By AFP

March 13, 2017

Myanmar may be seeking to "expel" all ethnic Rohingya from its territory, a UN rights expert said Monday, pushing for a high-level inquiry into abuses against the Muslim minority community. 

The United Nations special rapporteur on human rights in Myanmar, Yanghee Lee, said a full purge could be the ultimate goal of the institutional persecution and horrific violence being perpetrated against the Rohingya.

The evidence "indicates the government may be trying to expel the Rohingya population from the country altogether," Lee told the UN rights council. 

The army launched a bloody crackdown against the Rohingya in October in the northern Rakhine state following attacks by militants on several border posts.

UN investigators say that during the military operation women were gang-raped by soldiers and Rohingya babies were slaughtered. 

Lee wants the rights council to establish the UN's highest-level probe, a Commission of Inquiry (COI), to investigate that crackdown as well as violent episodes in 2012 and 2014. 

The council could set up the commission before its session ends later this month, but key players including the European Union have not yet backed Lee's call because of concern that a damning UN investigation might threaten the country's fragile democracy drive. 

Speaking to reporters after her council appearance, Lee said she believed support for a Commission of Inquiry was tepid, including within the EU. 

Countries "won't say they are not going to support your call, but I do hear ... (countries) say that maybe Aung San Suu Kyi needs more time," Lee said, referring to the Nobel peace laureate who leads Myanmar's civilian government. 

Suu Kyi's government, which took charge last year after decades of oppressive military rule, has rejected Lee's bid to set up a Commission of Inquiry and insisted its own national probe can uncover the facts in Rakhine. 

Lee conceded to reporters that a full international probe "could have a destabilising affect" in that it may implicate the military in crimes against humanity, but she insisted it was in the government's interest to get the facts out. 

She also told the council that the government's internal probe had already been proved inadequate.

Representatives from the EU, The Netherlands and Britain all avoided the question of a Commission of Inquiry during Monday's discussion. 

Britain's envoy to the council, Julian Braithwaite, said the international community needed to "engage (Myanmar) without damaging the delicate civilian/military balance".

By Feliz Solomon 

TIME

March 13, 2017

Sittwe -- People live, love and die in Baw Du Pha, an encampment for Rohingya Muslims displaced by conflict in western Myanmar nearly five years ago. They used to think they would someday go home, but many have long since given up on that hope. Life in the camp, however, goes on, albeit much differently than before the unrest.

Maung Tha Zan and Minara Begum were married on a rainy Sunday afternoon within the barbed-wire confines of a sprawling cluster of displacement camps, home to more than 100,000 people who, for the most part, are barred from leaving. Theirs wasn't an arranged marriage, the 20-year-old groom, clean-shaven in his finest coat and aviator sunglasses, tells TIME, "it was love at first sight." He hopes they'll have children someday, Allah willing. "I'm very happy," Maung Tha Zan says, "but on the other hand I'm also sad because I can't have my wedding at home."

The bride waits for him in a vibrantly decorated bamboo hut in the neighboring encampment, wearing a sparkling crimson dress and veil. She's a very shy 18-year-old, but she speaks to TIME briefly through an interpreter. "I'm very happy because I'm going to marry the one I love," she says as a generator leased for the occasion sputters to a stop and the string of lights overhead flickers out.

Most days in the camps in western Myanmar's troubled Rakhine state are far less joyous. The one before, for instance. By 10 a.m. on Saturday, the site's main clinic was crowded with women holding sick, lethargic children, mostly seeking treatment for stomach problems like diarrhea. The frequency of illness is hardly surprising; medical care is scarce — as it is elsewhere in this underdeveloped country of about 51 million people — and sanitary conditions are abysmal. Unclothed kids play in a stream of dirty water close to the camp's latrines, human waste scattered on the ground nearby.

The encampment was established mid-2012, when riots between Buddhists and Muslims broke out in the city of Sittwe, about a 10-minute drive away. The city has since been strictly segregated; the downtown Muslim quarter, Aung Mingalar, is guarded by police armed with assault rifles, and residents cannot leave without permission from authorities. Even seeking treatment at a nearby hospital involves a complex and often extortionate bureaucratic process. Foreigners, when granted permission to enter, are followed and photographed. While it can be difficult to access and assess some areas, it's plain to see that this is a city sharply divided; Buddhists are free while Muslims are not.

"Sadly, those camps are becoming permanent, and the likelihood of many of the people there returning home has diminished to the impossible," David Mathieson, an independent analyst and human-rights expert based in Myanmar, tells TIME.

This week the U.N. Human Rights Council meets in Geneva to decide on a wide-ranging resolution on human rights in Myanmar, which until a few years ago was considered a pariah state ruled by a brutal and impenetrable military regime. March 31 will mark one year since a new civilian government assumed office, led by Nobel laureate Aung San Suu Kyi, who now serves as State Counselor. The U.N. rights envoy for Myanmar, Yanghee Lee, delivers her recommendations to the U.N. council on Monday; she will suggest that the body establish a commission of inquiry to investigate the "systematic, structural and institutional discrimination" and "long-standing persecution" of the Rohingya population. Her focus will be on conflicts that erupted in June 2012 — which caused the exodus of people still confined in this Sittwe complex — and on Oct. 9 of last year, when an attack on security forces by suspected Rohingya insurgents triggered a scorched-earth counterterrorism operation by the army that displaced approximately94,000 people and likely left hundreds dead.

A draft version of the resolution, penned by the European Union and viewed by a number of human-rights experts in advance, does not mandate a full U.N. commission of inquiry, against the guidance of several rights experts and the rapporteur herself. While there is still time to influence the language of the resolution, which will be handed down on Thursday, there is still some disagreement among the rights community about what an official inquiry would achieve. Given the extreme nature of the October violence and the Myanmar government's near blanket denial of any wrongdoing by state security forces, experts are advocating for some form of international accountability mechanisms and practical policy measures that would address urgent humanitarian needs. Some stakeholders also appear reluctant to bring criticism upon Suu Kyi's government, which is viewed as a source of stability and hope for the nation's transition from dictatorship to democracy.

In Rakhine, journalists and aid workers have been barred from Maungdaw, a township north of the state capital Sittwe, where the latest outbreak of violence took place. But it's apparent here in Sittwe that little has been done to aid the Rohingya, a stateless religious and ethnic minority sequestered in impoverished ghettos and surrounded by their Rakhine Buddhist neighbors, with whom they once shared social and commercial ties. The Rakhine are the majority in the eponymous state, now said to be the country's poorest, but are a minority in Myanmar, and as such they have their own long-standing and legitimate grievances with the central government. During military rule, which lasted nearly six grueling and isolated decades, the country's many minorities suffered under policies favoring the culture and well-being of the majority Bamar ethnic group.

New political space, coupled with the government's reluctance to curtail provocateurs, have allowed extremist movements to take root and marginalize minority faiths, particularly Muslims. Myanmar's most notorious firebrand, the Buddhist monk Wirathu, was just last week disciplined by the national religious authority — which banned him from giving public sermons for a year — for delivering unabashedly anti-Muslim speeches arguably amounting to incitement to violence. Nonetheless, his hardline version of Buddhist nationalism has already gained popularity among the Rakhine population, where support has also galvanized for a local political party that campaigned on a virulently anti-Muslim platform.

The Rohingya are viewed by many as illegal immigrants from Bangladesh despite living in the country for generations. They are portrayed as dirty, dangerous interlopers, and their presence in western Myanmar has even used to drum up support for strict border security and discriminatory junta-era citizenship criteria linking political rights to racial and religious identity. Without those political rights — most Rohingya lack legal status, and consequently suffer severe restrictions on movement, livelihoods, education and health care — they are losing hope of ever being fully reintegrated into Myanmar society. “We used to be able to leave the village," says Fatima Katu, 45, as she waits at the clinic for a medic to treat her visibly unwell 3-month-old granddaughter who she says has been suffering from seizures. "Now we can’t.”

— With reporting by Aung Naing Soe / Sittwe

Statement by Ms. Yanghee LEE, Special Rapporteur on the Situation of Human Rights in Myanmar at the 34th session of the Human Rights Council

Agenda item 4

Geneva, 13 March 2017

Mr. President, distinguished representatives, ladies and gentlemen,

I am honoured to present today my third report to this Council in my capacity as the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar. I am conscious that this Government is only now nearing its first anniversary in power and that not only has it inherited formidable human rights challenges from the previous Government, it also has to meet with exceedingly high expectations from its people as well as the international community. 

As I have conveyed to the Government of Myanmar, and to members of this Council, my approach to this mandate has always been as a friend to Myanmar. I have no agenda other than the realization of human rights in the country; the only bias and partiality is towards the promotion and protection of the rights of all people in Myanmar. 

Mr. President,

I have conducted two visits to Myanmar in the past year, in June 2016 and January 2017. I thank the Government of Myanmar for these invitations and its cooperation with my mandate, attempts at better engagement especially by the Permanent Mission here, and particularly in respecting my request to meet community members in Rakhine State without close monitoring of officials and security personnel during my most recent visit. Nevertheless, I regret that I was again unable to visit several areas I had requested in Kachin state and that these refusals were given at the last minute, preventing full optimization of the limited time I had available. I must confess that there were times that I had seriously questioned the nature of the cooperation. 

The government has also yet to agree on the proposed joint benchmarks, which were called for by the last Council resolution, and which were shared with them several times before and during my recent visit. 

Excellencies,

One of the key tasks facing Myanmar will be reform and modernization of all three branches of government. The judiciary – vital arbiters of justice – need continuing strengthening and improvements to the appointments system. In the executive branch, administrative reform including on local levels will be vital. On legislative side, I remain of the view that legislative process requires further streamlining and increased transparency, and suggest a law on law-making be enacted similar to those adopted by several countries in the region. I have also welcomed the repeal of several outdated laws but dozens of problematic laws remain on the books and continue to be used. 

The 1982 Citizenship Law in particular appears to have a similar standing as the Constitution as to the sensitivity surrounding its possible reform despite its clearly discriminatory provisions. Currently, a citizenship verification exercise under this discriminatory law is underway and despite understandings that the process should be voluntary, I receive continuing reports of Rohingya being coerced into undergoing the process as otherwise they are not allowed fishing licences, to carry out work as a national staff member of an international organization, sit for matriculation exams in schools or even receive food assistance. 

As mentioned, Constitutional reform seems a distant goal at this time. And made even more onerous with the brutal killing of one of Myanmar’s known Constitutional lawyers, U Ko Ni, as he was holding his grandchild. Despite this unexpected and seemingly insurmountable hurdle, I urge for progress towards Constitutional reform through potentially the establishment of a preparatory committee to study possible revision processes. Until the Constitution is reformed to provide for a truly civilian government, Myanmar cannot truly attain a full democracy.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

The extent that human rights defenders as well as press members are monitored, surveilled, harassed, and intimidated is also a good barometer for measuring democratic space. Considering the number of former political prisoners in the ranks of Myanmar’s Cabinet and Parliament, it is disappointing to see the continued misuse of laws such as section 505 of the Penal Code and increasingly section 66(d) of the Telecommunications Act to suppress voices of dissent, including through arrest and imprisonment. Of particular concern are multiple cases of killings of civil society actors for their involvement in human rights work and activism, including several in recent months, as well as cases which remain unresolved even after years of relatives of victims demanding justice. Many of these cases relate to vested commercial interests or the military.

Myanmar has rich natural resources, but it is important that efforts to extract this bounty benefit all. I am concerned that individuals who have lived on land for generations continue to face evictions without proper safeguards and that communities continue to face severe health impacts and livelihood difficulties from environmental degradation associated with large scale mineral extraction. It is important that, the recent Environmental Impact Assessment Procedures, are systematically implemented and enforced, and that full advantage is taken of the welcome decision to suspend the issuance of jade mining licenses, to reform the legislative and policy framework governing the mining industry to ensure strong protections against environmental and human rights abuses. 

Mr. President,

I am extremely concerned by the escalation in conflict in Kachin and Shan States which is having a dramatic impact on civilians in these areas. Just a week ago, fighting broke out in Kokang self-administered zone, reportedly causing over ten thousand people to flee to cross the Chinese border in search of safety. I say “reportedly” as we do not know exact conditions. Since May 2016, the United Nations and other international organizations have been systematically denied authorization to deliver vital and in some cases lifesaving assistance to over 40,000 IDPs including those recently displaced. Even in areas controlled by the government access is becoming more difficult – additional layers of approvals have recently been required – including from the military. 

I also continue to receive reports of serious human rights violations committed by all parties to the conflict, including torture, inhumane and degrading treatment, sexual- and gender-based violence, arbitrary killings, and abductions, all of which frequently go uninvestigated. There has also been a worrying trend of reportedly indiscriminate attacks in or near civilian area. I condemn the apparent total disregard for civilian lives in the strongest terms and emphasize the need for all parties to take immediate steps to protect civilians, respect international human rights and humanitarian law and end the violence and for investigations into allegations to be conducted. 

Peace will be vital to the future development of Myanmar, and the peace process represents an opportunity to transform the country. To have this transformative effect, discussions need to be inclusive and to address complex issues related to underlying root causes. I welcome the increasing representation of women in the discussions, but hope the level of representation will reach a minimum of 30% across all groups, in the next conference. Civil society organizations must also be seen as vital partners to the process. Unfortunately the peace process at the moment appears to be at a stalemate – I call on all parties to increase efforts to advance the process. 

Distinguished Representatives,

You may be aware that one of my main concerns during my visit to Myanmar in January was reprisals. I raised concerns earlier of voices of dissent being suppressed including through arrest and imprisonment. And never have I felt more anxiety over potential acts of retaliation and reprisals than in Rakhine State during my visit. 

Myself and my predecessors have long raised concerns about Rakhine State, particularly the institutionalised discrimination faced by the Rohingya population and the inter-communal violence in 2012, as well as the general underdevelopment of the state and lack of opportunities for all communities. As you are all likely aware the situation in the state took on new dimensions on 9 October, when three Border Guard Police facilities were reportedly attacked, by groups of armed men in a coordinated manner, killing 9 members of the Myanmar Police Force. In response three townships were declared closed off with the launch of a security operation, with no access to independent media, and humanitarian programmes suspended. Following the launch of the security or clearance operations, reports began surfacing, increasingly and persistently regarding serious human rights violations, allegedly committed by the security forces. 

Reprisals was the main reason why I had asked to make a visit to Bangladesh where tens of thousands of the Rohingya population have fled from Rakhine State, and where they might feel less threatened to give me their accounts of what had happened during the clearance operations. In Cox’s Bazar, I met around 140 people from several villages in the north of Rakhine. I heard from them harrowing account after harrowing account. In my statement at the end of my mission to Bangladesh, I spoke about having been especially affected by a mother who repeatedly expressed regret for mistakenly thinking that her son had been brought out from their burning house. She heard him screaming for her and managed to save his life but burn scars have been seared onto him - scars which I saw with my own eyes. I wanted to share what I saw with you today. 

I heard allegation after allegation of horrific events like these – slitting of throats, indiscriminate shootings, setting alight houses with people tied up inside and throwing very young children into the fire, as well as gang rapes and other sexual violence. Even men, young and old, broke down and cried in front of me telling me about what they went through and their losses.

Putting these experiences together with the institutionalized discrimination and long-standing persecution of the Rohingya population which I have reported on previously, as well as the continuing action by the authorities to make their lives even more difficult – even as the clearance operations are taking place – which include by dismantling their homes and conducting a household survey where those absent may be struck of the list that could be the only legal proof of their status in Myanmar - indicates the government may be trying to expel the Rohingya population from the country altogether. I sincerely hope that that is not the case. 

Excellencies,

Myanmar has established several commissions to review the situation in Rakhine State, however I believe they have yet to discharge their investigative obligations. In the case of the Advisory Commission on Rakhine State, chaired by former UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan, the alleged human rights violations are outside the scope of their mandate. For other commissions, there are questions about the extent to which their investigations are “prompt, thorough, independent and impartial”. In particular, for investigations to be truly independent – members should be independent of any institution or agency that may be the subject of the inquiry. However, the Maungdaw Investigation Commission, whose members I was able to meet during my January visit, includes former members of the military and the currently serving Chief of the Myanmar Police Force. The commission also does not appear to have a robust methodology or policies in place to address key issues such as witness protection or documentation of evidence. 

The truth about whether all, or some, or any of these allegations are correct needs to be established. There is a need for a new set of investigations which are “prompt, thorough, independent and impartial”, and this needs to happen soon, before the evidence is compromised. In Myanmar’s pursuit of a fully democratic society, no stones must be left unturned. The alleged victims, as well as all the people of Myanmar deserve to know the truth. The international community must come together in expressing a strong and single voice in this regard, regardless of varying interests of individual member states. This is why I called for a Commission of Inquiry to investigate the systematic, structural, and institutional discrimination in policy, law and practice, as well long-standing persecution, against the Rohingya and other minorities in Rakhine State.

Prompt, thorough, independent and impartial investigations are not only needed in Rakhine, but also in conflict affected areas such as Kachin and Shan which are often overlooked and where serious violations, of a similar type to those in Rakhine, have been reported for many years. Yet many of these violations have also gone uninvestigated, with the situation in these areas worsening and still receiving little attention. For this reason, I have repeatedly requested to travel to Laiza and other areas in Kachin and Shan to speak to community members and IDPs but have been repeatedly denied, including during my most recent visit. That is also the reason why I recommended for this Council to hold a dedicated and urgent discussion to address the human rights violations occurring in other parts of the country including in Kachin and northern Shan.

Mr. President,

Following my visit to Bangladesh, I was a bit disappointed to hear that the Government of Myanmar has started to claim that I am unfair and biased. But I have to point out that the focus of my Bangladesh visit and related observations was to meet those who had fled from the north of Rakhine subsequent to the conduct of clearance operations there – and all those I met who had fled were Rohingya. 

Excellencies,

I would like to draw some attention to the joint benchmarks I have proposed as well as the suggested areas which remain to be explored for development of technical cooperation programmes. I remain convinced that Myanmar would highly benefit from establishing a fully-fledged OHCHR country office with proper resources and a full mandate to help with the provision of technical advice and assistance on human rights issues to the Government and people of Myanmar.

I want to end this statement by emphasizing that I have absolutely no reason whatsoever to present a biased, one-sided report. However, I have every reason to present the situation to reflect the reality, even if some may not like what I have to say.

I believe this Council expects me to do exactly that by entrusting me with this mandate. 

As I have always done, I present myself, and my mandate, as a source for support and assistance towards Myanmar’s aim of becoming a fully functioning democracy and aspiration to be respected in the international fora. 

Thank you for your attention.

By AFP

March 12, 2017

'Face of Buddhist terror' ordered into silence by top religious body as deepening anti-Muslim tensions rise.

A Myanmar monk infamous for his bilious anti-Muslim tirades has been banned from giving sermons for a year by the country's top Buddhist body, an unprecedented slapdown on a man whose hate speech has galvanised religious tensions. 

Wirathu, a monk once dubbed the "face of Buddhist terror", has led calls for restrictions on Myanmar's Muslim population, penning hyperbolic speeches warning of an Islamic takeover of the overwhelmingly Buddhist country. 

Myanmar is gripped by deepening religious tensions that have repeatedly spilled into violence. 

The unrest has been partially attributed to anti-Muslim rhetoric spread by Wirathu's wing of Buddhist monks. 

Aung San Suu Kyi's government is under strong international pressure to explain a bloody crackdown on the Muslim Rohingya minority in Rakhine state over recent months. 

The February assassination of Ko Ni, a respected and high-profile Muslim lawyer and long-time Suu Kyi ally, also heightened tensions. 

Wirathu, who draws large crowds to his stock-in-trade Islamophobic speeches or social media posts, had already been barred from speaking at an event shortly after Ko Ni's murder. 

But a special meeting of the country's most senior monks - the State Sangha Maha Nayaka - on Friday decided to ban all of his sermons. 

"As he has repeatedly delivered hate speech against religions to cause communal strife and hinder efforts to uphold the rule of law", the monk "was banned from delivering sermons across Myanmar for one year from March 10, 2017 to March 9, 2018", the council said in a statement that emerged on Saturday. 

He will face "action under the rule of law" for any breach of the order, the Sangha added, without specifying the punishment. 

Aung San Win, the director of the Ministry of Religion, confirmed the order to AFP news agency, but did not elaborate on the actions that may be taken against him, or say whether the order covered his vigorous social media profile. 

Muslims make up about 5 percent of Myanmar's population. 

Religious riots have roiled the country in recent years, killing scores of people - the majority of them Muslims. 

The worst violence has been in Rakhine, where tens of thousands of Rohingya fled a military crackdown after deadly raids on police border posts.

By Jonah Fisher

BBC News

March 12, 2017

When soldiers went searching for militants in Myanmar's Rakhine state last October, the result for members of the Rohingya minority was disastrous. Villages were burned, men were killed, women were sexually abused. And when one woman complained of rape, she was accused of lying by the office of the country's leader, Aung San Suu Kyi, and hounded by vengeful soldiers.

Sitting cross-legged on the floor, 25-year-old Jamalida Begum tells me what happened in the days after her husband was shot dead in the village of Pyaung Pyaik, north-western Myanmar.

Jamalida fled with her two children and watched from a distance as the army set houses in the village on fire. Satellite images confirm that at least 85 buildings were destroyed. 

Five days later she returned with some of her neighbours to find her belongings and home destroyed. They sheltered together in one of the few homes that had survived - but at dawn the next day the soldiers came back.

"They chose 30 women. Half were young girls aged between 12 and 15," says Jamalida.

The soldiers took them to the village school.

"Then they chose four from among the 30," Jamalida says.

"It was me and three teenage girls. Then we were separated. The army took me to the east of the school near the pond. Another seven soldiers took the other three girls to the hill to the south of the school.

"They shouted at me to open my shirt and my thami (wrap-around skirt). When I refused they started beating me, grabbed my clothes and pushed me to the ground. Three soldiers raped and tortured me for an hour. Blood came out of my lower part and my legs got cramped. They punched me into the eyes saying I was staring at them. It turned my eyes red like fire coal. They left me bleeding and drove away in their Jeeps."

The soldiers were sent into northern Rakhine state to conduct "clearance operations" after militants from Jamalida's ethnic group, the Rohingya, launched an attack on three Burmese police posts on 9 October last year - killing nine officers and seizing guns and ammunition.

A wave of reports of human rights abuses followed, including scores of allegations of rape.

For weeks Myanmar's human rights icon turned leader, Aung San Suu Kyi, denied the allegations, insisting soldiers were adhering to the law, while at the same time refusing to allow independent journalists or observers to access the area.

But as the outcry grew she set up an investigation team, and on 11 December it reached Pyaung Pyaik.

Though initially reluctant, Jamalida was persuaded to speak by the only woman on the team, Dr Thet Thet Zin, the chairman of Myanmar's Women's Affairs Federation.

"She said we won't harm you, bring us the raped and tortured women," Jamalida says. "So I went there and told her everything and they recorded it."

Jamalida's interaction with the investigation team was filmed and several minutes of it broadcast on television. It is extraordinary footage, not just because of the way Jamalida is browbeaten by the translators, but because the Burmese state broadcaster didn't translate what Jamalida is saying to the investigators in the Rohingya language.

Once fully translated, it's clear that Jamalida is describing strong circumstantial evidence that rape has taken place. She tells them she saw three young Rohingya women being taken off into the bushes by soldiers.

"Did you see if those women were raped or not?" the translator asks. 

"I did not," Jamalida replies.

"So, it isn't true," the translator fires back.

"Yes and no," Jamalida says. "They were bleeding directly from here". She points between her legs.

"Don't say that, don't say that, don't say that they are bleeding, just say whether you've seen rape or not," the translator replies.

The translator tells the investigators that Jamalida did not see the women being raped.

Jamalida is also asked directly whether she herself was raped. She tells the investigators that soldiers took her away, stripped her naked and molested her, but says it was "hands only" and not rape.

The translator says: "She wasn't raped."

Here things get complicated.

Ten days later Jamalida is filmed again. This time, a group of handpicked journalists have been brought by the government to Pyaung Pyaik.

Initially none of the Rohingya want to speak to them so someone goes to get Jamalida. She tells the journalists the same story of army abuse again, except this time it changes and she says she was raped.

This discrepancy, between being stripped and molested and being raped, was immediately seized on by Aung San Suu Kyi's office, which was at the time running an aggressive campaign rubbishing foreign and social media reports of atrocities in Rakhine State as "fake news".

Jamalida's face was suddenly on Burmese television and state media once again, now paraded as a liar.

Aung San Suu Kyi's Facebook page called her story an example of "Fake Rape"in a big picture banner.

So what's the truth? When I speak to Jamalida her testimony is detailed and convincing. It matches what she told the journalists and what she said to the investigators apart from that one detail. I believe her when she says she was raped.

I ask Jamalida about the difference in her accounts 10 days apart. She insists that she did tell the government investigators she was raped but that one of the translators was shouting and threatening to beat her. If she did tell the investigators this, it's possible Burmese TV chose not to broadcast this part of her testimony.

"I know they told everyone we weren't raped, tortured or anything," says Jamalida. "We do not have justice in our own country."

The promise made by Thet Thet Zin that no-one would face reprisals for speaking out, turned out to be hollow.

When soldiers came looking for her, she fled to a different village. Then, after speaking to the journalists, she realised it was not safe even there.

"The military were searching for me by getting all the women together in the yard and then showing them my picture," says Jamalida. "I was so scared I hid in the jungle." 

Unable to take it any longer, the young widow fled across the River Naf into Bangladesh - one of more than 70,000 Rohingya to have arrived in the last few months.

I spoke to Thet Thet Zin on the phone. She said that although she couldn't remember meeting Jamalida, the soldiers must have been searching for her to protect rather than harass her. She added that she had seen no conclusive evidence of rape and that she doubted it had happened, as it went against Buddhist culture and tradition. (While the Rohingya are Muslim, most of Myanmar's soldiers are Buddhist.)

Bangladesh is now the best place to go to learn what is happening in northern Rakhine state, which is closed to journalists. Even the UN's special rapporteur for human rights in Myanmar, Yanghee Lee, has had very limited access.

"I didn't think that I would say this out loud, that it's crimes against humanity," she says, when we meet in the airport at Cox's Bazaar.

"I think that the military needs to bear [responsibility] but at the end of the day it is the civilian government that has to answer and respond to these massive cases of horrific torture and very inhumane crimes that they have committed against their own people."

On Monday Yanghee Lee will urge the UN Human Rights Council to set up a Commission of Inquiry to investigate the abuses against the Rohingya.

As dusk began to fall at the Kutupalong refugee camp, where I met Jamalida Begum, I ask her what she thinks of Aung San Suu Kyi.

"She is doing nothing at all for us," she says. "If she was good, we wouldn't have to suffer so much in that country. Since she is in power Myanmar is hell for us."

Suu Kyi's power to stop the army abuses is limited, under the terms of the constitution drafted by the military. The spokesman for her party told me the UN claims were "an exaggeration" and the Rohingya issue was "an internal affair".

But Aung San Suu Kyi hasn't been to northern Rakhine State, and has never visited a Rohingya camp. In short, Myanmar's Nobel peace prize winner has given no indication to the Rohingya that she really cares.

Jonah Fisher's report was a joint investigation by Our World and Newsnight

By Jonah Fisher

BBC News

March 10, 2017

A top UN official says "crimes against humanity" are being committed by the military and police against Myanmar's Rohingya Muslim minority.

The UN's special rapporteur for human rights in Myanmar, Yanghee Lee, was speaking as part of a joint BBC Newsnight-BBC Our World investigation.

Aung San Suu Kyi, who has been in power almost a year, declined an interview.

A spokesman for her party said the allegations were "exaggerated" and an "internal" not "international" issue.

Ms Lee has not been given free access to the conflict area in Myanmar. But after speaking to refugees in Bangladesh she told the BBC that the situation was "far worse" than she expected.

"I would say crimes against humanity. Definite crimes against humanity... by the Burmese, Myanmar military, the border guards or the police or security forces."

She said the problem of abuse was "systemic" within the Burmese security forces, but said that Aung San Suu Kyi's elected government should bear some of the responsibility.

"At the end of the day it is the government, the civilian government, that has to answer and respond to these massive cases of horrific torture and very inhumane crimes they have committed against their own people."

Former democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi led the National League for Democracy (NLD) to a majority win in Myanmar's first openly contested election in 25 years in November 2015.

More than 70,000 Rohingya - a Muslim minority group from Myanmar - have fled to Bangladesh in the last few months, after a militant attack in October triggered a military crackdown.

In camps in Bangladesh, the BBC heard allegations from recently arrived Rohingya refugees that the Burmese security forces had shot civilians, and abducted and raped young girls.

Many of the refugee accounts are supported by both satellite and video evidence.

The BBC has repeatedly asked Ms Suu Kyi for an interview to discuss the Rohingya.

Although the Myanmar constitution forbids her from becoming president, she is widely seen as de facto leader.

But since she won an election landslide 16 months ago, Ms Suu Kyi has not done any interviews with journalists based in Myanmar - international or foreign - or held a meaningful press conference.

The spokesman for Ms Suu Kyi's political party, the National League of Democracy, Win Htein, told the BBC that under the current constitution, Ms Suu Kyi did not have the power to get the army to stop.

Responding to Ms Lee's claims of "crimes against humanity" he said reports of hundreds of dead Rohingya were "exaggerations" and that "sometimes the United Nations is wrong".

"As a new government we're just trying to achieve to a modern country. We have thousands of problems.

"We don't believe it's crimes against humanity," he added. "It's an internal affair - it's not an international affair."

The Burmese government has set up its own investigation into allegations of abuses.

It is led by a former general and has been criticised by Ms Lee for being dominated by military men and for its methodology.

On Monday Ms Lee will present her latest findings to the United Nations Human Rights Council in Geneva and will formally call for a Commission of Inquiry to be established, similar to the ones looking at abuses in places like North Korean and Syria.

Contacted by the BBC, both the UK and the EU refused to say they would support the establishment of a commission of inquiry.

A draft Human Rights Council resolution seen by the BBC proposes a watered down investigation.

Many are wary of doing anything that might be seen as undermining Myanmar's elected leader.

By Wa Lone, Simon Lewis and Krishna N. Das

Reuters

March 10, 2017 

Sittwe, Myanmar/Leda, Bangladesh -- The emergence of Harakah al Yaqin, the first Rohingya Muslim insurgent group to organize in Myanmar in decades, signals a dangerous new phase in a crisis that is increasingly attracting the attention of extremists in Pakistan and the Middle East.

Unknown six months ago, the group has ignited a conflict in Rakhine State that has marred Myanmar's transition toward democracy and confronted leader Aung San Suu Kyi with her biggest crisis yet.

"Our people have been persecuted for 50 or 60 years, so support for the insurgents is there," said Rahim, a teacher from the village of Dar Gyi Zar, who is among more than 70,000 Rohingya who have fled to Bangladesh since the fighting began.

Communal tensions have long-festered in northwestern Rakhine State, where 1.1 million Rohingya Muslims live in apartheid-like conditions, often despised by the Buddhist majority. Serious ethnic clashes erupted in 2012, but the recent violence is the first sign of a Rohingya insurgency entrenching itself inside Rakhine since at least the early 1990s.

Reuters spoke to around a dozen Rohingya from villages in the conflict zone about the activities of the group in their area, as well as a police officer who led the interrogations of several captured insurgents and a military intelligence officer.

Their accounts, which could not be independently verified, shed new light on how the group prepared for its campaign. They describe how a small group of leaders, including one born to Rohingya parents in Pakistan, recruited several hundred young men, training them clandestinely for months in fields and forests.

Mohammed Shah, 26, from Yae Khat Chaung Gwa Son village, was not approached to join the group, but said he was aware of its activities for about six months before it launched its first attacks in October. Once he came across 30 people training in a forest clearing near his village with wooden dummy weapons.

"I support them," he said. "We have been persecuted for decades and they are working to bring us justice."

CLANDESTINE TRAINING

On Oct. 9, Harakah al-Yaqin - Arabic for "Faith Movement" - launched three coordinated attacks on separate police border posts, killing nine officers. The group claimed responsibility for the attacks in videos posted online.

The security operation launched by the military in response has been beset by allegations of mass killings and gang rapes that the United Nations says may constitute crimes against humanity and ethnic cleansing.

The crisis could not come at a worse time for Suu Kyi, who's near year-old government is contending with renewed ethnic insurgencies elsewhere in Myanmar that threaten to undermine the Nobel laureate's signature peace process.

Myanmar's government says the allegations of human rights abuses are "serious", but that security forces are dealing with an insurgency that threatens the region's stability and development.

Residents of northern Rakhine and security officials told Reuters that HaY had organized its campaign across the border in Bangladesh, and that it involved leaders with links to Pakistan.

In the village of U Shey Kya, adult men were approached in early 2016 and asked to join the group, three residents told Reuters. Some agreed and took part in training, they said.

"Some villagers were recruited first, then these agents persuaded other people one-by-one," said one man. "They would go to a grocery store or in the tea shop, they would talk to people."

A senior member of HaY, Mohammed Noor, was last month sentenced to death for leading one of the three attacks, the first such verdict to be handed down.

Police Captain Yan Naing Latt, the lead interrogator of suspects at the jail in state capital Sittwe, told Reuters the group's goal was to seize control of the northern part of Rakhine to create a "Muslim democratic state for the Rohingya".

"There were six cells in total," said Yan Naing Latt, but only three were able to successfully launch attacks. "Leaders like Mohammed Noor were sent with some weapons to each village, recruited and trained locals there."

"They trained karate and practiced firing guns," said Yan Naing Latt. Some of the attackers came from refugee camps in Bangladesh and brought with them weapons that had been stolen there, he said. (For a graphic on the rise of Rohingya insurgents, click tmsnrt.rs/2mNFA0R)

CALL FOR JIHAD

A report from the International Crisis Group in December identified Ata Ullah, a Rohingya believed to have been born in Pakistan and raised in Saudi Arabia, as the leader of HaY.

He appears in the videos posted online by HaY, citing Koranic verse and calling for a "jihad" in Rakhine. Rohingya villagers who have seen the videos say the same man was one of those who led recruitment and training.

"He used to come to the village very often...he told the villagers that he will fight for our rights," said a school teacher from the village of Kyar Gaung Taung. 

Four residents said some of the men providing training did not speak the Rohingya language but conversed in Urdu, the language of Pakistan, or English.

Refugees and residents said community support for the group was based on frustration with the Myanmar government - which says the Rohingya are interlopers from Bangladesh - rather than religious ideology.

Nonetheless, diplomats and analysts say the involvement of foreign militants has the potential to radicalize and enflame the conflict. 

Myanmar's government has said it believes Ata Ullah and another HaY member, a Pakistani citizen, attended "terrorist training" with the Taliban in Pakistan.

While no firm evidence linking HaY to extremist organizations has emerged, several Islamist groups, including al-Qaeda in the Indian Subcontinent, Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan, and Islamic State have raised the Rohingya cause in their publicity materials.

A senior Myanmar military intelligence officer said HaY has tried to organize resistance since 2013, but was only able to gain a foothold and attract funding in 2015.

"They targeted young and educated Muslims and organized several meetings in Bangladesh," said the officer, citing information from informers monitoring the movement of people across the border.

The group was still active, the officer said, with the military expecting further attacks.

A fresh video surfaced in February showing young, masked men wielding swords and sticks, calling themselves Harakah al-Yaqin. Reuters could not verify the authenticity of the clip.

"They are moving from one place to the next and organizing short five- to 10-days-long training sessions in different villages," said the intelligence officer. 

While that suggests the group is becoming entrenched, the violence its campaign has unleashed has cost it some support.

"We're ready to inform the government if the people involved in the training come back," said the U Shey Kya villager. 

(Editing by Antoni Slodkowski and Alex Richardson)

By Zaharah Othman

New Straits Times

March 10, 2017 

THE Permanent People’s Tribunal on Myanmar’s State Crimes against Rohingya, Kachin and other groups ended after a 1½-day session yesterday urging the United Nations and Asean to take swift actions to stop the genocide against the Rohingya and atrocities against the Kachin minorities.

The opinion tribunal, organised by the Rome-based Permanent People’s Tribunal (PPT), which will be holding its final session in Malaysia later in the year, also heard strong condemnations and criticisms from leaders of the minority groups living in exile in the United Kingdom levelled at Aung San Suu Kyi, leader of the National League for Democracy (NLD).

At the forefront of the first-ever tribunal on Myanmar, held at Queen Mary University, was a legal team from Malaysia, which had presented its case to a panel of judges, based on in-depth interviews with 100 refugees who had personally experienced and were eyewitnesses to events surrounding the violence committed in the country in 2012 and later.

The Malaysian Centhra legal team consisted of lawyer activists Azril Mohd Amin, Rosal Azimin Ahmad,
 Dir Kheizwan Kamaruddin, Rafna Farin Abdul Ra’far and Luqman Mazlan as well as Abdullah Abdul Hamid, a fellow of Centhra. The prosecution team was represented by Fahmi Abd Moin.

After watching and hearing the harrowing and often heartbreaking accounts of the eyewitnesses who had fled to Bangladesh and Malaysia, as well as hearing eyewitness accounts from Myanmar bloggers and expert witnesses, the panel of judges in their closing remarks said that they were convinced by the evidence presented that “the charges of serious crimes demand adjudication by the PPT”.

Dr Helen Jarvis, formerly of the Khmer Rouge Tribunal, and one of three judges at the tribunal, had focused on three areas of discussion: identity framing, escalation in fighting against the Kachin, and genocide and crimes against humanity against the Rohingya group from the Dragon King Operation in 1978, the renewed violence which escalated in 2012 and “the extreme collective punishment of the entire group since Oct 9, 2016”.

“As a result of these policies and practices, the Rohingya population in Myanmar has been halved in less than 40 years,” said Jarvis.

She added that from all the accounts provided at the tribunal, it was clear that the military was continuing and even escalating its repressive role, despite the change to a supposedly democratic and civilian government of which so many people, including the Kachin and the Rohingya, had high expectations.

“The tribunal was exposed in considerable detail to the systematic violation of human rights; killing, including slaughtering of babies and children, enforced disappearances, rape, forced labour, destruction of homes and denial of basic rights to food, livelihood, health services, education and citizenship,” she added.

Another tribunal judge, Denis Halliday, former assistant secretary of the United Nations and winner of Gandhi International Peace Award in 2003, who raised the issue of “complicity” of world powers, particularly western nations and the UN Security Council in abetting Myanmar’s crimes against the Rohingya and Kachin, said he hoped that Asean would be able to intervene and stop the horrendous situation.

He said Malaysia, which had invited Myanmar into Asean, should play an instrumental role.

“Malaysia has a special relationship (with Myanmar), you’ve got Indonesia, you’ve got this huge Muslim community in Asean, so you should be able to put pressure and encourage Myanmar to change their policy. That’s what I would hope.

“The UN has failed hopelessly because the member states of the Security Council, the ones with the power, the five veto countries, are not interested in solving the problems. They are interested in exploiting the resources, human and otherwise, of Myanmar,” said Halliday.

He added that Malaysia needed the courage to stand up and take it to the UN, Asean and the Security Council, and “make it 

so uncomfortable for Myanmar that they will decide to change their policy and accept the Rohingya”.

Burmese scholar and Tribunal expert witness Dr Maung Zarni, who was seated near Suu Kyi at an event during her visit to London in 2012, recounted his experience listening to her lecture at the London School of Economics. He accused Suu Kyi of being the guilty party in the Rohingya genocide.

“On Rohingya, Suu Kyi had asked the United States ambassador, at the time, to not use the word Rohingya, because that was, in her language, emotive, that would add fuel to the flame, despite the fact that there was a mountain of official evidence coming from the Defence Ministry that the Rohingya were once officially recognised as an ethnic community,” said Zarni.

Tun Khin, Burmese Rohingya Organisation UK president, said the Rohingya, together with other ethnic communities, supported her during her 16-year house arrest. Now, she does not even recognise the existence of the Rohingya.

Speaking at the end of the session, Rosal Azimin said of the forthcoming tribunal in Kuala Lumpur: “Being one of the Asean countries, I think this would be great for Malaysia, since we are the one who’s been outspoken about the Rohingya and Kuala Lumpur will be a good place to have this judgment. This tribunal is indeed a historic event for us, and we hope to move forward and put an end to these atrocities and crimes against the Rohingya.

The Malaysian legal team has a huge task ahead as more fresh evidence needs to be collected to be presented at the final tribunal in Kuala Lumpur.

Understanding Myanmar Military and Its Strategic Paradigm - Dr. Maung Zarni

By Stephanie Nebehay 

Reuters

March 9, 2017

GENEVA -- Myanmar looks set to escape an international investigation into alleged atrocities against its Rohingya minority, after the European Union decided not to seek one at the U.N. Human Rights Council, a draft resolution seen by Reuters showed on Wednesday.

The United Nations said in a report last month that the army and police had committed mass killings and gang rapes of Rohingya Muslims in northern Rakhine state and burned villages in a campaign that may amount to crimes against humanity and ethnic cleansing.

Setting up a full international commission of inquiry into the findings - similar to those for Syria and North Korea - has been seen as a test of international resolve at the main annual session of the Council that ends on March 24.

The draft resolution from the EU suggests it may fail that test. The European Union, which has historically taken the lead on issues relating to Myanmar on the Council, takes note of "the very serious nature of the allegations" and "current investigations conducted at the domestic level".

But it stops short of the probe sought by U.N. High Commissioner for Human Rights Zeid Ra'ad al-Hussein.

Zeid, in a renewed appeal on Wednesday, told the Council that the severe violations follow "longstanding persecution" of the stateless Rohingya minority in majority-Buddhist Myanmar and warranted a review by the International Criminal Court.

"I therefore urge the Council, at minimum, to establish a Commission of Inquiry into the violence against the Rohingya, particularly during security operations since 9 October 2016," he said.

Some 70,000 people have fled Rakhine state to Bangladesh since Myanmar's military began a security operation last October in response to what it says was an attack by Rohingya insurgents on border posts in which nine police officers were killed.

The EU draft calls for the U.N. special rapporteur on Myanmar, Yanghee Lee, backed by Zeid's office, to investigate "allegations of gross human rights violations by military and security forces" and try to "ensure full accountability for perpetrators".

EU diplomats told a meeting on Tuesday that they preferred using an existing mechanism that had received good cooperation and access from Myanmar's government, rather than a new approach, and to give more time to the domestic process.

But human rights monitors have voiced serious doubts that several investigative commissions set up by the Aung San Suu Kyi government and its security forces had the tools and independence needed for an impartial probe.

Activists said that security forces continued to carry out serious crimes demanding an international probe.

"Our research indicates that it (the abuse) is systematic, and the idea that the government could or would be able to participate in a proper investigation of what is going on simply isn't realistic," said Louis Charbonneau of Human Rights Watch.

"An investigation needs to be independent, credible and international."

(Additional reporting by Antoni Slodkowski in Yangon; Editing by Tom Miles and Hugh Lawson)

A human rights activist and genocide scholar from Burma Dr. Maung Zarni visits Auschwitz-Birkenau Nazi Extermination Camp and calls on European governments - Britain, France, Sweden, Norway, Italy, Denmark, Hungary and Germany not to collaborate with the Evil - like they did with Hitler 75 years ago.

Tin Tin Aye grieves after the assassination of her husband, the Muslim lawyer Ko Ni, in January. Hundreds of Rohingya Muslims have been killed in Myanmar in recent years. PHOTOGRAPH BY PAING AUNG / AFP / GETTY

By Hannah Beech

The New Yorker

March 8, 2017

Whenever I met with Ko Ni, whether seated in his office, with its flickering electricity and precarious piles of law books, or sipping tea in the moldering headquarters of Myanmar’s then-opposition political party, the image that came to mind was that of Atticus Finch—though an Atticus wearing a Burmese sarong. With his salt-and-pepper hair and upright bearing, Ko Ni was the consummate honorable lawyer. He persevered for decades as one of Myanmar’s top constitutional experts despite living under the rule of a military junta with little respect for judicial process. Every day, he woke up and prepared to throw himself, pro bono, into hopeless cases. One day in his office, I saw a stack of papers at the foot of his desk. On top was a copy of the Bulgarian Constitution. You never know, he said, when knowledge of such a document might prove useful.

On January 29th, Ko Ni, sixty-three years old, was assassinated at the airport in Yangon, Myanmar’s largest city. He had just returned from a democracy conference in Indonesia and was waiting for a taxi curbside, while holding his young grandson, when a gunman in sandals sauntered up and pumped a bullet into Ko Ni’s head at close range. Nay Win, a taxi driver who tried to chase down the assassin, was also shot to death. (Ko Ni’s grandson, who had come with relatives to greet his grandfather, tumbled out of the lawyer’s arms but was unhurt.)

As a senior legal adviser to the National League for Democracy, or N.L.D., which is the party of Aung San Suu Kyi, the Nobel Prize laureate and advocate for democracy, Ko Ni certainly had enemies. He had called for amending, or even rewriting, Myanmar’s Constitution, to reduce the power of the military that had drafted it in the first place. He was also a Muslim, a faith that makes up less than five per cent of the population in Myanmar, a predominantly Buddhist nation. Being a Muslim in Myanmar has proved perilous in recent years, particularly in the country’s far western Rakhine state, where hundreds of Rohingya, a Muslim ethnicity largely stripped of citizenship, have been killed, and hundreds of thousands more displaced. A February report by the United Nations accused Burmese security forces of having unleashed a campaign of mass murder, torture, and rape late last year. On March 2nd, Yanghee Lee, the U.N.’s special rapporteur for human rights, reiterated that pogroms against the Rohingya “may amount to crimes against humanity.” Anti-Muslim violence has also flared outside of Rakhine, in places where Burmese of various faiths had long lived in harmony.

Ko Ni had received death threats from Burmese ultranationalists, who equate protecting Buddhism—and therefore denigrating Islam—with their patriotic duty. A statement from the Myanmar President’s Office identified the lawyer’s assassin as Kyi Lin, a former prisoner who was allegedly paid less than six thousand dollars by three former military officers to carry out the murder. On February 25th, Myanmar’s home-affairs minister, Lieutenant General Kyaw Swe, blamed “extreme patriotism” for motivating the purported conspirators, although he bristled at a suggestion that a perversion of faith, as preached by nationalist monks, might have played a hand in Ko Ni’s death. “How can we say the monks killed him?” Kyaw Swe said, according to the Irrawaddy, a Burmese news site. “Our Buddhism never encourages killing.”

Among his accomplishments, Ko Ni helped devise a path to power for Suu Kyi, whose party won the election in 2015 that ushered in Myanmar’s quasi-civilian rule. The country is bound by a constitution, designed by the military, that bars the N.L.D.’s Suu Kyi from the Presidency. (A clause, seemingly written just for her, forbids anyone with foreign spouses or children from the post; Suu Kyi’s sons, like her late husband, are British.) It was Ko Ni’s legal ingenuity that helped the N.L.D. devise a new position of State Counsellor for Suu Kyi, through which she would, according to her own words, hover, deity-like, “above the President.” Myanmar’s President, Htin Kyaw, is a loyal N.L.D. stalwart, but there is no doubt that the country’s State Counsellor, who also holds the titles of Foreign Minister and Minister for the President’s Office, runs the nation.

Despite Ko Ni’s decades supporting Myanmar’s democracy movement, Suu Kyi, who spent fifteen years under house arrest under the generals’ orders, did not speak out—in shock, sadness, or even acknowledgement—in the days after his assassination. Nor did she attend his funeral, which drew thousands of Burmese of all religions. Her silence echoed her reticence on the plight of the Rohingya, who, since a military offensive began in October, have fled over the border to Bangladesh by the tens of thousands. That the Rohingya consider the impoverished neighbor to be a refuge reflects a measure of their misery.

The military rulers, who took power in a coup in 1962, justified their brutal regime by exploiting ethnic differences. They promised to crush ethnic rebel armies proliferating in Myanmar’s borderlands, and vowed to return Burma, as the country was once known, to its Burman, or Bamar, roots. The colonial British adopted open immigration policies—Bengalis, Sikhs, Tamils, Gujaratis, and Punjabis flooded in—which made the Bamar a minority in Yangon, their onetime capital. As the junta’s xenophobia deepened, droves of Muslims, along with others of long-ago foreign extraction, left. Islamophobia now festers.

During the 2015 elections, the N.L.D. failed to field a single Muslim candidate. It was not for lack of choice. Muslims in Myanmar, many of whom migrated during the days of the British Raj, have long played a prominent role in business, medicine, law, and the civil service. Yet today, for the first time since the country’s independence from the British in 1948, Myanmar’s parliament has no Muslim members. In 2014, the N.L.D. cancelled a speech that Ko Ni was scheduled to deliver, after protests by Buddhist nationalists. “The N.L.D. doesn’t want to be accused of being friends of Muslims,” Kin Maung Cho, a Muslim lawyer and former political prisoner, told me on the eve of the 2015 elections. (He ran as part of a Muslim party but, like all others in his group, lost.)

The N.L.D.’s decision to exclude Muslims has been explained as political expediency. Myanmar’s military still controls powerful ministries, along with a quarter of parliamentary seats, so Suu Kyi lacks complete political authority. “She dares not say anything against the military,” Khin Maung Cho wrote to me in an e-mail on March 6th. It was nearly a month after Ko Ni’s killing before Suu Kyi finally broke her silence. At a memorial service held by her political party on February 26th, in Yangon, she called his death “a great loss for our N.L.D.” The slain taxi driver, Nay Win, and Ko Ni, she proclaimed, were “martyrs.” The same day, Wirathu, an ultranationalist monk who has referred to Muslims as “dogs” (and who told me, in 2013, that Barack Obama was “tainted by black Muslim blood”), posted on Facebook his gratitude to the suspects in Ko Ni’s assassination. “At this time, I feel relief for the future of Buddhism in my country,” he wrote, according to a translation by the Irrawaddy.

On March 3rd, I spoke by phone with Wai Wai Nu, a Rohingya lawyer in Yangon who was arrested when she was eighteen years old and spent seven years in jail. Her entire nuclear family cycled through prison for their political activism, including her father, who had been elected to parliament in Rakhine in elections in 1990 that were never honored by the junta. (Most Rohingya were disenfranchised in the polls in 2015.) Prison in Myanmar is about as bleak as prison gets, but upon her release in 2012 Wai Wai Nu consistently spoke out, even as some other political activists, including Bamar ones, ended up behind bars. “Daw Aung San Suu Kyi needs to speak for all the people of Burma who are vulnerable,” she told me. “Then U Ko Ni will be happy. Then I will be happy.” (“Daw” is a female honorific, “U” a male one.) In recent days, Wai Wai Nu has begun limiting her public activities in Yangon. Death threats have appeared by e-mail. Given what happened to Ko Ni, prudence seems warranted. “Hopefully,” Wai Wai Nu said over the crackly phone line, “everything will be O.K.”