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People shout slogans as they rally in celebration of the nationalist monk group Ma Ba Tha in Mandalay, Sept. 21, 2015. (Photo: AFP)

September 26, 2015

Politicians and activists in Myanmar have criticized an influential Buddhist national group for holding large public gatherings across the country to celebrate the passage of a set of four controversial laws, fearing the intermingling of religion with politics ahead of the Nov. 8 general elections in a country that has suffered major inter-religious violence in recent years.

The Association for the Protection of Race and Religion, better known by the acronym Ma Ba Tha, has hosted rallies among tens of thousands of its supporters in recent weeks to call attention to the passage of the Race and Religion Protection Laws ahead of ahead of Myanmar’s Nov. 8 general elections, which the opposition National League for Democracy (NLD) party is expected to win.

Its members have been making increasingly political comments at the rallies across the conservative and predominantly Buddhist country and playing on religious tensions that arose during and after violent riots between Muslims and Buddhists in western Rakhine state in 2012. The riots left more than 200 people dead and 140,000 displaced in government-run camps.

Earlier this year, authorities took away the voting rights of thousands of Rohingya Muslims after parliament banned people without full citizenship from participating in the elections. And Myanmar’s Union Election Commission (UEC) has largely excluded Muslim candidates from the upcoming elections based on their failure to meet citizenship requirements.

Politicians from parties other than the ruling Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) say religion should be left out of political campaigns.

“In Myanmar, monks can or will say whatever they think is right,” said Khin Maung Swe, chairman of National Democratic Force.

“The important thing is for political parties not to include religious issues in their campaigns,” he said. 

Zaw Win, chairman of Kaman National Progressive Party, said the government or other authorities should take action against Ma Ba Tha if its members speak out against existing laws. 

“They haven’t done anything to Ma Ba Tha members, so it means they believe that Ma Ba Tha is operating according to the law,” he said, hinting at the government’s tacit support for the monk group. 

Aung Moe Zaw, chairman of Democratic Party for a New Society, said the issue was complicated and sensitive, because Ma Ba Tha members have been urging people not to vote for candidates opposed to the four nationalistic laws. 

“I think that they are saying that intentionally to a particular political party or a political leader,” he said without mentioning any specific candidate or party. 

The four laws passed this year, are perceived to target Muslims, because they restrict interfaith marriage, polygamy and religious conversion and address unbalanced population growth. 

The NLD filed formal complaints against Ma Ba Tha on Wednesday, charging that the group was using religion to influence voters before the elections in contravention of the country’s election laws, the online journal The Irrawaddy reported.

Buddhist monks and others attend a Ma Ba Tha event at a monastery in Yangon, Sept. 14, 2015. (Photo: AFP)

Favorable treatment

Rights activists indicate that Ma Ba Tha is receiving favorable treatment from authorities who must grant permission to groups to hold public gatherings and rallies. 

They point out that many authorities forbid smaller groups, such as worshippers and students who meet in classroom to host small film festivals, to hold such gatherings.

Activist and lawyer Kyaw Htay, who is representing some of the student activists jailed earlier this year during a protest over education policy that turned violent in the town of Letpadan, noted that authorities have arrested some small groups of less than five people praying at pagodas as well as students and jailed them under Article 18 of the Peaceful Assembly and Peaceful Procession Law. 

“We have been seeing events, such as Ma Ba Tha events and people’s gatherings to encourage the president [Thein Sein] to run in the next elections, but authorities don’t arrest and charge those people,” he told RFA’s Myanmar Service. 

Yet, students were arrested and charged after the protests against National Education Law, although they had received a promise from government representatives that authorities would not arrest them, he said.

“In Myanmar, authorities take action against people they want to take action against, but don’t do this to people they don’t want to take action against,” Kyaw Htay said. “We can’t solve these problems unless we can amend the 2008 constitution which was written by the military government.” 

Arkar Moe Thu, a university student and member of the National Network for Educational Renewal, agreed that education authorities and local administrative officials do not grant permission to students to hold small events on campus, while Ma Ba Tha was being allowed to host rallies based on a contentious issue. 

“Most people in Myanmar have become sensitive about religion,” he said. “We are concerned about having problems because religion is becoming involved in politics. Seeing these signs [at Ma Ba Tha's events] are barriers to moving forward with democracy in the country.” 

Rallies ‘serve as a warning’

Ashin Parmaukkha, a Ma Ba Tha leader, said the monk group has had to apply for permission with local police stations to hold its rallies. 

Representatives from the group have had to fill out forms detailing the location of the rallies, names of speakers, slogans, number of posters and the number of people expected to attend, he said. 

“We are holding victory ceremonies because the nationalistic laws were passed, although we faced many difficulties in making that happen,” said Ashin Wirathu, a Ma Ba Tha monk. “We are also holding these events to show people that we have a lot of members who support Ma Ba Tha. It will serve as a warning for people who try to attack these laws.” 

Earlier this week, Ma Ba Tha delivered the same message to thousands of supporters in Pohbba Thiri township in the capital Naypyitaw and Lashio in northern Myanmar’s Shan state. 

“We thank and need to honor the president, members of parliament [MPs], Ma Ba Tha monks and other people who supported the passage of the four nationalistic laws,” said Kattithara, the group’s secretary.

“People [candidates and MPs] who didn’t support the four nationalistic laws when the legislation was discussed in parliament will definitely try to abolish these laws if they win the elections,’ he said “That’s why we need to vote for candidates who will protect the nationalistic laws and not elect ones who will abolish them.”

Myanmar Muslims mark Eid as monks urge curbs to ritual slaughter


By AFP
September 26, 2015

Yangon - Muslims in Myanmar marked Eid on Friday with the ritual sacrifice of cattle amid pressure from Buddhist nationalists to curb the animal slaughter in a country where religious tensions have flared in recent years.

Goats, sheep and cows are slaughtered worldwide to celebrate the major Muslim festival of Eid-ul-Adha, which is known as the Feast of the Sacrifice.

Small-scale festivities were under way at a Muslim neighbourhood near downtown Yangon, the nation's vibrant and multicultural commercial hub, where volunteers at one local businessman's home chopped meat and donated portions to the needy, mainly Buddhists, who had lined up outside.

A local Muslim community representative told AFP that celebrations were more "limited" this year.

"Authorities have allowed (the sacrifice) but with lots of restrictions," said Aye Lwin of the Myanmar arm of interfaith group Religions for Peace, explaining that this year communities, who must apply for permission to slaughter meat, received fewer animals for the ritual.

Ma Ba Tha, a Buddhist nationalist movement, has stepped-up their anti-Muslim rhetoric in the former junta-ruled state ahead of landmark November 8 elections that Aung San Suu Kyi's opposition is tipped to sweep if the polls are fair.

On Friday, the group's spokesman Parmaukha said the killing of cattle goes against Buddha's teachings.

"They (Muslims) should avoid actions such as these if they want to live in peace and harmony," the monk told AFP, adding that the group had pushed authorities for restrictions to cattle slaughter.

Ma Ba Tha has sought to stoke fears that Buddhism is under threat from Muslims, who make up at least five percent of the country's 51-million population.

Buddhist nationalists have seen their influence grow in recent years as religious tensions fester following deadly 2012 riots between Muslims and Buddhists in western Rakhine state.

The unrest left more than 200 dead and 140,000 displaced in sprawling camps -- mostly Rohingya Muslims.

Thousands of Rohingya have this year been stripped of voting rights after parliament banned people without full citizenship from going to the ballot box.

No major party, including Suu Kyi's opposition, is fielding a Muslim candidate in November's elections, a move decried by rights activists as a massive step backwards for the nation.

Last week countries including the United States, Britain and Japan voiced concerns that rising religious tensions in Myanmar could spark conflict as campaigning for the polls gains momentum.



By Joshua Carroll
September 26, 2015

Of over 100 candidates rejected, 11 -- none from 2 main parties -- have appeals approved after foreign pressure

YANGON, Myanmar -- Myanmar’s election commission has made a partial U-turn on its decision to bar dozens of Muslim candidates from a Nov. 8 ballot following pressure from several foreign governments, local media reported Friday.

Eleven of the more than 100 candidates rejected following a vetting process earlier this month have had their appeals approved, the Myanmar Times said, though many Muslims who say they were unfairly disqualified remain excluded from the much-anticipated general election.

A spokesperson for the U.S. State Department said earlier this week that the disqualifications risk "undermining the confidence of the Burmese people and the international community in these elections."

One of the candidates who were reinstated, Khin Maung Cho, said that a statement issued by nine embassies warning against “religion being used as a tool of division and conflict during the campaign season” may have influenced the commission’s partial reversal.

The disqualifications, which were made on citizenship grounds, follow the disenfranchisement of hundreds of thousands of Rohingya Muslims after their temporary citizenship cards were revoked earlier this year.

Myanmar officially maintains that the Rohingya are interlopers from Bangladesh and refers to them as “Bengalis” despite evidence that many have roots in the country going back generations.

Foreign Minister Wanna Maung Lwin on Thursday defended the decision to strip Rohingya of their voting rights by arguing that green card holders in the U.S. are also not allowed to vote.

Myanmar’s two main parties have both failed to field any Muslim candidates, a move observers believe is an attempt to assuage Buddhist extremists. The 11 who were reinstated are independents or from smaller parties.

Since a reform process began in 2011, when the military regime installed a semi-civilian government, Myanmar has seen bouts of anti-Muslim violence accompanied by widespread hate speech led by prominent Buddhist monks.



Equal Rights Trust and Partners Launch Rohingya Rights Coalition

The Equal Rights Trust and the Institute of Human Rights and Peace Studies, Mahidol University, have launched an International Coalition on Rohingya Rights at an international forum in Bangkok convened by the two organisations.

Bringing together representatives of the Rohingya community, civil society organisations, academics and representatives of governments and international agencies, the international forum provided a space to discuss the plight of the Rohingya and to develop strategies for enhancing the protection of their rights. The forum highlighted the fact that the Rohingya continue to be subjected to one of the most serious and sustained campaigns of ethno-religious discrimination and persecution anywhere in the world.

Since 1982, when Myanmar introduced a Citizenship Law which effectively deprived them of their citizenship, the Rohingya have been subjected to a range of discriminatory laws and practices. These range from restrictions on travel, interference with marital and reproductive rights and arbitrary taxation to forced labour and discrimination in access to healthcare and education. The situation continues to deteriorate. This forum received evidence that international humanitarian agencies were denied access to Rohingya flood victims in North Rakhine State and Rohingya at the forum expressed their fear that they would be denied the right to vote in the coming elections on 8 November.

At the regional level, the terrible situation faced by those Rohingya who flee Myanmar for the other countries in the region has again come into focus in recent months. In May this year, states in the region agreed to allow Rohingya stranded at sea to disembark on their shores only in the wake of widespread condemnation of their indifference. At the same time, mass graves were discovered at trafficking camps in Malaysia and Thailand. These two developments highlight the failure of states in the region to meet their basic humanitarian and human rights obligations.

Speaking after the event, Dimitrina Petrova, Executive Director of the Equal Rights Trust said: 

"In response to the worsening situation of the Rohingya in both Myanmar and the wider region, we are today announcing the formation of an International Coalition on Rohingya Rights. This coalition will have the single objective of advocating for the improved protection of the rights of Rohingya people in Myanmar and the Rohingya refugees in the wider region."

The Coalition’s founding members are: Equal Rights Trust (International); Institute of Human Rights and Peace Studies, Mahidol University (Thailand); Smile Education and Development Foundation (Myanmar); Counter Foto (Bangladesh); and the Bar Council of Malaysia Migrants, Refugees and Immigration Affairs Committee (Malaysia).

We invite individuals, organisations and institutions which share our aims to join us. Those wanting to join the International Coalition should please email Thiona Phillips, Advocacy and Programmes Assistant, Equal Rights Trust, at: thiona.philips@equalrightstrust.org.

To read more about the Equal Rights Trust's work on the Rohingya please visit our country website pages: Bangladesh,Malaysia, Myanmar and Thailand.

By Guy Dinmore
September 25, 2015

Eleven Muslim politicians have successfully challenged their controversial disqualification from contesting the November elections following a surprise reversal by the Union Election Commission.

Men rest outside the Nasarpuri Mosque in Yangon’s Pabedan township. (Aung Htay Hlaing/The Myanmar Times)

Their reinstatement after appeal followed concerted pressure from the United States and eight other governments, which had urged Myanmar to hold “a credible, transparent and inclusive election” while expressing concerns “about the prospect of religion being used as a tool of division and conflict during the campaign season”.

One Western diplomat called the reinstatement of the 11 candidates an important development and credited U Tin Aye, the ex-general heading the UEC, with resisting pressure from the Union Solidarity and Development Party to exclude them.

The UEC had disqualified 124 would-be candidates earlier this month,many of them Muslims, following a murky vetting process. Two of those rejected were incumbent members of parliament, including a Muslim representative of the USDP who had applied to run as an independent.

Some of the successful candidates said they had learned on September 21 that their appeals had been approved by a UEC tribunal on September 19. A UEC statement on its website named 11 reinstated candidates. Their religious affiliation was not listed but checks by The Myanmar Times with the candidates and parties confirmed that all were Muslim.

“Perhaps the statement by the nine embassies had some influence,” U Khin Maung Cho, one of the 11 who is running as an independent candidate in Yangon’s Pabedan township, told The Myanmar Times.

But the 64-year-old lawyer, who is of the ethnic Bamar majority, also stressed that the UEC had no legal grounds to disqualify him when it alleged there was no concrete evidence to prove the ethnicity of his parents.

“I hope to get the Muslim vote,” he said, although he noted that the election code of conduct effectively bars him from touching on religion in his campaign rallies. His religious affiliation is however listed on leaflets he is preparing to distribute.

The lawyer’s campaign slogan is “genuine democracy” and he has chosen the scales of justice as his logo.

Ethnic and religious affiliation are likely to determine the outcome of voting in many constituencies, especially in ethnic minority areas, in what some analysts are describing as the most identity-driven elections since independence in 1948.

Under the election code of conduct, parties have committed themselves to “not abuse religion for political purposes” or fuel “sectarian or tribal” divisions.

But quasi-political rallies being held across the country by ultra-nationalist Buddhist monks of the powerful Ma Ba Tha group have in some cases adopted an overtly pro-government and anti-Muslim agenda.

The rise of Buddhist nationalism, fuelled by a radical minority of monks, is widely seen as having persuaded Myanmar’s two largest parties - the USDP and Daw Aung San Suu Kyi’s National League for Democracy – to exclude all Muslim candidates from their ranks.

Nationalist pressure was also behind the government’s U-turn last February when it disenfranchised an estimated 800,000 holders of “white cards” or temporary IDs, mostly ethnic Rohingya in Buddhist-majority Rakhine State.

Muslim candidate U Khin Maung Cho. Photo: Guy Dinmore / The Myanmar Times

U Khin Maung Cho said one of the main reasons he had decided to run as an independent for a seat in the lower house was the “pre-meditated policy” of exclusion adopted by the two big parties. He said Ma Ba Tha would surely “interfere” in the elections with its “anti-Muslim propaganda” but he hoped its influence would be limited.

The 11 candidates reinstated this week number two independents, four from the National Unity Congress Party, two from the National Unity Party, two from the Democracy and Human Rights Party and one from the New National Democracy Party.

They join just a handful of Muslim candidates who were cleared initially by the UEC among a total of more than 6000 politicians running for seats in the national and regional parliaments.

An official of the Democracy and Human Rights Party said that it now had three approved candidates out of 18 who had applied. Two of the three were ethnic Rohingya, he said.

Muslims make up around 4 percent of Myanmar’s population according to out-of-date official figures, although the community says the real number could be double that.

In a few constituencies in Yangon, including Pabedan where U Khin Maung Cho is running, Muslims make up the largest religious group. However, they are far from one coherent voice, being divided along ethnic and sectarian lines.

In tea-shops along the majestic and tree-lined avenue of Shwe Bon Thar, known for its concentration of gold and jewellery shops, talk of the elections is heating up although many voters admit to their lack of detailed knowledge of who is running. News that two Muslim independents would be running in the township has yet to filter down.

Muslim, Buddhist, Hindu, Christian and Jewish places of worship lie within a few minutes’ walk of each other, making Pabedan one of the country’s most intensely mixed communities, as it has been for over a century.

“Ma Ba Tha is dangerous,” said one Bamar Buddhist man who described himself as a “broker” in gold, gems and currency, and praised the local community’s peaceful co-existence. He and his companions taking afternoon tea said they all intended to vote for the local NLD candidates, although only one could remember their names.

“The issue of Muslim candidates is very sensitive,” the broker said of the decision by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi to bar them. But the broker, who declined to be named, said the biggest danger was the UEC and the fear it would “play tricks” to rig the elections for the USDP.

Nearby, five Hindu Tamils, all gold dealers, agreed the NLD would get their votes.

In the tranquil courtyard of the Mogul Shia Mosque, first built in 1854 by wealthy Iranians and Shia of central Asian descent, some worshippers still speak the Farsi of their ancestors and adhere to the commemorations that distinguish them from the Sunni majority around them.

There too the NLD appears to be making inroads, although one man said his wife, a former military officer, would not be backing the opposition party.

However, Naeem, an activist of the National Democratic Party for Development, a mainly Rohingya party, said the objective of the ruling party and most Bamar Buddhist parties, including the NLD, was “to declare a Muslim-free parliament to Ma Ba Tha”. His party had only one candidate accepted by the UEC, a Bamar Buddhist.

“Muslims in Burma, Rohingya as well, have been in parliament since 1936, long before independence, and are even in the current parliament. This is a very dark page for Myanmar by excluding Muslims and Rohingya in this election. It is a big blow to the democratisation of the country,” he said.

Additional reporting by Ei Ei Toe Lwin

Pol Gen Adul Sangsingkeo (right) Minister of Social Development and Human Security, prayed Thursday with 24 Rohingya human trafficking victims at a welfare centre in Pathum Thani. The migrants will travel to the US for resettlement next week. (Photo by Apichit Jinakul)

By Ariane Kupferman-Sutthavong
September 25, 2015

24 trafficking victims about to depart as 540 refugees still languish in detention centres nationwide.

At 46 years old, Basamai, an ethnic Rohingya Muslim man, will for the first time obtain identity documents that will allow him to resettle in the United States next week, along with 23 other trafficking victims.

The 24 to be resettled follow four who left Thailand earlier this month, in a humanitarian programme that has resettled 13,000 Muslims from Myanmar since 2002, according to the US Department of State Refugee Processing Centre.

Mr Basami, who is being split from his wife and eight daughters, was abducted by a group of men -- including Myanmar soldiers -- from his home in Maungdaw township of Myanmar's Rakhine state while he was cutting wood in the forest to sell at the market.

He was beaten and forced by his captors to board a ship, likely headed towards Malaysia, when it was intercepted by police in Thai waters after weeks at sea.

He was held at the Immigration Bureau's detention facility in Ranong for months before he was identified as a trafficking victim and placed in a shelter under the custody of the Ministry of Social Development and Human Security, also in Ranong.

Last week, Mr Basamai was transferred to another shelter in Pathum Thani to await his US departure.

"Soon, I will finally receive documents proving my identity and will be able to carry out daily activities without fear," he told the Bangkok Post Thursday.

The United States will become his home, he said, adding he intends to start a new life.

Though an agricultural labourer back in Myanmar, Mr Basamai says he is eager to develop new skills and will seize any opportunity given to him after he relocates.

Following their arrival in the US -- the exact location remains unknown -- the Rohingya group will undergo Cultural Orientation Training before they can be resettled, said a source from the Ministry of Social Development and Human Security.

They will be provided English language lessons, as well as sufficient time and space to adapt physically, psychologically and culturally, said the source.

"It will be a fresh start for them, and they need to be ready." 

Meanwhile, a total of 560 Rohingya continue to languish in immigration detention facilities and shelters nationwide.

Their resettlement process can take years, though its duration varies based on their willingness to depart, their health conditions and the progress of their legal case against their traffickers.

The procedure is handled jointly by several state agencies, including the Foreign Ministry, the Ministry of Social Development and Human Security and the Immigration Bureau, as well as international organisations such as the United Nations Refugees Agency (UNHCR) and the International Organisation for Migration (IOM).

UNHCR officers regularly interview trafficking victims in the shelters, and the agency holds English classes for inmates once a month, though Mr Basamai says it is not enough, as he cannot remember any of the vocabulary. The IOM also carries out medical checkups and makes the travel arrangements for those who are to be resettled.

The legal cases of the group of 24 awaiting departure are nearly complete, the source said. The victims have provided testimony to police, and prosecutors now have enough evidence to file a complaint with the court, he said.

A few members of the group suffer from health problems due to the violence and abuse inflicted on them by the human traffickers, which has led to delays in court procedures, the source added.

Mr Basamai said he feels fortunate compared to other trafficking victims. He hopes that one day his wife and eight daughters will be able to join him in the United States.

He says they continue to face persecution in Myanmar and do not dare leave their homes, which means they cannot work there. "Today, they don't know if I'm alive or dead," he said, adding he had no way to contact them to tell them of his resettlement to the United States.

Rohingya refugee Salemul Kalam is speaking at the People Just Like Us event in Potts Point later this month.

By Sean Thompson
September 25, 2015

WHEN he was just seven years old, Salemul Kalam was ripped from his parent’s arms and publicly beaten by the Myanmar army for information that never existed.

This is one of the many shocking stories Mr Kalam hopes will change people’s attitudes to ‘boat people’ when he talks at a public forum on refugees at Potts Point next week.

“They (army) took me into a hall and used a long stick to hit me in front of an open window where people could see me,” he said.

“Nobody could help because it was a military house. After beating me, they threatened me with five years jail for answers to questions that didn’t exist.”

The 24-year-old is part of the People Just Like Us group, which hosts regular talks by refugees in western Sydney but is now moving to the east.

Mr Kalam is a Rohingya, the Muslim minority in Myanmar (formerly Burma) which has been persecuted by the Buddhist majority for decades.

He and his family fled Myanmar in 1997 and crossed through Bangladesh and Thailand before landing in Malaysia.

Children inside of the IDP camps in Sittwe/Myanmar earlier this year. Picture: Jonas Gratzer/Getty Images

They were part of a mass exodus of Rhohingya from Burma, with 100,000 fleeing and another 100,000 being placed into a United Nations IDP camp.

His people have been denied citizenship in their homeland since 1982 and will most likely never be allowed back.

Mr Kalam said his family attempted to come to Australia in 2010, however their first brush with a people smuggler, or ‘travel agent’ as they are called overseas, was a failure.

“My parents and four brothers booked with a travel agent to take us away, but they cheated us, took our money and ran away,” he said.

In 2012 the Malaysian government denied Mr Kalam’s youngest brother an education because of his refugee status, which is when his parents decided to send them to Australia on their own.

“It was just me and my brother, who was seven at the time,” Mr Kalam said.

“The first boat we got in was small and we were hidden under the cover, like where they would put the fish.

“After leaving Malaysia we were at sea for almost a fortnight and we had to transfer between boats a few times. Some of the boats were so leaky, the passengers would have to work together to remove the water with buckets.”

A group of children in Kutupalong, an unofficial camp near South east Bangladesh's boarder with Myanmar where some 50000 undocumented Rohingya refugees live.

Mr Kalam had to lie to his brother about their journey, so he wouldn’t be upset and raise suspicion.

“I wanted him to be proud of what we were doing and make him feel safe,” he said.

“I told my brother we were on an adventure tour, so he could feel proud about the trip.”

When they finally arrived in Australian waters near Darwin, the boat was picked up by the Navy, who Mr Kalam said were respectful and caring.

“They asked us where we were going and if we needed any water or food,” Mr Kalam said.

Once on the mainland Mr Kalam and his brother were placed in a detention centre at Darwin, where they spent nine months. In that time his younger brother was given an education.

Since April 2015 Mr Kalam has lived in western Sydney on a bridging visa, and is putting himself through TAFE studying a Certificate 3 in engineering. He also looks after his younger brother full time.

When Mr Kalam speaks about Australia, his eyes light up and he talks passionately about his new home and the opportunities it has given him.

“Australians are the best people in the world, and because I have good ambitions to do good things I am rewarded in this country,” he said.

“I want to prove that I love Australia.”

Mr Kalam said his parents had made the ultimate sacrifice to ensure his younger brother received an education.

U.N. Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon (right) meets with Myanmar's Foreign Minister Wunna Maung Lwin ahead of the United Nations General Assembly at the U.N. headquarters in New York Thursday, when the Myanmar minister defended his country's barring of ethnic Rohingya from voting. (Photo: REUTERS)

By Mattew Pennington
September 24, 2015

WASHINGTON — Myanmar has defended a decision barring 800,000 ethnic minority people from voting in November elections by saying that green card holders can't vote in U.S. elections either.

Foreign Minister Wanna Maung Lwin drew awkward laughter Thursday in New York at the Council on Foreign Relations when he likened the situation of foreign citizens permitted to live and work in the U.S. with Myanmar's so-called "white card" holders, many of them stateless Rohingya Muslims.

In March, Myanmar declared the temporary identification cards invalid. Those who held them could vote in the last national elections in 2010, but they won't be able to vote this time.

That's drawn international criticism. It is the latest sign of discrimination against a persecuted, stateless minority. Many Rohingya have lived in Myanmar for decades.

U.N. Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon on Thursday met Wanna Maung Lwin and expressed concern about the disenfranchisement of previously eligible minority groups, mostly Rohingya.

A Buddhist monk looks at a makeshift anti-Muslim propaganda exhibition in Yangon [Joshua Carroll/Al Jazeera]

By Joshua Carroll
September 24, 2015

Muslim minority denounces new laws on population control, extra-marital relations, and mixed-religion marriages.

Yangon, Myanmar - Buddhist monks in Myanmar have begun a two-week victory celebration to applaud the passing of laws that many fear will damage women's rights and be used against religious minorities - including marginalised Muslims.

Hundreds of supporters from the ultra-nationalist Ma Ba Tha group formed a convoy of trucks and buses that snaked through the main city of Yangon on September 14 to welcome the introduction of four Race and Religion Protection Laws, which the group drafted itself. 

Human Rights Watch has said the bills, the last of which was signed into law late last month, place "unlawful" restrictions on people wishing to change religions, and could be used to force mothers to wait three years between each birth. 

The laws also outlaw extra-marital affairs and place restrictions on marriages between non-Buddhist men and Buddhist women. 

Ma Ba Tha's senior monks have been accused of stoking anti-Muslim violence with sermons preaching that Buddhism, the majority religion, is under threat from Islam.

"If necessary we must erect a fence with our bones," boomed a song from a truck-mounted speaker as the early-morning convoy left Shwedagon Pagoda, Myanmar's holiest site, on its way to a large monastery in the east of Yangon. 

The song became popular after Buddhist-led riots erupted in 2012, ultimately killing hundreds nationwide and displacing tens of thousands, mostly ethnic Rohingya Muslims. 

As Al Jazeera rode with the convoy, the driver of one truck screeched past and leaned out of his window to shout: "Don't follow us, go away! You'll be arrested."

Hard-line Buddhists 

The celebrations show Ma Ba Tha "asserting themselves and their newfound clout", said Khin Zaw Win of the Tampadipa Institute, a think-tank based in Yangon. 

They come less than two months before a landmark general election that will be seen as a test for Myanmar's reform process. 

A joint statement from nine embassies in Myanmar, including the US and Japan, warned against "religion being used as a tool of division and conflict during the campaign season". 

Since the military junta stepped aside in 2011, hard-line Buddhist groups have taken advantage of liberalisation to gain more and more influence in the country's politics. 

Analysts say the race and religion laws were rushed through parliament to avoid angering those groups. 

"At a time when Myanmar faces serious problems with its legal framework … it's hard to see why these laws should have been prioritised," said Sam Zafiri, Asia-Pacific director at the International Commission of Jurists. 

"Except for the obvious reason that they were called for by militant Buddhist groups like Ma Ba Tha," he said. 

Muslim candidates have been largely excluded from the upcoming election, in what also appears to be an attempt to assuage hardliners. 

The opposition National League for Democracy, widely expected to win the poll, failed to field a single Muslim candidate. Myanmar's election commission has rejected dozens of Muslims on citizenship grounds. 

Hundreds of thousands of Rohingya Muslims were disenfranchised earlier this year when the government withdrew the temporary citizenship cards that allowed them to vote.

At the Ti Pidaka Nikal monastery, a makeshift photo exhibition displayed images of atrocities committed by Muslims. 

One showed the Twin Towers in New York engulfed in flames, another the mutilated corpses of four people that the caption said were Hindus killed by Muslims in India. 

"The international media are saying Buddhists are aggressive and talking about Buddhist terror," said Lakana Thara, a monk, as he stood outside the photo exhibition. "But most of the violence and aggression is committed by Islamic groups."

As he spoke, dozens of monks and supporters clutching copies of the new laws filed in and out of the tarpaulin tent housing the photos. 

"We need monogamy," he said, referring to the Monogamy Bill, which criminalises extra-marital relationships. "A Muslim male can marry up to four women and they can force their women to change their religion." 

Another of the bills, the Buddhist Women's Special Marriage Law, is also based on the fear of men forcing their wives to convert. Activists have branded it sexist because it explicitly targets Buddhist women marrying outside their religion. 

One section gives local authorities the power to publicise an engagement and invite objections from members of the public that can be heard in court. 

"Because of this law, I'm not afraid," said Khine Khine Tun, Ma Ba Tha's head of international relations. 

"If I want to marry a man from another religion I can, but I don't need to give up my own religion," she said. 

Wai Wai Nu is a women's rights activist who is also a member of the persecuted Rohingya Muslim minority. "I think it is a very dangerous law," she said. "It can create a lot of challenges for women in Myanmar." 

A joint statement by Amnesty International and the International Commission of Jurists warned earlier this year that another of the four laws, the Population Control and Healthcare Bill, could lead to authorities carrying out forced abortions and sterilisation. 

The law aims to control populations in certain areas with "birth spacing", though the wording is unclear on whether this would be compulsory. 

It has nonetheless raised fears for Rohingya Muslim couples in northeastern Rakhine state, who have in the past been barred from having more than two children.

Thila Kanda Biwantha, Ma Ba Tha's Vice Secretary, is softly spoken and mild-mannered as he defends the population law while perched on a stage erected in the monastery's central courtyard. 

It was designed, he said peering through gold-rimmed glasses, to ease pressure on healthcare and education services in areas with high population growth. 

Soon the stage would be cleared for performances that included a speech on the history of Ma Ba Tha - founded in 2013 - and a young boy singing patriotic songs. 

Thila Kanda Biwantha has the calm, satisfied air of someone who has just scored a major victory. The festivities were a way of letting the public know about the laws, he said. 

"Myanmar is much safer now," he said. 

Children play in the paddy fields near the Na Ta La villages in Maungdaw Township, Northern Rakhine State. Photo by Min Min

By Min Min & Moe Aung
September 23, 2015

Buddhist migrants from Bangladesh are being resettled in Rakhine State under a government policy to dilute its Muslim population.

With trembling hands, U Swe Yaw Du Lah, 58, pointed to farmland he once owned near Khayemyaing village in Maungdaw Township, Rakhine State.

Small, identical houses have been built on the land.

The Muslim villager’s land was confiscated in 1996 as part of a resettlement project by the Ministry of Progress of Border Affairs, National Races and Development Affairs. The ministry has since been renamed – simply – the Ministry of Border Affairs, known by its Myanmar acronym Na Ta La.

The village was built in 2001 and originally settled with people from central Myanmar. In 2008, the village was upgraded to receive a fresh influx of settlers. They were Buddhists from Bangladesh who had fled religious persecution and violence. Government figures show there were about 200 family groups, comprising a total of about 800 males and females. The population of Bangladesh-born Buddhists in the village has since risen to about 1,500.

U Swe Yaw Du Lah said his land was seized because he was renting and not farming it himself, in breach of land use regulations.

“The farmland of many of my friends was also seized,” U Swe Yaw Du Lah said. “They were all given the same reason; it was for breaching land use regulations,” he said.

U Myint Hlaing, the secretary of the Maungdaw Township Development Association, said farms were confiscated throughout the township, in northwestern Rakhine on the border with Bangladesh, for resettlement projects.

The communities developed by the ministry’s Progress of Border Affairs and National Races Department are known as Na Ta La villages.

Na Ta La village projects have been developed in border regions throughout Myanmar since the early 1990s, and their objectives include “demographic management” – settling members of the ethnic Bamar majority in ethnic minority areas as a way to assert control and undermine ethnic minority groups in what they consider their ancestral land.

There have been Na Ta La projects in Kachin, Shan, Kayah, Kayin and Chin states, as well as Rakhine. The Na Ta La villages in Maungdaw Township were built to resettle Buddhists from both Myanmar and Bangladesh. Each head of household was given two acres of the land seized from Muslims, as well two oxen and some goats.

An investigation by Frontier has revealed that few residents of the Na Ta La villages in Maungdaw Township farm the land. “We rent the land and the oxen to others who know how to farm the land,” said Ko Hla Myint, a resident of Mawrawaddy Na Ta La village.

“The government settled us here to persuade us to become farmers but it’s something we don’t care to do,” Ko Hla Myint said.

There are two categories of Na Ta La villages in Rakhine. The first are known as re-integration villages and are for resettling people from elsewhere in Myanmar, predominantly members of the dominant Bamar ethnic group. The second are known as migrant villages, and have become home for Buddhist refugees from Bangladesh.

Many of the ethnic Bamar resettled in re-integration villages are Buddhists who do not like living in northern Rakhine because of its large Muslim population.

U Thant Zin, a senior Maungdaw District official, said some of the reintegration settlers had returned to their home communities elsewhere in the country.

“They went back because the culture is different here,” U Thant Zin said.

Some returned to their home communities because they were afraid of another eruption of sectarian violence like the rash of violence in 2012, which affected Na Ta La villages. After 2012, the government built Na Ta La villages for Buddhists from Bangladesh, some of whom are ethnic Rakhines from across the border, in an attempt by the government to balance the Buddhist and Muslim populations in border areas of Rakhine.

Yanaungmyin village, a Na Ta La community between Maungdaw and the border with Bangladesh, is home to ethnic Rakhine who migrated from Bangladesh before and after 2012. Its residents include U Yar Lu, an ethnic Mro in his 50s, who cannot speak the Rakhine dialect.

U Yar Lu, a farmer, said he migrated to Myanmar because of harassment by Muslims in Bangladesh.

U Yar Lu said he sold his farm and entered Myanmar as an illegal immigrant because he was aware that the government would likely settle him in a Na Ta La village.

“My farm was in Chittagong District; my neighbours also want to sell their farms and resettle in Myanmar, but they are waiting in hope of getting a better price,” he said.

U Yar Lu has two daughters. One is Su Nin Mar Lar, 12, who like her father cannot speak the Myanmar language. She said in Bengali through an interpreter that she is not happy in Myanmar. She was not happy in Bangladesh either, she says, where she experienced bigotry and discrimination because she is a Buddhist.

Su Nin Mar Lar said she wanted to go to the Rakhine State capital, Sittwe, or to Mrauk-U Township, site of the capital of an ancient Rakhine kingdom, but her lack of language skills and not knowing the way were a problem. Her father said he did not mind if she left the village. “She resembles a Rakhine and is unlikely to attract the attention of the authorities,” he said, referring to regulations prohibiting the Bangladeshi Buddhists from leaving their Na Ta La communities.

The ethnic Rakhine who have migrated from Bangladesh include Rakhine, Thet and Daingnet, as well as Mro. Almost all are citizens of Bangladesh.

U Swe Yaw Du Lah said he did not understand why the government was resettling the citizens of another country.

“My grandfather, my father and I were all born in Rakhine but the government says we are not citizens,” U Swe Yaw Du Lah said.

“But the illegal migrants from Bangladesh who are ethnic Rakhines have no problems with the government,” he said.

“I think the reason for this is because they are Buddhists.”

U Hla Thein from the Rakhine government’s News and Information Sub-committee says it is a matter of national responsibility to accept ethnic Rakhine migrants from Bangladesh.

Officials say the ethnic Rakhine migrants from Bangladesh must reside in Myanmar for three years to be able to vote, and those who meet this qualification will be enfranchised for the 2020 election.

Most of the Rohingya Muslims living in Maungdaw District and elsewhere in Rakhine will not vote this year despite having participated in the 2010 election. Even if they could participate and wanted to vote for a Muslim candidate, this would be difficult because almost all Muslim candidates have been disqualified by the Union Election Commission. The government’s decision earlier this year to invalidate the temporary identity documents known as white cards has disenfranchised hundreds of thousands of Muslim voters, most of them Rohingya.

There are almost no Muslims in Na Ta La villages in Maungdaw District. This is seen as reflecting the government’s objective of achieving more balance between Buddhists and Muslims in an area where most residents follow Islam. As part of its objective of promoting what are known as the national races, the government is putting more emphasis on bringing ethnic Rakhines from Bangladesh to settle in the state’s border areas, rather than citizens from elsewhere in Myanmar.

An ethnic Rakhine armed organisation, the Arakan Army, said in April last year that it was ready to move from its bases in Kachin State to Rakhine to “defend” the state. It indicated that a possible element of its objective would involve moving ethnic Rakhine into the state from Bangladesh, though it is difficult to understand how this could be achieved. Security forces in Bangladesh have launched a series of operations this year against AA camps along the border, most recently in August. A Bangladeshi military operation in July resulted in the rescue and repatriation of two Tatmadaw personnel who had been abducted by the AA. It was not known when the pair was captured, but clashes were reported between the Tatmadaw and the AA in northern Maungdaw District in March.

Rohingya Muslims are understandably aggrieved that they are unlikely to ever receive Myanmar citizenship, though it is granted to ethnic Rakhine immigrant children in Na Ta La villages in Maungdaw Township.

“In every country of the world there are people of different faiths,” said U Swe Yaw Du Lah. “If a citizen of one country wants to migrate, there immigration and citizenship laws,” he said.

U Swe Yaw Du Lah said those resettled in Na Ta La villages only needed to be Buddhists to be provided with land, oxen to till the soil, and food.

“Buddhist migrants from Bangladesh only need to wait for three years to qualify for citizenship,” he said.

“Is Myanmar’s government fair?”

The sun sets behind Shittaung Temple in Arakan State’s Mrauk-U Township, May 2013. (Photo: Steve Tickner / The Irrawaddy)

By Lawi Weng & Min Aung Khaing
September 23, 2015

RANGOON — A Buddhist monk found dead in Arakan State’s Mrauk-U Township on Monday is believed to have committed suicide, local police said, although an investigation is ongoing.

Ba San, a police officer in Mrauk-U, told The Irrawaddy on Tuesday that the 67-year-old monk, who reportedly lived alone in a small monastery, had what appeared to be knife wounds to the neck.

The deceased, Khanti Sara, had been a practicing monk for 14 years.

“We have not seen anything yet indicating someone else killed him. The monk stayed alone at his monastery. For us, we believe that he committed suicide,” Ba San said.

The officer, who confirmed a police investigation was continuing, said the front gate leading to the monastery was usually closed and it was rare to see people heading in and out.

Following the monk’s death, some locals have raised concerns over the sensitive case in light of recent bouts of communal violence in Arakan State since mid-2012.

Kyaw Kyaw, an Arakan National Party lawmaker for Mrauk-U—one of several townships rocked by a second major wave of sectarian violence in October 2012—said Buddhist monks had met in the town on Tuesday to discuss the investigation into the monk’s death.

“I feel very sad. I just heard about it yesterday after I came back from our election campaign,” Kyaw Kyaw said, adding that he knew the monk who came to collect alms each morning by his house.

Violence in the coastal state in 2012 between Buddhist and Muslim communities led to the displacement of some 140,000 people, the majority of whom were Muslim Rohingya, a stateless minority that has endured decades of discrimination.

Ethnic Rohingya refugees residing in Malaysia (Photo: AFP)

September 23, 2015

KAJANG: Joy can be clearly seen in the faces of the Al-Madrasah Al-Islamiah Rohingya students yesterday.

They can now study in comfort after receiving chairs, a donation from Humaniti Malaysia which is a newly formed non-governmental organisation (NGO) focused on humanitarian work.

The madrasah has 42 Rohingyan children aged between three and 15 years old.

“I’ll be even happier to attend school now,” said Amirul Amin, nine.

Amirul’s schoolmate Nur Sufiyah Mat Amin was equally delighted.

“We used to study on the floor,” said the 10-year-old.

The students were also given new stationery and treated to a KFC meal by Humaniti Malaysia.

Humaniti Malaysia president and founder Tan Sri Syed Hamid Albar said the decision to donate to the madrasah was made with the importance of education in mind.

“In the Rohingya’s case, these children can’t go to normal (government) schools as under our law they are considered illegal immigrants,” he told The Star.

“If we do not give these children basic education, then they will become a social problem.

They can become involved with drugs and crime.”

Speaking passionately through an interpreter, OIC chief Ekmeleddin Ihsanoglu told the emotional crowd of Rohingya Muslims: “We are here to tell you that you are not alone, you are not abandoned.” in December 2013 (Photo: Arab News/Maha Akeel)


By Dr. Ali Al-Ghamdi
September 23, 2015

IT is no more a secret that the Rohingya Muslims in Myanmar are being subjected to flagrant violation of human rights and practices of ethnic cleansing and racial discrimination. A few months ago, the United Nations, represented by its Human Rights Council, announced that the Rohingya Muslims in the Arakan state of Myanmar are the “the world’s most persecuted minority.”

Rohingya Muslims are an ethnic community in the western Rakhine state of Myanmar, who have for decades suffered from state-sanctioned discrimination in the Buddhist-majority country, which considers them illegal settlers from Bangladesh. Several international rights bodies, such as Amnesty International, and Human Rights Watch emphasized in many reports and on several occasions that these hapless people have undergone sufferings that reached the level of ethnic cleansing and racial discrimination. They demanded the intervention of the international community to stop these gross rights violations.

The Western countries, especially the United States and the European Union states, are fully aware of what had happened and is happening in that country, which is closed to the outside world to a great extent. The military junta in Myanmar does not have any concern in safeguarding human rights. The Muslim countries are also aware of the magnitude of atrocities being perpetrated against the Rohingyas. There are several racist groups in Myanmar who are against Islam and Muslims and their aim is to drive Rohingyas out of the Rakhine state, and this with the clandestine support and blessing of the government — from both its civilian and military wings.

The issue of Rohingya Muslims was discussed at the Islamic summit held in Makkah a few years ago. While strongly criticizing the Myanmar government for the ethnic cleansing and atrocities committed against the Rohingyas, the summit demanded the government to stop the persecution of the Rohingya and protect them by restoring their legitimate rights. 

The summit authorized the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) to exert every effort to end the persecution. But, unfortunately, the pan-Islamic body failed to carry out the duties assigned to it by the summit. The OIC confined its role to dispatching an envoy to Myanmar to tackle the issue and later called upon the Myanmar government to stop its discrimination against Rohingya Muslims and treat them fairly just like other citizens of the country. It is evident that the solution to this problem can be achieved only through collective pressure on the Myanmar government from the part of the international community as a whole and the OIC in particular.

It is also noteworthy that a series of meetings were held in Malaysia, Thailand and Norway to discuss the plight of the Rohingyas. All these meetings expressed their solidarity with these people and denounced what they are exposed to following injustice, oppression and discrimination. In Malaysia, former Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad criticized the Myanmar government vehemently for stripping the nationality of inhabitants of the Arakan region who have been living there since several centuries.

In Oslo, a conference was held in May this year with the aim of drawing international attention toward this issue so as to end the increasing persecution and suffering of the stateless Muslims who are ethnically linked to Rakhine state. Several prominent global figures, including philanthropist and business tycoon George Soros, and South African Bishop and Nobel laureate Desmond Tutu converged at the Nobel Institute together with pastors, imams, and monks. In his speech, Soros compared the plight of Rohingyas in Myanmar to that of Jews in the Nazi Germany. Addressing the gathering, Tutu said that Rohingya Muslims face slow genocide.

Some American artists, including famous actor Matt Dillon, visited the Rakhine state to have a close look at Myanmar’s long-persecuted Rohingyas who are languishing at squalid camps. Voicing sympathy at the dismal state of Rohingyas, they called on the international community to urgently intervene to halt the persecution and human rights violations in the country.

The latest visit to Myanmar to monitor the situation of Rohingyas was that of the ASEAN Parliamentarians for Human Rights (APHR). In their second fact-finding mission, the delegation met with a variety of stakeholders to seek out a wide range of perspectives, including those from government, civil society and various ethnic and religious communities. After meeting with different segments of the Myanmar society, the delegation noted that there is no doubt that the recent legislations aimed at depriving Muslims of their right to vote and contest elections are in flagrant violation of the fundamental human rights.

While stating that the religious freedom is apparently under threat in Myanmar, they called on the international community to urgently intervene to pressurize the Myanmar government to roll back from denying Muslim population of their citizenship and stopping racial discrimination against them.

Similarly, nine embassies in Myanmar have issued a statement calling for tolerance ahead of the November election. In the statement, they said: “As the campaign in Myanmar officially begins, however, we, as international partners invested in the success of this country and these elections, are concerned about the prospect of religion being used as a tool of division and conflict during the campaign season. We call for all election rules and regulations to be applied fairly, consistently, and transparently without regard to ethnicity, religion, or political party.”

They specially mentioned the move to bar a Muslim parliament member belonged to the ruling party from contesting elections again. The United States also voiced its deep concern over the government’s decision to mass disenfranchisement of the Rohingya Muslims. However, the Myanmar government paid no heed to these demands or protests. 

As the polling day approaches, incumbent President Thein Shin is almost certain to be reelected. In a recorded tape, he boasted of enacting the ‘Protection of Race and Religion Law’, and taking a series of decisions against Muslims such as denying the OIC, which represents one billion Muslims, from opening an office in the northwest of the country. He also asserted that the international community has been told candidly that there is no such thing as Rohingya Muslims in a country whose inhabitants are only Buddhists. Shin also claimed that he took the country out of its isolation and that he had informed senior world leaders, including US President Barack Obama, that there is no Rohingya in the country and that his decisions have led to a boost of investment in the country.

The open statement about racial discrimination and ethnic cleansing by none other than the country’s president has resulted in the denial of voting rights for 1.5 million Rohingyas in the upcoming elections. This also emboldened the Buddhist extremists to continue the killing of hundreds of Rohingyas and driving out of hundreds of thousands of them. Hence, it is a humanitarian obligation on the United Nations and the entire global community to stop these immoral and inhuman acts and come forward to safeguard these miserable people.

Dr. Ali Al-Ghamdi is a former Saudi diplomat who specializes in Southeast Asian affairs. He can be reached at algham@hotmail.com

Rohingya Exodus