The list of total Rohingya villages and households; and numbers of Rohingya population in Rathedaung Township as of 1/10/2016 is:

No.	The Village Name	No. of Male	No. of Female	No. of Households	Total Population
1	Thin Gana	655	678		1333
2	Tha Pyi Taw	1100	1147		2247
3	Anauk Pyin	1340	1665	581	3005
4	Nyaung Pin Gyi	1000	1099		2099
5	Sin Kone Taing	1298	1394	384	2692
6	Chut Pyin	630	650	300	1280
7	Zay Kone Tan	147	159	53	306
8	Kyet Yoe Kone Tan	636	717	233	1353
9	Pyin Chaung	450	495	170	945
10	Koe Tan Kauk	2652	2840	692	5492
11	Chein Khali	2196	2547	743	4743
12	Chin Rwa	945	1228	325	2173
13	Bellamy	478	482	200	984
14	Taa Zaw	288	276	99	564
15	Pan Kaing	635	741	276	1376
16	Nilam Bor	407	680		1087
17	Kan Seik	547	628	182	1175
18	Aaga Taung	2269	2353	414	2622
19	Pyaing Ma Tet	301	306	104	607
20	Than Du	197	182		379
21	Zedi Pyin	335	317	107	652
22	Attet Nan Yar	829	1012	264	1941
23	Aadu	263	233	64	496
24	Auk Nan Yar	1554	1856	485	3410
		Total Population			44,961
Credit: Originally Compiled by Mohammed Hussain, a Rohingya Community Leader in Rathedaung

By BBC News

September 9, 2017

Aid groups urgently need $77m (£58m) to help Rohingya Muslims who have fled Myanmar for Bangladesh since violence erupted two weeks ago, the UN says.

About 290,000 Rohingya are said to have fled Rakhine state and sought shelter in Bangladesh since 25 August.

There is a desperate need for food, water and health services for new arrivals in Cox's Bazaar, the UN added.

Those fleeing say Myanmar's military are burning their villages - something the military denies.

The violence began on 25 August when Rohingya militants attacked police posts in Myanmar's northern Rakhine state. 

Rohingya residents - a stateless, mostly Muslim minority in Buddhist-majority Myanmar - say the military and Rakhine Buddhists responded with a brutal campaign against them. 

Myanmar rejects this, saying its military is fighting against Rohingya "terrorists".

Aid agencies in Bangladesh's Cox's Bazaar say they are overwhelmed by the numbers fleeing, while reporters at the scene have described seeing thousands of Rohingya waiting at roadsides, begging and chasing food trucks.

An AP reporter saw one man collapsing from hunger while queuing at a food distribution point.

The UN Resident Co-ordinator in Bangladesh, Robert Watkins, said: "With the movement of people showing no signs of stopping, it is vital that agencies working in Cox's Bazaar have the resources they need to provide emergency assistance to incredibly vulnerable people who have been forced to flee their homes and have arrived in Bangladesh with nothing."

"There is now an urgent need for 60,000 new shelters, as well as food, clean water and health services, including specialist mental health services and support for survivors of sexual violence."

Those who have fled northern Rakhine state describe village burnings, beatings and killings at the hands of the security forces and Buddhist youths. 

The Myanmar government says it is the Rohingya militants and the Muslim villagers themselves who are burning their own homes and attacking non-Muslims - many of whom have also fled the violence.

But a BBC reporter in Rakhine state on Thursday saw a Muslim village being burned, apparently by a group of Rakhine Buddhists, contradicting the official version of events.

Also on Saturday, rights group Amnesty International accused Myanmar's military of planting landmines at the border with Bangladesh, where many Rohingya are fleeing.

Bangladeshi border guards and villagers have told the BBC that they witnessed more than a hundred Myanmar soldiers walking by and apparently planting landmines at the border.

Bangladeshi officials have said they believe Myanmar government forces are planting the landmines to stop the Rohingya returning to their villages. They have summoned the Myanmar ambassador in Dhaka to protest over the matter.

A Myanmar military source said no landmines had been planted recently, while a government spokesman told Reuters more information was needed, adding: "Who can surely say those mines were not laid by the terrorists?"

The Rohingya plight is sparking concern and protests in many nations, and Myanmar's de facto leader Aung San Suu Kyi has been criticised for failing to protect them. 

Various world leaders have urged Ms Suu Kyi, a Nobel Peace laureate who spent years under house arrest for her pro-democracy activism, to speak out on behalf of the Rohingya.

On Saturday, Malaysian Prime Minister Najib Razak said the Rohingya had received "no mercy" and been "tortured, discriminated, killed and raped". He added that the Myanmar government's lack of response was "disappointing". 

Meanwhile, the Pakistani government said it had summoned Myanmar's ambassador in protest at "the ongoing violence against the Rohingya Muslims".

Earlier in the week, Ms Suu Kyi - who faces strong anti-Rohingya sentiment in Myanmar - claimed the crisis in Rakhine state was being distorted by a "huge iceberg of misinformation".

She subsequently said that Myanmar had "to take care of everybody who is in our country, whether or not they are our citizens", and said Myanmar would "try our best" despite inadequate resources.

By Shashank Bengali

Los Angeles Times 

September 9, 2017

She was once synonymous with the struggle against oppression. In accepting the Nobel Peace Prize, she called for “a world free from the displaced, the homeless and the hopeless.”

But Aung San Suu Kyi has missed perhaps her greatest opportunity to make good on those words as the leader of Myanmar’s first civilian government after a half-century of military rule.

Suu Kyi has watched as 270,000 minority Rohingya Muslims — one-quarter of their population — have fled Myanmar over the past two weeks, escaping a bloody military crackdown in which soldiers set fire to homes and shot civilians as they tried to escape, according to accounts published by human rights groups.

Many have crammed into muddy, overcrowded camps in next-door Bangladesh, whose authorities this week raised concerns that Myanmar’s military was planting land mines along the border while civilians fled. Dozens have drowned in river crossings. In displacement camps inside Myanmar, Rohingya activists say the government has blocked delivery of food and humanitarian supplies.

As condemnations pour in from across the world, Suu Kyi has defended not the displaced Rohingya but the army, saying critics of the crackdown were being deceived by “a huge iceberg of misinformation.” The army calls its actions “clearance operations” aimed at Rohingya insurgents who attacked police on Aug. 25, killing 12 officers.

Reconciling an activist’s ideals with the hard realities of governing is never easy, but rarely has an international icon fallen so fast as Suu Kyi. Her tepid response to the Rohingya crisis has tarnished a reputation built during the 15 years she spent under house arrest opposing military dictators in the country formerly known as Burma.

The United Nations chief has warned that ethnic cleansing could be taking place. Two other Nobel Peace Prize winners, South Africa’s Desmond Tutu and 20-year-old Pakistani Malala Yousafzai, have implored Suu Kyi, 72, to speak up. Other commentators have urged the Nobel Committee to revoke her prize.

“She has a responsibility to give protection to civilians,” said a prominent Rohingya activist in Myanmar, who requested anonymity because authorities have warned people against criticizing the military campaign.

“And yet she is actively engaging with the army in terms of its operations to expel an entire population. She is a part of it.”

After leading her National League of Democracy party to an overwhelming win in 2015 parliamentary elections – and then devising the powerful post of state counselor to bypass a law that prevented her from becoming president – Suu Kyi faced tremendous expectations in turning around one of Asia’s poorest countries, one still wracked by several long-running insurgencies.

The Obama administration lifted economic sanctions in 2016, rewarding Myanmar’s democratic transition, although by that point there were serious questions about Suu Kyi’s commitment to the ideas expressed in her Nobel speech.

She has consistently declined to condemn abuses against the Rohingya, an ethnic and religious minority of more than 1 million people in a country that is 90% Buddhist, often saying that Buddhists have suffered too. Her government has echoed the military’s view that the Rohingya are illegal immigrants from Bangladesh, even though many trace their roots in Myanmar back several generations, and has continued a policy of denying them citizenship and other basic rights.

After a 2012 outbreak of communal violence in the western state of Rakhine in which scores of Buddhists and Rohingya died, 120,000 Rohingya lost their homes and were corralled into displacement camps. Many others live in what are essentially open-air prisons, their villages watched over by security forces.

The rise of a well-armed Rohingya insurgency has generated public support for military operations in Rakhine. A rising Buddhist nationalism has fanned the flames, led by hard-line monks who claim that Muslims want to overtake the country.

All but cut off from the world during the years of her house arrest, Suu Kyi was a steely, enigmatic symbol whose political inclinations — beyond ending the army’s kleptocratic rule — were not well known. Since the democratic transition began, Western journalists increasingly challenged her on the Rohingya issue, and Suu Kyi began to flash annoyance in interviews.

Her allies say she is trapped between international expectations and domestic political realities. She is known for a regal bearing that borders on haughty, but her powers are sharply limited. The army controls the key security-related ministries and one-quarter of seats in Parliament, and enjoys no civilian oversight.

“She really is in a very awkward position on this,” said an advisor to the Myanmar government who requested anonymity to speak freely.

“If she were to speak out more vociferously in defense of the Rohingya, she would lose a lot of her domestic support. In a country that’s been in relative isolation for a long period of time, with low levels of education, people can have fairly bigoted views, and the Buddhist majority are fairly unsympathetic to the plight of the Rohingya.”

Some say she may also worry for her safety.

This year, U Ko Ni, an advisor to Suu Kyi who was drafting a new constitution that would roll back the military’s powers, was assassinated at the international airport in Yangon. The brazen killing appeared to stun Suu Kyi, who waited several weeks before issuing a public statement about it.

Myanmar nationalists have called for tougher action against “Bengali terrorists” since the Aug. 25 attacks, which followed the report of a commission led by former U.N. Secretary-General Kofi Annan. The commission called on the government to end the “enforced segregation” of Buddhists and Muslims in Rakhine state, ensure access for humanitarian groups, revise citizenship laws that exclude the Rohingya and end restrictions on freedom of movement.

Thet Thet Khine, a lawmaker from Suu Kyi’s party, said the government was committed to implementing the recommendations. But she said the international community was wrong to view Rakhine state as purely a human rights issue.

“It is also an issue of security and economic development,” Thet Thet Khine said. “In the short term we have to work with the military. This is a terrorism issue superimposed on a communal crisis. The local people don’t trust the Bengali Muslim people.”

Suu Kyi “has to reconcile between the international community and the local community, and they are not in line,” she said. “She is trying her best.”

Others gave up on her long ago.

“I think she cares about power,” the Rohingya activist said. “She’s saying, ‘I’m not a human rights activist. I’m a politician.’ Any leader who cares about human rights would distance herself from mass atrocities. She is failing to do so.”