. Concurrently, the statement (1/2012) said that the government had to make efforts to get humanitarian aid for temporary shelter, provision of food and health care and rehabilitation of victims.

According to the then government press statement, riots erupted in Kyaukpyu, Minbya, Myebon and Mrauk-U townships all of a sudden in Rakhine State, leaving 12 dead, 50 wounded, 1948 houses and eight religious buildings in ashes with substantial numbers of homeless people till 24 October, 2012. However, The Associated Press said that at least 56 people killed and 1,900 homes destroyed in renewed ethnic violence in western Myanmar as the government warned perpetrators and the international community appealed for calm.

Myanmar achieved the support and international recognition of its drive for smooth transition in the democratization process within a short period of time, the statement underlined. While the international community was watching the continuing progress in the country with awareness, the Rakhine riots and violence caused a great impact on the national integrity and interest.

In last July, President U Thein Sein has urged the Interfaith Friendship Group and Myanmar National Human Rights Commission to cooperate with the government to help end the conflict the two communities in the country, the state-run media reported.

He insisted that the conflict between Buddhists and Muslims is being exaggerated and that it could damage the international image of the country and its reforms. The constitution of the country grants protection to the four major religions including Islam, said U Thein Sein. The racial discrimination has no place in Myanmar, he added.

He urged the Interfaith Friendship Group to work in partnership with the government. The first priority is the rehabilitation of the areas where the conflicts broke out, he said. According to him, his government has already spent over 6 billion kyats (US$6.1 million) on delivering aid to over 100,000 victims in cooperation with the international organizations.

He said action had been taken against the criminals involved in the conflicts and investigations would continue.

The second priority task is to prevent a repeat of such conflicts and the Interfaith Friendship Group is required to be part of the task to form region/state/township-level groups. He called on Myanmar Human Rights Commission to develop human rights education to increase the public’s awareness of their rights. The third priority, he said, is to work towards a resolution on the origin of the conflict.

Hence, the government needs more effective measures to be taken for the rule of law and community peace and tranquility with the collaborative efforts of the police, army and local inhabitants. Even though the government declared through its statement that there are persons and organizations who are manipulating the incidents in Rakhine State from behind the scenes, it could not find out the real culprits. As a result, the statement called for the manipulators to be exposed and legal action taken against them.

The United States has condemned the latest fatal attacks against minority Muslims in western Burma and urging authorities to do more to tackle the long-standing sectarian tension within reach. The U.S. Embassy in Rangoon's statement on 2 October followed several days of violence that has killed at least five Muslims, several injured, and hundreds of civilians displaced in violence that included arson attacks destroying dozens of homes and several mosques.

The statement also calls on religious and civil society leaders, and all citizens throughout the country, to stand against continued violence targeting Muslim communities, and to promote understanding, mutual respect, and peaceful co-existence among all people in this diverse country.

It also urges the Myanmar government and local authorities to do more ensuring progress in security, rule of law, justice, humanitarian access, and reconciliation in Rakhine State to stem the sources of on-going tension, and create conditions for sustainable peace and development in the nation.

The ongoing sectarian violence in western Myanmar also looks as if a threat at-hand to destabilize the current reforms endorsed by the President Thein Sein’s quasi-civilian government.

By Dr. Habib Siddiqui

Asian Tribune

September 29, 2013

The U.S. Congressional panel recently had a hearing to examine the current political environment inside Burma (Myanmar), the growing human right abuses among its ethnic groups, and assess U.S. policy towards the country. Amongst other dignitaries Professor Wakar Uddin of the Arakan Rohingya Union was invited to answer a series of questions on the above subject. Hearings of this kind do show that the U.S. Congress is mindful of Myanmar and is interested to better the situation for all inside the country. I welcome such an initiative.

In my opinion, the changes that have happened in the state of Myanmar in the last couple of years are mostly cosmetic and not genuine. I wish I could have sounded more optimistic. But I can’t and I shall share why I feel this way. 

1. On the positive side, hundreds of political prisoners have been released from the prisons where once they had been rotting for years. A notable example in this regard is the much-demanded release of former Rohingya MP. 

2. There is even a parliament (with members coming mostly from the armed forces) that discusses national issues, but the debates there don’t reflect an environment of a genuine democracy. Important issues affecting the future of the state, the role of military, the nature of the ‘emerging democracy’ and federation needed for Myanmar to survive in the 21st century as a united country that is composed of many races, ethnicities and religions are mostly ignored. 

3. People, esp. the minorities – ethnic and religious – are discriminated in every strata of the society – from local levels to federal state of the government administration. The minority Rohingyas are still denied their basic rights to citizenship in spite of the fact that they are indigenous to the Arakan state, bordering Bangladesh. 

4. The government has not allowed freedom of trade unions to operate freely within the prevalent laws. 

5. There is no journalistic freedom to report from war-torn and riot (or more correctly pogrom) affected areas and express views that may be critical of the government.

6. Neo-Nazi Fascism is at an all time high inside much of Myanmar where the minority Muslims are forced to live a life of traumatic fear and absolute insecurity. Instead of much anticipated security and integration, insecurity and marginalization to the level of wholesale extinction have, sadly, become their lot in this ‘new’ Myanmar. They face ever increasing mob violence that is directed against them with full support from top to bottom – from those in administration to the security forces and local racist Buddhist politicians and extremist Buddhist monks. Sadly, there is no Buddhist voice of conscience except probably that of U Gambira condemning such ethnic cleansing drives against minority Muslims. If this situation is allowed to continue unchecked the Rohingyas of Myanmar will become an extinct people in our time. 

7. Succinctly put, while the outside world is somewhat amused with the political reforms initiated by the administration of President Thein Sein, such reforms are too little and far between to address the more pressing issues of Myanmar – its fractured society that is divided along ethnicities, nationalities, races, religions, etc., and the role of the politicians, government officials, and the society at large to building the foundations for a stable and viable democracy in this otherwise multi-racial, -religious, -ethnic country. Unless the reforms are genuine by all intent and purpose, I am afraid that Myanmar will continue to bleed internally widening the gaps between religious and ethnic communities, creating an environment in which Buddhist monk-encouraged, racist politicians-motivated and government supported pogroms against vulnerable minorities would become the norms and not the exceptions. This would have, something already witnessed, a very adverse impact in the entire South Asia and South-East Asia leading to permanent chaos, conflict, regional insecurity, and instability - none of which is desirable for our world. As a resource rich but structurally and technologically weak, Myanmar cannot afford such an outcome.

Questions have been raised if the Obama Administration has moved too quickly in easing sanctions on Burma and increasing its overall engagement efforts over the last two years. As any expert would tell the regimes like those of Thein Sein crave for opportunities that give a lift to their legitimacy. The visits of the former Secretary of State Mrs. Hillary Clinton and President Barak Obama to the state of Myanmar are what the Myanmar’s new government craved for its public image and to boost its standing at home and abroad. Such visits gave the impression that the U.S. government is okay with the so-called reform efforts and the direction in which Myanmar is heading. Naturally, with all the sanctions almost lifted, there is no bar any more for any U.S. company to do business with this government, which still runs an apartheid state by any definition. 

1. In my humble opinion, the Obama Administration has moved too quickly in easing sanctions on Burma. 

2. What was required was a slow - give and take policy in which the new regime had to prove its sincerity for true reform before it could extract such political, economic, trade privileges or concessions from the USA. 

3. The lifting of sanctions has been very counterproductive and damaging on the human rights front sanctifying violent and inhuman actions of the government as if those practices are okay. Thus, what we have been witnessing is an evolving face of Genocide of Muslims of Myanmar. And, there is no other way around to describe this ugliness. Neo-Nazi Fascism, a la Myanmar style, targeting minorities has become the new dark force of our century. Sadly, it is growing in a very calculated way but with devastating results, permanently altering the face of Myanmar. Unless, the UN and the USA see this danger nakedly and stop it now, I am afraid that the burden of doing too little and too late will haunt us much like when it came to

4. Many observers see such easing of U.S. sanctions as highly hypocritical in which U.S. policies are considered opportunistic and short-sighted that are more dollar-pleasing and conscience-starving! It is morally bankrupt and ill-advised, to say the least. 

3. Do you agree with the Obama Administration’s decision to start military-to-military relations with Burma?

Answer 

1. I am not a military strategist to be able to answer this question appositely. But as a concerned citizen, scientist and professor in a prestigious university, my preference would have been to avoid military relationship with any government that is guilty of some of the worst crimes of our time. 

2. A visit to the ethnic territories in the Arakan (Rakhine), Chin, Kachin, and Karen states inside today’s Myanmar and/or a mere research on what the Tadmadaw – the Burmese military and its hated NASAKA have done or have been doing for years would have been sufficient to show the unfathomed inhumanity and brutality of the apartheid regime. The Burmese military continues to practice and adopt means that are illegal and unacceptable per international laws and are simply criminal to the core. Such practices need to be condemned by all, and surely, not condoned.

3. So when a government like ours that is respected around the globe for its advocacy and promotion of law and order, human rights and integration of all people is seen as collaborating with a government that epitomizes intolerance, abuse, racism and bigotry and is known as the worst den of hatred and inhumanity in our time – I venture to say that it is immoral and wrong. The military collaboration with Myanmar should have been shunned and not promoted. 

4. Having said that, it would be foolish of anyone to ignore the importance of Burmese military in all things related to Myanmar. It has a long history dating back to the colonial times. It has ruled the country for almost its entire life. Her much celebrated founder Aung Saan (the father of Aung Sann Suu Kyi) himself was a military man who first collaborated with the Japanese Army against the Allied forces during the World War II, when Burma was a British colony and then switched side before the Allied victory. Ever since General Ne Win, a former comrade of Aung Saan, took power in 1962 through a military coup, military has continued to run the country. The current president Thein Sein is a former general, too. Most of the ministers and those in authority within the country have military connections. As a matter of fact, hardly anything happens without military involvement. The military continues to dominate the parliament and write policies and draft constitution so that none could challenge its grip on the country either today or tomorrow. Its philosophy has been described by area experts like Drs. Habib Siddiqui (the author of the books – The Forgotten Rohingya: their struggle for human rights in Burma; The Muslim Identity and Demography in the Arakan state of Burma; Imagine that you are a Rohingya) and Shah Nawaz Khan (alias Shwe Lu Maung – author of the book – the Price of Silence) as Myanmarism – a toxic cocktail of militarism, neo-Nazi fascism and ultra-racist-religious-Buddhism in which the Bamar (Burmese ethnic group) primarily rules and other secondary and tertiary races support the pyramid structure in an apartheid system. It is feudal and not progressive at all in its character. It is built on myths and astrology – concepts that are outdated and absolutely pre-modern. 

5. Whether we like it or not, the military will continue to play a dominant role inside Myanmar for a foreseeable future. Its empire of more than half a century would not be toppled down that fast and it won’t allow such from happening by hook or crook. It would, therefore, be years before we see a real transition to democracy in which the faces of leadership are all or mostly civilians. 

6. Thus, my short answer to your question is – no. I don’t agree that our US government should have military-to-military relationship with an apartheid regime which is guilty of some of the worst crimes of our time. Lest we forget, the regime exploits such collaboration with a powerful country like ours for boosting its image, solidifying its legitimacy and avoiding or delaying the true reform from taking place. What the ethnic minority states like Karen, Chin, Kachin, Rakhine (Arakan) and Shan, etc. need is a federal structure that allows all its people inclusion and not exclusion where they feel secure and safe, and enjoy the same rights and privileges, and surely not a program that strengthens the killing machines - killing them, dehumanizing and marginalizing them, and eventually pushing them out, leading them no option but to fight guerilla wars with no winners at the end. 

4. Please describe the growing conflicts between the Buddhist majority and Muslim minority. What implications does this conflict have for an end to inter-ethnic conflict and national reconciliation?How should the US better respond to escalating human rights abuses and mounting doubt that reforms will continue?

Answer: 

1. Since Thein Sein floated his so-called ‘reform’ government, the ethnic-religious-racial tensions are worse. In the last 17 months, we saw the worst violence against the minority Muslims not only in the Arakan state but also all across Burma. In May of last year, nearly a dozen innocent Muslims – heading for Yangon, the commercial capital of Myanmar, were pulled out from their bus and lynched to death mercilessly. Days later, Muslim villages and townships were burned down in a very organized manner in which the local Buddhist security forces, the police, politicians and preachers (monks) collaborated, inciting the Rakhine mobs to kill and destroy everything Muslim or Islamic. Even the government security forces were seen taking part in this murderous orgy. As a result, there is not a single functioning school, mosque, shop or business in territories that once had a solid Muslim majority in many parts of Burma, esp. in the Rakhine state. The pogroms against Muslims continued unabated for months and the entire city/town zones and villages in which they once lived became ghost towns with no Muslims to be found. 

2. According to reports shared by human rights groups, some 140,000 Muslims remain as IDPs (internally displaced people) inside the Rakhine (Arakan) state alone. Many of them are now living in squalid camps with less-than-adequate supplies. Many have tried to flee the country as unwanted refugees to places like Bangladesh, Thailand and beyond. They have been denied access in Bangladesh, imprisoned in Thailand and/or repatriated forcibly back to Myanmar, and worse still, some have been enslaved by Thai fishermen. Many have died trying to brave the ocean. 

3. The condition in these refugee camps where Muslims are kept are beyond description. From the statement of Thein Sein, it is obvious that the Myanmar authorities don’t want the Rohingya Muslim minorities living anywhere inside Myanmar. Thus, they are determined to starve them to death, unless they flee the country on their own. Even while fleeing the country, these unfortunate human beings have been shot at by the security forces. 

4. The international NGOs and human rights agencies were barred from opening offices to monitor and provide necessary humanitarian aid to Muslim victims. Even the OIC could not open office in the Rakhine state. Government sponsored mob demonstrations provided the justification to deny such rights to the OIC. 

5. The Buddhist monks have demanded that laws should be enacted that penalizes people from selling to and buying from Muslims. They also demanded that maximum quota for children for a Muslim family be limited to only two. It is all copycat of the Nazi era Germany that is being promoted in Buddhist Burma with the perpetrators being Buddhists and victims the Muslims. The formula is essentially the same!

6. The situation of the Muslims in other parts of Myanmar is also equally bad. Recent months have seen organized mob violence in many parts of the country that are far away from the Rakhine state. The Buddhist terrorist monks like Wirathu are increasingly playing a very divisive, an evil, role in such pogroms against the Muslim minorities. Muslims are safe nowhere today inside Myanmar. Just like in Nazi Germany, the Muslim properties are easy targets for destruction, looting, and pillage. Just a mere rumor is enough to incite such organized mob violence against them in which everyone in this Buddhist country is a participant. Even the so-called democracy icon –Suu Kyi – is a silent endorser to such horrendous crimes! I shall request my distinguished panel members and chairman to read Dr. Habib Siddiqui’s articles listed in the back on this subject (see, e.g., his blog: www.drhabibsiddiqui.blogspot.com)

7. In recent days, parts of Myanmar have seen demonstrations held by racist Buddhists opposing the resettlement of the Muslim victims. 

8. As noted by Dr. Siddiqui, it would be utterly foolish to ignore the evolving signs of genocide of the Muslim minorities inside Myanmar. It has become a national project in which every Buddhist is playing a role inside the country – overtly or covertly, if not silently through their impotence or hesitance to condemn what is morally wrong and unjustifiable. 

9. Many outside observers were surprised to see such outbreaks of targeted violence that have seen wholesale destruction of hundreds of Muslim villages and townships, esp. in the Rakhine state, the internal displacement of some 200,000 Muslims all across Burma, deaths of innumerable victims and rape of so many. But we knew better. Years before the current tragedy had hit Burma, we asked the leaders of the ENC and other so-called democracy groups operating inside Thailand and other parts of the world for a dialogue to discuss the problem of racial and religious tension and ethnic division inside Burma, and its transition to democracy but what we got was outright contempt and rejection. From the level of arrogance and intolerance, hatred and racism displayed by the so-called leaders and members of the ‘democracy’ movement, we knew too well that a simple transition to democracy won’t be able heal the wounds and stop the bleeding process; democracy would be abused, democratic means of voting would be used to impose majoritarian narratives on the marginalized minority, denying them basic rights. As we feared, mob violence against the targeted minorities is the new face of democracy in Myanmar. Apparently, minority rights have no place in this new jargon. The denial of citizenship right to the Rohingya and other Muslims is seen as a necessary means to cement this process of keeping them out of the political process – permanently denied and ignored.

10. For a national reconciliation process to succeed, I suggest that Rohingya and other minority Muslims, Hindus, Shikhs, Jews and Christians who have been born and live in Myanmar be given full citizenship rights forthright. They need to be integrated within the Myanmar society with all the rights and privileges as now enjoyed by the Buddhist majority. Quota systems must be allowed for these vulnerable minorities to make sure that not only are their views heard in the parliament but they have equitable representation in all sectors of the government. Without such a massive program to integrate the once-persecuted minority, there is no way to fully reconcile the various peoples who live in this fractured country on the right track. 

11. As to the refugees, now stranded or forced to live as unwanted refugees or temporary workers in foreign countries, provisions should be made under the supervision of the UN for their quick resettlement inside Myanmar.

12. Due compensation for the loss of properties should also be made by the Myanmar government to each of the victims so that they could restart their lives. 

13. On its part, the ruling elite and the dominant Bamar race ought to understand that ethnicity is a colonial era concept, which has no place in our time when we have moved to citizenship to foster group identity towards shared responsibility of nation building. By holding onto its divisive and racist character, Myanmar, instead, is doing harm to its own long-term goal of keeping the country together. It needs a federal system where every state from the western most Arakan state to the eastern-most Shan state would have rights similar to those enjoyed in the USA by any of its 50 states. Minus that formula, Myanmar will fight internally and eventually become a failed state disintegrating along ethnic/religious lines. Thus, it is to Myanmar’s best interest that I suggest that Rohingya and other minorities be accepted as full citizens of the country, allowing them every opportunity to build the country up so that once again Myanmar could become strong politically and economically. 

14. As well documented by Drs. Siddiqui and Abid Bahar in their massive works dealing with problems of xenophobia and racism inside Myanmar, I would like to point out the poisonous roles played by several ultra-racist provocateurs who continue to foment hatred in this country. Sadly, many of these ultra-racists, whose role have become akin to those played by Julius Streicher of the Nazi-era, have settled in the liberal west. The late Dr. Aye Kyaw who drafted the 1982 citizenship law disbarring the Rohingya was a professor at the NYU. Dr. Aye Chan, another academic, notorious for describing the Rohingya people as ‘virus’ and inciting extermination campaign against them is a US resident who teaches in Japan. There are many such hate provocateurs who don’t mind enjoying the liberal, open status that they enjoy here as a Buddhist minority, but are outright rejecters and deniers of such rights and privileges for the minority Muslims in their native country. Since their writings have been feeding hatred and justification for current and previous ethnic cleansing drives against the Rohingya and other Muslims, it is pertinent that such provocateurs of hatred and violence be prosecuted in the land of their residence. Those who incite genocide should never be allowed to continue their hateful mission that translates into loss of so many lives! They need to be held accountable for spreading intolerance and violence. 

15. As noted by Dr. Siddiqui in his keynote speech at Thammassat University, Bangkok, Thailand, a massive government undertaking is necessary for eradicating hard-core racism and xenophobia that has hitherto allowed the military brutal regimes to exploit the country through the old maxim of divide and rule. But in the new setup, such old techniques will prove to be devastating and suicidal. Old myths that degrade and dehumanize the ‘other’ people need to be replaced with new realities through massive education and propaganda campaigns that unite and foster citizenship with shared responsibility. 

16. The USA can play a very important role in this latter goal of reconciliation and nation building sharing its own experience how it has become a beacon of hope for all to jointly collaborate and gain, thereby strengthening the American nation. Pluralism, integration and multi-culturalism are the answers for curing Myanmar’s disease. 

Thank you all for listening to my talk.

Important citations:

1. http://www.eurasiareview.com/29082012-the-rohingya-problem-why-speech/

2. http://www.eurasiareview.com/31082012-the-rohingya-problem-how-to-solve-...

3. http://www.eurasiareview.com/23082012-bangkok-conference-on-the-rohingya...

4. http://www.eurasiareview.com/30072012-its-neo-nazi-racism-stupid-oped/

5. http://www.eurasiareview.com/25082012-myanmar-government-cant-hide-its-crimes-oped/ 

6. http://www.eurasiareview.com/20122012-the-rohingya-question-analysis/

7. http://www.eurasiareview.com/04112012-genocide-of-the-rohingyas-of-myanm...

8. http://www.eurasiareview.com/21102012-buddhist-terrorism-no-longer-a-myt...

9. http://www.amazon.com/The-Forgotten-Rohingya-Struggle-ebook/dp/B001F0RUE8

10. http://theamericanmuslim.org/tam.php/features/articles/anc_policy_statement_on_the_peoples_of_arakan_shows_lack_of_foresightedness

11. http://www.rohingya.org/portal/index.php/scholars/44-dr-habib-siddiqui/1...

12. http://www.amazon.com/Muslim-Identity-Demography-Myanmar-ebook/dp/B0062E...

13. http://www.eurasiareview.com/24032013-the-never-ending-pogroms-in-myanma...

14. http://www.eurasiareview.com/03062013-will-myanmars-extermination-campai...

15. http://www.eurasiareview.com/30062013-wirathu-the-face-of-buddhist-terro...