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By Dr. Maung Zarni
July 6, 2014

8 concrete actions Myanmar Government need take to address anti-Muslim violence and racism if it is serious about addressing the rise in anti-Muslim violence and genocidal racism in the country 

1) arrest immediately "the Face of Buddhist Terror", ulra-racist fake monk Wirathu, defrock him and lock him up until after 2015 and banned from entering any monastery premises; 

2) fire, true and lock up ex-colonel Ye Htut and ex-Major Zaw Htay, two president spokesmen using their official capacity to promote anti-Muslim misinformation and hate speech; 

3) disband 969 and 'Defence of Buddhism and Bama Race League' and declare them a threat to social harmony; 

4) drop the anti-religious conversion bill, drafted under President Nwa Thein Sein's order and sponsored by the ruling military party headed by Thakhoe Shwe Mann; 

5) arrest the ruling party Finance Committee chairman Aung Thaung, who patronizes anti-Muslim thuggish group known as Taung Tha Army, named after his birthplace in upper Burma; 

6) confiscate any businesses own by cronies who patronize and finance anti-Muslim violence campaign; 

7) crack down on Burmese private media outlets that print and promote manufactured anti-Muslim stories; and 

8) arrest Nay Myo Wai, crude and thuggish Chairman of Diversity and Democracy Party on charges of openly promoting hate speech and inciting the murder of the country's opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi (Nay Myo Wai has openly called for the destruction of all mosques in Myanmar, illegalization of Islam and the murder of Aung San Suu Kyi).

By Dr. Maung Zarni
July 6, 2014

Myanmar Government-backed 969 - now "Defence of Buddhism and Race League" - manufactured "Buddhist-woman-raped-by-a-Muslim" story to incite religious violence in Mandalay

"I am not ashamed of having been raped by a fellow Bama and Justice Department staff, but I am ashamed that monks and other (anti-Muslim) groups are distorting and using my rape story to create religious conflicts in my hometown of Mandalay."

Ma Hae Mar Kyaw (17), a Mandalay rape victim, Press Conference in Mandalay, 3 July 2014.

The gist of the story according to this news report about her press conference:

Back in 2013, her older brother was approached by some elements to sell drugs. When her brother refused to cooperate they went ahead and farmed him with possession of illegal drug charges for which the brother was arrested. She and her family began attending his court hearings in Mandalay and became well acquainted with one court staff named Mr Tin Maung Win, Myanmar Government staff with Justice Department, Home Affairs Ministry.

(Earlier this year), the court official offered her and her family to help with the brother's case, and asked Ma Hae Mar Kyaw to come to Pyin Oo Lwin (forrmely May Myo famous colonial hill station 42 miles from Mandalay) a few months ago (this year) where she was promised a meeting with a judge important for her brother's case.

At a teashop, Tin Maung Win spiked her CocaCola, took her to a nearby Pearl Guest House and subsequently raped this young woman.

The rape victim explained that on 19 May 2014 the doctor who conducted pregnancy test informed her that she is pregnant and she tried to communicate with the above-named rapist, who refused to discuss the matter.

Subsequently, she and her family reported him to the local police. But the Court officials under whose supervision the rapist works refused to issue any arrest warrant which the police needed to take legal actions.

Then she and her family got in touch with social activist networks to go to public with her story. It was at this point 969 monks and other anti-Muslim agitators got involve: they manufactured this 'a Muslim man raped a Buddhist story' and used this lie to incite anti-Muslim communal violence.




Arakan Rohingya Union Condemns the Buddhist Hate Speech, and Violence and Senseless Killings of Muslims in Mandalay, Myanmar

July 5, 2014

Arakan Rohingya Union denounces, in the strongest terms, the senseless violence against Muslim minority and destruction of their properties and places of worship in Mandalay by the radical Buddhist mobs. Rohingya people throughout the world mourn the death of U Soe Min and share the deepest sorrow with the family of U Soe Min and with those who received injuries and trauma as a result of the attacks by the Buddhist mobs. 

The preplanned attacks on Muslims in Mandalay followed the pattern of violence elsewhere in the country in the past. The radical Buddhist Monk Wirathu, based in Mandalay, reportedly vowed in his sermon to mark the beginning of the Muslim Holy month of Ramadan with “a message for the Muslims”. Precisely, as the Ramadan begins, the spread of the rumor through social media that “A Buddhist woman was raped by a Muslim shopkeeper; Muslims are armed to teeth to wage Jihad against Buddhists…” was circulated. Devising allegation of “rape”, hate speech, and inflammatory messages through social media are the major tools used by Buddhist extremists to trigger violence against Muslims in Myanmar. 

Arakan Rohingya Union appeals the Government of the United States and the international community to demand: 
  • The Government of Myanmar to bring the perpetrators of the crimes against the Muslim minority in Myanmar to justice.
  • To launch a thorough, transparent, and impartial investigation to the direct or indirect involvement by the police in the violence in Mandalay, and bring charges against those officers who are responsible for aiding/guarding the mobs. 
  • For immediate release of the Muslim shopkeeper who was reportedly arrested on false allegations devised by Monk Wirathu. 
  • To strictly enforce the law of the land and the present curfew equally to all the communities, regardless of race, ethnicity, and religion, and bring charges against the roaming Buddhist mobs of motorcyclists and vandals for inciting and spreading violence in Mandalay. 
  • Call on the Government of Myanmar to abandon its usual rhetoric aiming at temporarily appeasing international community, and to make genuine commitment to solving the communal and ethnic issues with transparency, honesty, and integrity.

(Photo: Reuters)

By Imam Khalid Latif
July 5, 2014

I work as a University Chaplain for New York University and Executive Director of its Islamic Center. Throughout the month of Ramadan, we host iftar dinners for people to break their fasts every week night that are open to the community. We usually get between 200 and 300 people on average. A couple of hours before iftar time, a team of volunteers helps ensure that everything runs smoothly from start to finish. They pour water into cups, cut fresh fruits and vegetables, pass out dates, serve food to all the guests, and at times even forgo meals for themselves so that people will have more to eat. They are an amazing group that I am so grateful for.

One of our regular volunteers this year is a woman named Rahmat. She started coming to the IC this year and early on had asked if her mother could help volunteer as well. Her mother doesn't speak English and Rahmat was concerned this might be problem, but we assured her it would be fine.

The other day prior to iftar, I was told that Rahmat wanted to speak with me and she gave me the unfortunate news that her father had passed away unexpectedly. His name was Mohammed Amin and she wanted to know if I could say a special prayer for him and ask the community to pray for him as well. She said she was trying so hard to bring him to live with her and first wanted to bring her mother given the situation there. I inquired, "Where?" She replied through tears, "Burma."

The Rohingya, Ethnic Burmese Muslims, are one of the most persecuted minority groups in the world today. Riots and mob violence carried out by the Buddhist majority have been a regular occurrence, homes and stores looted and destroyed, lives lost, and much suffering sustained. Rahmat discussed some of what she had seen and her only family and friends experienced in Burma. She brought up the Qur'an and how many Muslim communities around the world will bring a haafiz, someone who has memorized the Qur'an in its entirety, to lead them in prayer each night in hopes of completing a reading of the entire scripture before the month's end. She said in her local community, there were 14 people who had memorized the Qur'an and 12 of them had been burned alive. The pain and persecution in her voice was overshadowed only by a hopelessness of being forgotten. Her people's conflict is not really paid attention to on a global stage, despite the severity and longevity of it.

I wonder at times why we are more prone to being informed of certain conflicts rather than all conflicts. On a governmental level, the common conclusion would be that intervention only takes place where our own interests are served. I would agree with that and pray that the world gives birth to leaders whose primary concern is the welfare of people rather than simply those of the elite. But my wonder here is more so around an absence of voices and understanding of people in general. Aside from the fact that most of us probably don't know where Burma is on a map, how come it doesn't find a place in our hearts? The question is not meant to inculcate guilt, but reflection. Do we just not know or is that we don't care to know?

Nicholas Kristof gives a look into what he calls "21st Century Concentration Camps" in a video op-ed for the NY Times in which he shows the harsh conditions Muslims in Burma are forced to live in by the government. "These people are completely shut off from the entire world." When he visits a state spokesman to speak about what he has seen, he is told, "The first thing I want to say is when you are in our state, don't use the word Rohingya. There is no such thing as the Rohingya Ethnicity in our country."

There are actually more than 800,000 Rohingya in his country and of them, close to 149,000 have become internally displaced in their home country since 2012. For those who have never experienced "internal-displacement" it's important to really understand was it means. IDP populations are essentially evicted from their homes by force in mass number. Cities within their own country will not welcome them in and they are forced to live in unsettled lands on their own. I have personally visited internally displaced populations in Sri Lanka made up of Muslims that were evicted from their homes on two separate occasions by the Tamil Tigers while they were in power. These people, similar to the Rohingya, are without infrastructure of any kind. They have little to no food, virtually no medicine that resulted in children dying of illnesses that could easily be cured with simple vaccinations, no sewage systems, no places for real education, and much more.

Rahmat's request of me was to pray for her father, Mohammed Amin, and for her people, the Rohingya. Whatever walk of life you come from, please do keep them in your thoughts and prayers. For those who are fasting, encourage your community leaders, imams, khateebs and others to pray for the Rohingya with the community at large, especially in the blessed nights of Ramadan, and try to contribute to them whatever you are able to.

Imam Khalid Latif is blogging his reflections during the month of Ramadan for the fourth year in a row, featured daily on HuffPost Religion. For a complete record of his previous posts, visit his author page, and to follow along with the rest of his reflections, sign up for an author email alert above, visit his Facebook page or follow him on Twitter.

(Photo: IRIN)

By OMCT
July 5, 2014

Bangkok-Geneva-Paris-Rangoon -- The Burmese Government must end the prosecution of Rohingya human rights defender Kyaw Hla Aung and immediately release him, the Observatory for the Protection of Human Rights Defenders, an FIDH-OMCT joint programme, and the Alternative ASEAN Network on Burma (ALTSEAN-Burma) said today.

On July 7, 2014, Kyaw Hla Aung, a prominent human rights lawyer, will appear before the Sittwe District Court to face various charges, including “rioting and being armed with deadly weapons “(Article 148 of the Criminal Code) and “injuring a civil servant, interfering with his official duties” (Article 333 of the Criminal Code).

The ongoing detention of Kyaw Hla Aung is symptomatic of the Burmese Government’s relentless persecution of Rohingya and its misguided policies in Arakan State”, said FIDH President Karim Lahidji. “Kyaw Hla Aung is a moderate and well-respected member of the Rohingya community. Instead of keeping him behind bars, the Burmese Government should release him and work with him to promote dialogue between Buddhist and Muslim communities, including Rohingya, in Arakan State”, he added.

On July 15, 2013, authorities in Sittwe Township, Arakan State, arrested Kyaw Hla Aung in connection with Rohingya internally displaced person (IDP) protests against attempts by the Government to register them as ‘Bengali’ in April 2013. Clashes between Rohingya IDPs and immigration officials during the protests at Thetkalpyin IDP camp in Sittwe Township forced the authorities to suspend the registration process. However, Kyaw Hla Aung was not present during the protests and, in fact, had tried to contact camp leaders in order to advise them to keep the protests peaceful.

The arrest and persecution of Kyaw Hla Aung has all appearances of a reprisal seeking to quell protest by the Rohingya. The level of violations remains disquieting. Any way forward must respect an absolute baseline consensus that those who defend the rights of others, including minority populations, need to be protected”, said OMCT Secretary General Gerald Staberock.

Former United Nations Special Rapporteur on Human Rights in Burma Tomás Ojea Quintana, who repeatedly called for Kyaw Hla Aung’s release, described him as a prisoner of conscience and said his detention was arbitrary. Kyaw Hla Aung suffers from hypertension and stomach problems that require regular medication.

In 1986, Kyaw Hla Aung was imprisoned for two years for writing an appeal to the authorities on behalf of local farmers whose land had been confiscated. In 1990, he was arrested during a crackdown on Rohingya activists and spent the next 10 years in jail. In June 2012, Government authorities detained him, along with several other Rohingya aid workers, for his alleged involvement in the sectarian unrest that hit Arakan State. He was released in August 2012.

For more information, please contact:
· FIDH: Arthur Manet: +33 1 43 55 25 18
· OMCT: Delphine Reculeau: +41 22 809 49 39



Aman Ullah
RB Article
July 5, 2014

“How can people be treated in such a way — hunted down, homes torched, beaten and killed — in the name of a warped sense of nationalism? Do the perpetrators not know that we are from the same human family?” …………. Dr. Desmond Tutu

Arakan, which is long famous to Dutch, Portuguese and British traders as a land of economic opportunity, is now one of the poorest states in the country. UNDP figures showed that in 2010, 43.5% of Arakan State’s inhabitants lived below the poverty line. This was increase of more than 5% since 2005, and placed Arakan behind Chin State as the poorest state. Out the total of 14 Burmese states, Arakan is the “worst,” according to several developments. 

Many multi-billion dollar “development” projects have inflicted unprecedented suffering on civilians in Arakan State in recent years. These projects include the Sittway-Rangoon Highway, the Sittway-Ann-Minbu Railway, the Kaladan Multi-Modal Transit Transport Facility, the Shwe Gas Project, and numerous hydropower dams.

These projects destroy both the natural environment and damage the integrity of archaeological and cultural sites. Even though there is gas, oil and hydropower in Arakan, residents only have four hours of electricity per day, and then only in the towns; this is Burma’s area with the least access to electricity. 

Increasingly democratic politics have polarized ethnic relations in Rakhine State. The Rakhine National Development Party (RNDP) builds its core support from strong ethnic association with Rakhine Buddhists, confronting the military dominated central government. Ideologically, a strong assertion of ethnic identity demonstrates their status as the key body representing an exclusive Rakhine Buddhist territory. RNDP leaders position themselves to act as intermediaries between the state and citizens. Anti-Muslim sentiment and forced relocation of Muslim communities suit their political agenda.

Burma began its political transition from authoritarianism to democracy in 2011 and anti-Rohingya campaign began to intensify in November in the same year. Since then the nationalists have mobilized Buddhist Burmans for their campaign against the Rohingya by presenting Arakan state as the western gate of Buddhist Burma against 'flooding' Muslims from Bangladesh. A radical Buddhist groups have characterized the Muslims as “a most dangerous and fearful poison that is severe enough to eradicate all civilization.” Citing Adolf Hitler, a Rakhine political party has said that crimes against humanity, even the Holocaust, are justified “in defense of national sovereignty” and “survival of a race.”

Historically, Rakhine were antagonistic to Burmans for 'destroying' the Rakhine kingdom in the 18th century despite the fact that the majority of both groups were Theravada Buddhists. But now Buddhism became the common ground for fostering an alliance between the Rakhine and Burmans. Discourses of anti-Rohingyas came to be made in term of safe-guarding -- amyo, barthar, thartana — race/nation and religion. Religion refers exclusively to Buddhism. Thus, differences and historical antagonism between Rakhines and Burmans have temporarily faded into a common "Buddhist Burmese" identity vis-à-vis the Rohingya. This merger is obvious as the Burmese government as well as senior opposition leaders from Aung San Suu Kyi's party including Tin Oo, Nyan Win and Win Tin jumped on the bandwagon to speak out against the Rohingyas. Well-known celebrities, scholars and well-respected writers agreed.

Over the past two years, Muslim communities across Burma have suffered horrific violence, whipped up by hate speech preached by extremist Buddhist nationalists. Every aspect of their lives, including marriage, childbirth and ability to work, is severely restricted. Their right to identity and citizenship is officially denied. They have been systematically uprooted, with 200,000 held in internal displacement camps and unknown thousands have taken to sea as refugees. The UNHCR estimates that more than 86,000 people have left the area by boat from the Bay of Bengal since June 2012. The government even denies humanitarian agencies unfettered access in their internal displacement camps. Their homes, businesses, and mosques have been destroyed. Amid the destruction, many Rohingyas have been unfairly imprisoned, with some tortured to death while behind bars. 

The immediate cause of the violence can be traced to a series of violent incidents, beginning with rape and murder of an ethnic Arakan Buddhist woman, in Yanbye in southern Arakan State.

Ma Thi Da Htwe, a 26 year old Rakhine Buddhist woman, was the daughter of U Hla Tin and Daw Ma Mya of Tha Pri Chaung village of Kyauk Ni Maw Village Tract in Yanbe Township. She was disappeared on her way to her home from Kyauk Ni Maw at 5 pm on 28 June. She was found dead, with some marks of having met with a violent attack, at 9 am on 29 June on a bank of a dam between Kyauk Taran Village and Tha Pri Chaung village. Her body was brought to the hospital by the police on that day. After examining the body the doctor confirmed that she had been raped and killed by someone. An elderly man of the that village told that he had seen Htat Htat, Rafi and Lu Yu near the area of the occurrence in the evening of 28 June. All the three are hailed from Tha Pri Chaung village and are Muslims. They are Kaman Muslim not Rohingya. The police arrested them on 30 June and sent them to the Kyauk Pyu Jail. The Kyauk Pyu district court sentenced to Rafi (18) and Lu Yu (21) to death on 18 June. According to the government press, Htat Htat took his own life on 9 June.

A few days after the murder, photographs of the victim were circulated on Facebook. In early June, shots of three men named and identified as the perpetrators of the gang rape were also published. Subsequently, these photos were widely shared on the social network before being published by a Burmese media organization.

From the start, however, the details of the religious and ethnic backgrounds of the victim and the perpetrators have influenced the way this tragic incident has been viewed, with the media highlighting the fact that the victim was a Buddhist Rakhine and the alleged perpetrators were Rohingya Muslims. This has had the effect of heightening ethnic tension, turning the Internet into a virtual battleground. 

In this tense atmosphere, a bus carrying 10 passengers identified as Rohingyas (they are Burmese Muslim, not Rohingyas) was stopped by an angry crowd in the town of Taungup on 3 June. The occupants were killed and two days later photos of their bodies were circulated in the public media. 

The incident triggered an outbreak of violence. Clashes and vandalism spread throughout the state, including the capital Sittwe. More than 50 people were killed and more than 2,500 houses and religious buildings were set on fire, and more than 30,000 people were forced to flee their homes. 

While it is unlikely that a crisis of this kind could have been premeditated, several contradictions and unanswered questions require a thorough investigation into the events that triggered the conflict and the roles played by various community organizations and the Burmese military and government.

How the photo of Ma Thida Htwe’s lifeless body ended up online is unclear. Some say a person close to the president posted it on the Facebook page and then removed it after it began to circulate. Similarly, the photos of the three rape suspects were also circulated very quickly online. Without help from any quarter how the general public could have such rapid access to such sensitive information. The three suspects were arrested on 30 May, just two days after the rape. Their arrest contradicts claims that the mob that lynched the 10 “Rohingyas” in Taungup on 3 June, five days after the rape, thought they were the rapists. 

‘Every accused of a crime is assumed innocent until proven guilty in a court of law and has the right to a fair trial, even if they cannot afford to hire their own attorney. The criminal justice system is there to protect the innocent and seek the truth’ it is a standard norm of the judicial system.

Now in this case, Ma Thida Htwe was found dead near her village on the morning of 29 May 2012 and assumed that she had been raped and killed by someone. There was no eye witness or no creditable circumstances evident available at that moment. The nature and time of the occurrence were also not so clear. Only an elderly gentle man of that village suspected to the three persons because he had seen Htat Htat, Rafi and Lu Yu near the spot on the evening of 28, not at the spot. They may be or may not be, it was not only suspect. It was a doubt. Everybody knows about who is the beneficiary of the doubt according to law. As far as the doctor’s report is concerned, how far confirmation of a doctor, from a village health clinic, has such qualification to prove beyond a reasonable doubt that the suspect kill or rape the victim! Did he have expertise or special knowledge of such serious crime? The doctor must be a person who is a specialist in a subject, often technical, who may present his/her expert opinion without having been a witness to any occurrence relating to the lawsuit or criminal case. 

The three suspects were arrested on 30 May and the District court sentenced the two of three suspects to death on 18 June—that is only within 19 days (14 working days). 

A crime is committed, it is reported, an investigation conducted and an arrest made (these may all occur in rapid sequence if the offense is committed in the presence of a law enforcement officer). 

This case was not like that. No one know about what, how, when and why happened and who has committed. There was no single eye witness. No credible circumstance evident. Only one can assume that ought to be. These points ought to be carefully examined, in order to form a correct opinion. The first question ought to be, is the fact possible? If so, are there any circumstances which render it impossible? If the facts are impossible, the witness ought not to be credited.

According to the government press, Htat Htat took his life on 9 June. How did they believe that only a press statement is sufficient for relieving from a burden of responsibility? Where did their responsibility and accountability go to? His death body was not handed over to his close relatives. If he took his life by himself, why his body did not handed over to his family? How can he take his life in the jail so easily who was main accused of the case? Who is responsible for this, the police or the jail authority or the court or the government or any other else? 

Rafi and Lu yu were sentenced to death by the Kyauk Pyu District Court on 18 June within 20 days of their arrest. How the court can pass a judgment of a murder case within 20 days (14 working days) while there is no provision of speedy trial in the Burmese judicial system? How the judge can give a fair justice to them within a very short time? Did they get the right of justice in according article 21. (a) of the existing constitution of Burma, 2008? Did they get the right of defence and the right of appeal under law, which is a constitutional right of a citizen according to article 19. (c) of the existing constitution of Burma, 2008? If, in eyes of the court, they are not citizens of this country, why the court did not prove whether they are citizen or not before bringing them to trial for murder and rape cases? In a criminal trial there are many stages to do, such as, arrest, booking, arraignment, bail or detention, preliminary hearing, pre-trial motion, trail, sentencing, appeal etc... Was the court able to follow all the procedures of trail according to law at this short time? 

The killing of 10 Muslims at Taoungop was not an isolated incident. It was well- planned and coordinated attack. The top leaders of particular Raknine political party visited before and after the incident. Several gatherings and meetings were held by them with local people. The case of rape and killing was widely discussed and pamphlets were circulated. It was direct results of these activities.

In a broad day light, a large group of Arakan villagers in Toungop town, in the presence of police and army personnel and a bus load of passengers had beaten ten of the passengers to death. The authorities of that township neither tried to intervene nor to give protection, only the action they have done was collection of dead bodies.

At the time of the attack on the bus, three Muslim men suspected of involvement in the rape and killing were in the custody of authorities in Kyauk Pyu, near Yanbe. The three were found guilty of the offenses. One suspect reportedly committed suicide in prison, while the other two were sentenced to death on June 18. In contrast, there have been no convictions in connection with the killing of the 10 Muslims in Toungop, despite hundreds of witnesses to the attack. 

The incident triggered an outbreak of violence, arson, clashes and vandalism spread throughout the state, including the capital Sittwe. Later it’s spread to other parts of Burma. Unspeakable crimes are being carried out against innocent humans: children, women and men by the country’s government and racist extremists.

According to a central leader of Arakan League for Democracy (ALD), a big deal of kick-back was done between the Chinese authority and Aye Maung, the chief of Rakhine Nationalities Development Party (RNDP), chiefly for the Kyauk Pyu Economical Zone. Kyaukpyu is crucial to China's most strategic investment in Burma: twin pipelines that will carry oil and natural gas through the town on the Bay of Bengal to China's energy-hungry western provinces.

Although Aye Maung and his party denied the kick-back but he did not deny their involvement in the Kyauk Pyu arson of October 2012 where more than 811 buildings and houseboats were razed, forcing many Rohingya to flee north by sea toward the state capital, Sittwe, and is a very suitable place for the said Economic Zone.

The Kyauk Phyu Economic Zone is a specially designated area in which foreign companies will construct and operate petrochemical plants and oversee the export of Chinese made products. This Economic Zone will serve as the endpoint for the Yunnan-Arakan railway, and will be the site of new naval facilities and a deep-sea port. It will occupy over 50% of the land in Kyauk Phyu Township.

Special Economic Zones in Burma are governed by the Special Economic Zone Law, which was decreed by the military junta in January 2011 and has been upheld by the current military-dominated government. This law regulates various aspects of the zone, including investor privileges, land use, insurance, bank and finance management, and labor matters.

Since Burma’s reforms have been skewed so that the central government and the USDP hold the upper hand, RNDP politicians feel that they need to fight hard to gain electoral dominance. For instance, the President has the right to select the Chief Minister for each state from members of the state Parliament, including a quota of military appointees as well as elected representatives. The Chief Minister of Rakhine State is a retired colonel who was the lead USDP candidate in the local elections of 2010.

Basic electoral arithmetic suggests that forced removal of Muslims would benefit the RNDP. Increased anti-Muslim sentiment among the wider population decreases the scope for the government to offer voting rights to a greater number of Muslims. Many repeatedly pointed to local RNDP activists as promoters of anti-Muslim violence. 

The party has courted significant controversy over its role in fuelling hostility between Buddhists and Rohingya Muslims in Arakan state, since violence first erupted in June. Their leader Dr Aye Maung has repeatedly emphasized that Rohingyas are “illegal Bengali immigrants” and cannot be accepted in Burma.

The government has threatened legal action against the Rakhine Nationalities Development Party (RNDP) for publishing pictures of the woman whose rape and murder sparked sectarian violence in June, according to a report by the Narinjara news journal.

The Union Election Commission summoned RNDP leaders to Naypidaw on 23 December 2012 and demanded an explanation for the release of a calendar with pictures of Thida Htwe, who was allegedly killed by three Muslims on 28 May in Arakan state, and set off Burma’s worst communal violence in decades.

DVB has reported that, the RNDP, in their newsletter of November 2012 issue, described Muslims as “animals” who disturb the community by making “noises like cows” when they pray. The President’s Office and Ministry of Home Affairs have reportedly demanded formal explanations from the party. 

After the second wave of clashes, state media warned of legal action against organizations and individuals responsible for “instigating” hostility behind the scenes.

Some analysts speculate that the RNDP is exploiting nationalistic fervor to secure broader political support in a region currently dominated by the majority Burma and military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP).

Conflict is still ongoing in Rakhine State. All groups have suffered but the State’s beleaguered Muslim population has been most heavily affected. Deeply entrenched bigoted attitudes have been awakened by recent political changes and the opening of democratic space. Tensions are likely to continue. Neither of the two large mainstream political parties, the military–linked USDP and the opposition NLD, has shown much concern for Muslim victims of communal violence across Burma. In Rakhine State, the locally dominant party that aims to represent the ethnic Rakhine Buddhist constituency, the RNDP, has electoral interests in marginalizing Muslims and in exacerbating tensions.

The Burmese media, especially the domestic journals, also launched a media war by supporting attacks and expulsion of the Rohingya from Arakan state – all in the name of protecting the nation.

The most disturbing statement came from President Thein Sein who announced that the “only solution” was to send Rohingya to other countries or to refugee camps overseen by UNHCR. UNHCR promptly rejected the proposed plan.

All these are a reflection that those who dominate Burma's political and social lives express and engage in political actions based on deeply ingrained nationalist sentiment, however deadly and violent.

(Photo: Facebook)

July 5, 2014

The Islamophobic violence in Burma that erupted with murderous attacks on the country’s Rohingya Muslims has now spread to Mandalay, where Buddhist thugs this week attacked a mosque and a Muslim-owned tea shop.

Two people were killed in the riot in which local Muslims fought back against a crowd led by radical monks. The cause of this latest outrage was exactly the same sort of rumor that triggered the deadly aggression against the Rohingya almost two years ago - the claim that a Buddhist woman had been raped by a Muslim.

This allegation was published on the Facebook page of the leader of the notorious 969 Buddhist extremist group, the monk Ashin Wirathu. The post identified the “rapist” as being the brother of a tea shop owner and encouraged followers to punish the family. Although there have been some reports of the arrest of a Muslim in connection with the alleged rape, these have not been substantiated. The accusation, however, contains echoes of the “rape” allegation of 2013, which was never proved and indeed, at various times, two different Buddhist women apparently claimed to have been the victim in the supposed attack.

But bigots like Wirathu would never let firm facts stand in the way of their evil agitation. It is clear that the 969 leader is intent on expanding his campaign against the Rohingya to all Burmese Muslims of whom some 200,000 live in Mandalay. 

It is time for the Burmese authorities to act against the thugs of this hate-filled movement and their leader, who has styled himself as “the Buddhist Osama Bin Laden”. Officials reported that 600 police were on hand during this week’s bloody riot in Mandalay. Given that this meant that the police presence was double the size of the Buddhist mob, it must be wondered why the violence was not contained from the beginning. The suspicion has to be that, as with the Rohingya, the police were reluctant to interfere, though no evidence has yet appeared that law officers actually joined in the thuggery, as has happened frequently with savagery against the unfortunate Rohingya. 

It remains deeply disturbing that the government of President Thein Sein remains as impassive in the face of extremist Buddhist violence as his fellow generals of the former governing junta did in 2008, when the coastal area of the country was devastated by a catastrophic cyclone. Moreover, the limited protests against the activities of the 969 movement from Nobel Peace Laureate Aung San Suu Kyi are troubling. Supporters say that she has been loathe to condemn the extremists and by extension the government because she does not want to jeopardize a return to full democracy.

But if Burma’s politics really are so fragile - generals still hold the key portfolios of defense, interior and border controls - then why is the international community behaving as if the country’s long-time pariah status is over and as a consequence piling in with substantial investments? This May, Washington effectively admitted that there were still serious problems when it kept in place a limited range of sanctions. 

This, however, is simply not good enough. As long as chauvinistic bullyboys like Ashin Wirathu and his wicked 969 movement are allowed to flourish and pursue their bloody anti-Muslim campaign without penalty, Burma will not have proved that it has really changed for the better and deserves international support.

(Photo: Reuters)

Aman Ullah
RB Article
July 5, 2014

“The pain and loss of losing a loved one is the same for everyone; you don’t feel more or less if you’re a Buddhist or a Muslim or a Christian or a…” Rev. John Iwohara (Venice Buddhist Temple)

The world has grown accustomed to a gentle image of Buddhism defined by the self-effacing words of the Dalai Lama, the global popularity of Buddhist-inspired meditation and postcard-perfect scenes from Southeast Asia and beyond of crimson-robed, barefoot monks receiving alms from villagers at dawn. 

But over the last two years, images of rampaging Burmese Buddhists carrying swords and the abusive sermons of monks like Ashin Wirathu have underlined the rise of extreme Buddhism in Burma — and revealed a darker side of the country’s greater freedoms after decades of military rule. 

Hundreds of Muslims have been killed, dozens of their villages were looted and burned, many have to flee to hastily constructed camps as IDPs, and unknown thousands have taken to sea as refugees. The population of IDP camps is now approaching 200,000, out of an estimated population of 10, 00,000 Muslims in Rakhine state. The UNHCR estimates that more than 86,000 people have left the area by boat from the Bay of Bengal since June 2012.

The current conflict between Buddhists and Muslims began in 2012, when a Buddhist woman in Rakhine was found raped and murdered. Blame fell on the Rohingyas, setting off waves of rioting and mob violence between Buddhists and Rohingyas. 

From June 2012 to July 2013, the violence has left more than 200 people dead and displaced about 150,000 more, mostly Muslims. Violence also has spread to other parts of Burma.

Since then, the Rohingya have been backed into a corner, their lives made so intolerable that tens of thousands have fled by sea, seeking safety and a sense of dignity elsewhere. Surviving the perilous journey to Bangladesh, Thailand or Malaysia is, too often, seen as the only way to finally be free from persecution. 

At the same time, rising Buddhist nationalism has led to the emergence of the National and Religion Safeguarding Association popularly known as (Ma Ba Tha), an institutionalized nationwide movement headed by senior monks, including Wirathu. Ma-Ba-Tha’s extensive network includes chapters at state and township levels across the country.

Like Mabatha, the 969 Movement — named after the nine qualities of Buddha, the six qualities of his teaching and the nine qualities of monastic community — wants to ensure that Burma remains a majority-Burman and majority-Buddhist state. It is led by Wirathu.

Ashin Wirathu denies any role in the riots. But his critics say that at the very least his anti-Muslim preaching is helping to inspire the violence. Wirathu claims the violence in Rakhine was the spark for the most recent violence in Burma's central city of Meiktila, where a dispute in a gold shop quickly spiraled into a looting-and-arson spree. 

Eighty percent of the population of the country consists of Buddhists, and Ashin Wirathu and his "969" movement, has attempted to justify killing of Muslims in the name of defending Buddhism against the encroaching influence of Islam.

Anti-Islamic violence has spread to other areas of the country. March 2013 riots in Meikitla, in central Burma south of Mandalay, left forty-four people dead and thousands of homes consumed by flames. Later, two days of violence between Buddhists and Muslims in Lashio — the largest town in Burma’s Shan state, near the Chinese border — left a mosque, an orphanage, and many shops destroyed by Buddhist-identified mobs roaming the streets on motorcycles.

When the violence in Rakhine became worsened in June and July 2012, President Thein Sein announced that the “only solution” was to send Rohingya to other countries that would accept the estimated 800,000-strong population, or to refugee camps overseen by UNHCR. UNHCR promptly rejected the proposed plan.

On 2nd September 2012, Wirathu led a march of thousands of monks in Mandalay, calling for citizens to support the President's proposal and casting the Rohingya as a threat to the Burmese "Motherland". He also traveled to Meikhtila in the days following the recent violent conflict between Buddhists and Muslims in central Burma. 

In July 2013, the international edition of Time magazine added fuel to the fire with a cover photo of the Wirathu, calling him “The Face of Buddhist Terror.” President Thein Sein’s office released a statement about Wirathu and his fundamentalist 969 movement, saying 969 “is just a symbol of peace” and Wirathu is “a son of Lord Buddha.”

The unmatched social and moral authority enjoyed by Buddhist monks explains the powerful hold of the fiercely-agitating Ma-Ba-Tha and 969 movements.

The origins of the contemporary 969 movement are not entirely clear, but Wirathu has emerged as one of its strongest proponents. The movement imagines 969 as a symbolic counter to the number 786, numerological shorthand for Islam used among some Muslims in Asian countries. 786 has a practical purpose, as Muslim businesses (especially restaurants) display a 786 sticker to indicate to customers that they serve halal food, although it also functions as a more general notification that the business is Muslim-owned. The 969 movement has sought to institute a similar self-identification practice by Buddhist-owned businesses through the distribution of 969 stickers and encouragement of Buddhists to only patronize Buddhist-owned establishments. 

Phra Paisal Visalo, a Buddhist scholar and prominent monk in neighboring Thailand, said, “Myanmar monks are quite isolated and have a thin relationship with Buddhists in other parts of the world”. “One exception is Sri Lanka, another country historically bedeviled by ethnic strife. Burmese monks have been inspired by the assertive political role played by monks from Sri Lanka’s Sinhalese majority”. Obviously it is just like that.

In Sri Lanka, a group of monks formed the Bodu Bala Sena (BBS or the Buddhist Power Force) in May 2012 to “protect” the country’s Sinhala-Buddhist culture. The BBS is believed to be behind the numerous attacks on Muslims and Christians in the country. A month later, tensions between Buddhists and Rohingya Muslims turned violent in Burma, and quickly spread. 

The triggers for both groups' sometimes violent attacks are usually rumors of a Buddhist being raped or murdered by Muslims. Or sometimes a new mosque or church is under construction in a Buddhist majority area with a growing minority presence. From there, fighting often escalates into hours of vandalism and intimidation; in worst cases, the initial spark results in days of arson and mass killing. 

A BBS delegation visited Thailand and Burma early March 2012, to discuss issues related to Muslims as well as to plan a global Buddhist convention where Wirathu was also invited

The BBS general secretary Golagoda Gnanasara Thera and 969 leader Ashin Wirathu both consistently harp on about high Muslim birth rates, regardless of how the children may grow up to behave in their respective communities, leading to what both radical leaders have claimed is causing the slow eradication of Buddhist culture. 

Beginning in April 2012, boycotts of Muslim owned businesses have spread across the nation, and sympathetic lawmakers started introducing legislation sponsored by the movement. More recently, Buddhist shop owners have begun displaying 969 logos in their windows, and some also use their businesses as a place to publically air the speeches of Wirathu and others in the movement. And along the way, Buddhists have committed numerous acts of violence and murder against Muslims, actions that Wirathu and other movement leaders deny supporting, but clearly are an outgrowth of the anti-Muslim atmosphere they have inspired.

In this way, 969 has functioned as a sort of "Buy Buddhist" campaign and its supporters claim that they are merely responding to similarly insular buying practices in Islamic communities. However, some 969 group’s literature and monastic sermons have also directly criticized Islam and spread unsubstantiated rumors about Islamic practices in Burma. 

Burma’s the then minister of religious affairs; Hsan Hsint justified a boycott of Muslim businesses led by monks: “We are now practicing market economics,” he said. “Nobody can stop that. It is up to the consumers.”

Mabatha and the 969 Movement have run a broad anti-Muslim campaign, from organizing economic boycotts against Muslim businesses to, some charge, inciting pogroms. During a visit by a delegation from the Organization of Islamic Cooperation last year, monks marched through Yangon with banners calling Islam “a faith of animals with uncontrollable birthrates.” Other monks have even been accused of instigating killings early 2013 in the town of Meiktila, in central Myanmar, where Buddhist mobs destroyed Muslim neighborhoods, killing at least 44 people, including 20 students and several teachers at an Islamic school.

These extremist monks are proving to be valuable political allies for the ex-military leaders of the pseudo-civilian government. Ashin Wirathu’s camp criticizes the opposition leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi for being too weak in her defense of nationalism and Buddhism. The radical monks oppose amending the current military-drafted Constitution to let Burma nationals with a foreign spouse or children run for the presidency, which would open the way for Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi in the 2015 election. Meanwhile, some monks are pushing to obtain the right to vote, which the Constitution also bans.

According to the article 34 of existing 2008 Constitution of Burma “freely profess and practice religion subject to public order, morality or health,” and as to article 348 “shall not discriminate against any citizen … based on race, birth, religion, official position, status, culture, sex and wealth.”

Universal Declaration of Human Rights, which states that, “[e]veryone has the right to freedom of thought, conscience and religion; this right includes freedom to change his religion or belief, and freedom;” and that, “[e]veryone has the right to freedom of opinion and expression; this right includes freedom … to seek, receive and impart information and ideas.” As a member of the United Nations, Burma is legally obliged to take action to promote “universal respect for, and observance of, human rights and fundamental freedoms for all without distinction as to race, sex, language, or religion.” 

As threats continue, the so-called reformist government remains silent. Rather than taking steps to ensure our safety, the minister of religious affairs has proposed to legally recognize the Association to Protect Race and Religion—known locally as Ma Ba Tha—as an official organization. While one of the main responsibilities of the ministry of religious affairs is “To ensure that all people living in the Union of Myanmar can freely believe in any religion and freely practice that religion”. 

Wirathu, who was sentenced to 25 years in jail in 2003 for inciting anti‐Muslim hatred, now free to move, speak, and even deliberately launched for so-called racial purification of “Burmese blood”, nationalist movement. He is orchestrating brutal campaigns of hate speech, expulsion, persecution and atrocity. But in the eyes of President Thein Sein his movement 969 is "just a symbol of peace" and Wirathu is “a son of Lord Buddha.”

(Photo: Facebook)

Saif Ali Khan
RB Opinion 
July 4, 2014

It is regrettable and inexcusable regarding the irresponsible behavior of Buddhists and the Myanmar government against Muslims in Burma which should be reprimanded and taken severe action against the perpetrators. They are on a killing spree in Mandalay, the second largest city after Yangon. Now the violence has spread to the outskirts of Yangon and Pathein (Bassei). This is total Anarchy. Hegemony and bullying against unarmed and innocent Muslims. Muslims are ready to sacrifice their lives to protect ISLAM and fellow Muslims. We Muslims are not cowards because we deem it to be our right of self- defense. This is the sacred and holy month of Ramadan i.e., a Month of Fasting. Every Muslim must abstain from food and water and avoid from sin and evil. Needless to say, we have to pray five times facing Mecca. The last prayer being performs after 08:30 local time. 

Since the government has deliberately imposed curfew to prevent us from going to the mosque and performing our prayers in congregation, we don't have the right to perform our "Tarabi" salaat. Is this religious freedom in the name of so called security? This is the Master Plan of the 969 "Face of Buddhist Terror" as the TIME magazine has named him and the State sponsored terrorism by the ruling party. We Muslims are always the victims of their annihilation. The International Community has witnessed this in the past, time and again. If they want to build a case against a Muslim they always use the weapon of rumours of rape in order to justify their crime. The 969 Mastermind monk, Wirathu is spreading flames of Hatred against the Muslims. Hate and anger escalated after Wirathu accused a Muslim of rape in his Facebook calling the government to respond to the so called Muslim Jihadis. All rubbish. All the violence happened in the vicinity of monk Wirathu in Mandalay. 

The government and the International community have done nothing to stop the carnage from happening. To seek a sustainable solution to this religious violence that started in West Arakan with the Rohingya Muslims from June 2012 until now, that 150,000 Rohingyas were homeless and thousands killed in their homes attacked by the Rakhine Buddhist terrorists under the eyes of the security forces. Their homes torched and killed. Placed in the IDP camps and "Concentration camps” without food, fresh water and medicine. Some got killed in the sea seeking a safe haven in small boats where some became victims of human trafficking. Where is Justice for the Rohingyas and the Muslims in Myanmar? Where is the United Nations and where is the International community who are ready to give lip-service and shed crocodile tears. And our OIC that had tried to help us but to no avail. The where are these people supposed to go and where shall they turn for help. This is full Anarchy. Hegemony and sheer bullying of the strong against the weak. STOP THE INJUSTICE NOW BEFORE ITS TOO LATE.!!!

July 4, 2014

KUALA LUMPUR: Recently appointed Organisation of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) Special Envoy to Myanmar, Tan Sri Syed Hamid Albar said his first priority was to have better communication with the government of Myanmar.

He intends to visit the country in order to explain to the government and people of Myanmar the intentions of OIC and the objectives of his appointment as Special Envoy.

"He considers his assignment a responsibility and his goal is to establish better communication and improve networking with both Myanmar government and society in order to find greater opportunities for the OIC to engage in the country," the Jeddah-based OIC secretariat said in a statement.

On the sidelines of the OIC Foreign Ministers Meeting in Jeddah last month, Syed Hamid explained at length to the OIC Journal the challenges and expectations of his mission concerning the situation of the Muslim minority, namely Rohingya, in Myanmar.

He said Myanmar had just started to be accepted by the international community and at the same time had very bad publicity on the issue of minorities.

"With elections coming up in 2015, it is good for Myanmar to engage with the international community and particularly with OIC," the former Malaysian foreign minister was quoted as saying.

"We need to assure them that we are not interested in interfering in their domestic affairs, but we want to say that we see countries that succeed are the countries that decide on peace and reconciliation. You cannot put security up front, but you must put peace and reconciliation in order to achieve political stability," he said.

He stressed that OIC was seeking a solution that was good for Myanmar.

VIOLENCE CONTINUES: Relatives of a man who was killed in recent riots cry near his body at a mosque in Mandalay, Myanmar, on Thursday. (Photo: Reuters)

By Paul Mooney
July 4, 2014

Mandalay, Myanmar -- Myanmar police cordoned off Mandalay's Muslim neighbourhood as hundreds of Buddhists wielding knives, swords and bamboo poles roamed the city on Friday, following communal riots that killed two people earlier in the week.

Inter-religious violence has flared throughout the country over the past two years, threatening to undermine political reforms initiated by the quasi-civilian government of President Thein Sein, which took office in 2011 following 49 years of repressive military rule.

At least 240 people have been killed and more than 140,000 displaced since June 2012. Most of the victims have been members of Myanmar's Muslim minority, estimated to be about 5 percent of the population. 

Around 300 Buddhists rode motorcycles around Myanmar's second largest city of Mandalay on Friday, shouting death threats.

"We're going to kill all the Muslims," some shouted as they rode through the streets after attending the funeral of a Buddhist man stabbed to death on Wednesday night. A Muslim man was also killed, beaten to death early on Thursday on his way to morning prayers.

Police erected barriers lined with barbed wire to block roads into a predominantly Muslim neighbourhood and prevented the Buddhists on motorcycles from entering. Officers in riot gear patrolled the streets, and one spoke through a megaphone, telling people to go inside.

While police guarded the neighbourhood, they did not disarm the Buddhists who had been riding around the city since midday, screaming threats and singing the national anthem. A man was seen distributing bamboo poles from a car parked near the royal palace, a popular tourist attraction in the city of about a million people.

Many Muslims fled the neighbourhood after violence broke out Tuesday, going to hotels or nearby towns. 

Police said 19 people were hurt in riots on Tuesday and Wednesday nights. A 9 p.m. to 5 a.m. curfew backed up by a heavy police presence prevented further trouble on Thursday night and the same curfew will be in force on Friday. 

The violence began late on Tuesday when a group of about 300 Buddhists converged on a tea shop owned by a Muslim man accused of raping a Buddhist woman. 

A police officer in the capital, Naypyitaw, told Reuters on Thursday that charges of rape had been filed against the tea shop owner and his brother. 

An imam at Mandalay's largest mosque told Reuters that five Muslims had been arrested on Friday after police searched homes nearby and found ceremonial knives.

"Police definitely know these are used for ceremonial purposes," said Ossaman, the imam. "They were not breaking any law."

A police officer confirmed the arrests but refused to provide further details and asked that his name be withheld as he was not authorised to speak to the media.

Anti-Muslim violence is not new in Myanmar. The former junta imposed a curfew in Mandalay after riots in the city in 1997 following reports that a Muslim man had raped a Buddhist girl. 

But outbreaks of violence have become more common under the reformist government, which lifted restrictions on freedom of speech, including access to the Internet, which had previously been tightly controlled by the military.

(Writing by Jared Ferrie; Editing by Alan Raybould and Jeremy Laurence)



Statement on anti Muslims violence in Mandalay

July 4, 2014

Burmese Muslims Association strongly condemns anti-Muslim violence that has erupted in recent days in Mandalay, the second largest city in Burma. The violence that has occurred is not simply a result of sectarian conflicts. It is without doubt a well-planned operation, carried out by a group of well-trained thugs--which has tacit impunity and free license from the Thein Sein's government--not only to cause a great deal of physical harm and injury against Muslims, a helpless minority group in Burma, but also to instil immense psychological terror and mental anguish, during the Muslim holy month of Ramadan. The promise given by President Thein Sein to the world for zero tolerance against anti-Muslim violent activities has once again proven to be completely hollow and empty.

Since 1st July 2014, a van and a group of about 30 motorbikes, carrying mobs armed with machetes and lethal weapons, were roaming around the city of Mandalay and targeting various Muslims, shops and businesses owned by Muslims, and a number of Islamic religious institutions and premises. Shockingly, the police stood by and watched the mobs attack the Muslims and their properties, without intervening. In the past, the police have used excessive force and power to crackdown on farmers protesting and land grabbing, no doubt to protect the interests of the generals and their cronies. This hypocritical and contradictory behaviour of the police is clearly because they must not have received orders from the top authorities to stop the mobs and to prevent harm perpetrated against Muslims in Mandalay. We have documented that whenever there are public demands to amend the 2008 constitution, and whenever there are public protests against the Chinese projects in Burma, anti-Muslim violence was fomented and created by letting loose groups of well-trained mobs in order to divert the public’s attention. Unfortunately, the odious culture of using Muslims as political scapegoats is long anchored in Burmese politics; Muslims have been the victims of various power struggles in Burmese history.

Recent violence in Mandalay was triggered based on a rumour published by a news blogger by the name of Thit Htoo Lwin. Instigators of anti-Muslim violence are now once again active in the arena of social media. Moreover, U Wirathu is also posting inflammatory comments on his Facebook page and spreading more unfounded rumours. Therefore, it is very worrisome that the attacks on Muslims could spread to other parts of Burma in the coming days.

Authorities in Mandalay have declared martial law, starting on 3rd July 2014, from 9pm to 5am. Muslims in Mandalay are now very much panic stricken, because, ironically, declaring martial law could mean more deadly attacks against the Muslims. In 2013, Muslims populated areas in Meikhtilar city was burned down to ashes soon after martial law was declared. Under martial law in Meiktilar, police only intervened when Muslims were trying to defend their lives, but stood by and watched the mobs when they targeted against the Muslims.

Regrettably, it is also a failure of the worldwide international community, that not enough pressure was exerted on Thein Sein’s government to protect the vulnerable Muslim minority, by preventing hate and vulgar speech spewing forth by the militants, and to arrest perpetrators who were instigating and causing harm and mayhem. In a sense, Burmese Muslims are the unfortunate and unintended victims of excessive optimism that the international community have on the on-going democratic reforms unfolding in Burma. 

The international community should be proactive, and also react immediately before several Muslims could be slaughtered once again, as it happened in the city of Meikhtilar in the year 2013. On behalf of all the Muslims in Burma, the BMA urgently and in strongest terms, request, implore and demand the international community to send security observers to Burma, and to use effective pressure on the Thein Sein’s government to stop using Muslims as political scapegoats and worthless pawns.

In addition, the Rohingya Muslims in Arakan state should also be given adequate health care and security, and allowed to return to their former homes and places. Also, it is imperative to effectively eliminate corrupt and biased authorities and their judicial proceedings, which are one-sidedly against Muslims, and turning a blind eye and providing immunity to the perpetrators of violent criminal activities, which will be seen again in Mandalay. At the same time, the international community should seriously consider to investigate and hold tribunals for crimes against humanity that the Burmese generals have been committing throughout history.

Burmese Muslims Association 

Media contacts:
Kyaw Win +44-740 345 2378 (UK) kyawwin78@gmail.com
Ms. Yasmin +1 408 250 6227 (USA) yasnohana@sbcglobal.net
Umar Ye Htun +2 011 158 222 53 (Egypt) umaryehtun@gmail.com
Min Than Win + 65 90 277 379 (Singapore) minthanwin@gmail.com

Police officers gather as they guard a Muslim residential area in Mandalay July 3, 2014.
(Photo: Reuters/Soe Zeya Tun)

July 4, 2014

Mandalay, Myanmar -- Police in Mandalay, Myanmar's second-biggest city, said they had arrested another five people after sectarian violence in which a Buddhist and a Muslim died, but an overnight curfew and a heavy security presence appeared to have restored calm on Friday.

The clampdown followed two nights of violence starting on Tuesday when about 300 Buddhists converged on a tea shop owned by a Muslim man accused of raping a Buddhist woman.

The quasi-civilian government of President Thein Sein, which took office in 2011 following 49 years of repressive military rule, has struggled to contain outbreaks of anti-Muslim violence in which at least 240 people have been killed since June 2012.

Most of the victims have been members of Myanmar's Muslim minority, estimated to be about 5 percent of the population.

An imam at Mandalay's largest mosque told Reuters that the five arrested on Friday were Muslims, held after police searched homes nearby and found ceremonial knives.

"Police definitely know these are used for ceremonial purposes," said Ossaman, the imam. "They were not breaking any law."

A police officer confirmed the arrests but refused to provide further details and asked that his name be withheld as he was not authorised to speak to the media.

The two men who died in the violence were killed in separate incidents. Family and friends said they had taken no part in the riots. 

Police said 14 people had been hurt in the rioting and four had been arrested earlier, on Wednesday. 

Anti-Muslim violence is not new in Myanmar. The former junta imposed a curfew in Mandalay after riots in the city in 1997 following reports that a Muslim man had raped a Buddhist girl. 

But outbreaks of violence have become more common under the reformist government, which lifted restrictions on freedom of speech, including access to the Internet, which had previously been tightly controlled by the military.

(Reporting by Paul Mooney in Mandalay and Jared Ferrie and Aung Hla Tun in Yangon; Editing by Alan Raybould and Jeremy Laurence)


Joint Statement on Mandalay Violence

July 3, 2014

Due to a large scale religious riot struck again in Burma by the direct result of impunity to hate speech broadcaster Wirathu’s instigations. Yet, the local government agencies are woolly prepared as the current violence is ragging on with loss of lives and destruction of private and public properties as well as places of worships. Therefore,

· Burmese American Muslims Association and Free Rohingya Campaign condemn the violence outbreak instigated by terrorist thugs that are equipped with motorcycles and club weapons.

· We stand solidarity with all Mandalay citizens and recognize the riot as a threat to Burma’s democratic values of religious freedom, social inclusion and fairness among the city population.

· Reported as of July 3rd, we mourn the loss of two innocent victims who are brutally murdered by these thugs one of whom is U Soe Min. We send our deepest condolences to victims’ families and friends

· We clearly wants to let those who incited and committed the violence know that they are fully accountable for such awful crimes. 

· The officials of Burma must clearly be understood that the world has advanced its stage from just watching to the monitoring, recording and collecting the evidence for legal actions.

· Government of Myanmar should pay the monetary reparation to all families of victims including property damages resulted from lack of will to prevent the riot. 

· The government of Mandalay and the national government must apologize to the people of Mandalay and the people of Burma as a whole for their incapability of handling the violence.

· We want the Burmese officials to be understood that failure to take action on the criminals would add more to the evidence against them in upcoming legal action by world body.

· We call on President Obama, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and other leaders of free world to condemn these crimes and violence in Mandalay and demand that Government of Myanmar must provide adequate security to Muslim communities and religious sites. 

###




July 3, 2014

Burma: Outbreak of Religious Violence and Hate Speech Must Be Stopped

United to End Genocide Warns of Genocide if Provocations and Violence are Allowed to Continue

United to End Genocide today called on President Obama and other government leaders of the world to denounce the outbreak of hate speech and violence in Mandalay Burma and make it clear that the government of Burma will be held fully accountable for how it responds.

“We are deeply disturbed by the outbreak of inter-religious violence being fueled by rumor and hate-speech in Mandalay Burma and reports that police are failing to protect Muslims who are being targeted by Buddhist mobs”, said Tom Andrews, President of United to End Genocide.

“This is how mass atrocities happen and how genocide is fueled. It is critical that officials in Burma understand that the world is watching closely. The government has a fundamental responsibility to protect those who are under attack and threatened with violence. Those who incite and commit this violence must know that they will be held fully accountable. “

United to End Genocide cited reports that radical nationalist Buddhist leader Ashin Wirathu – who is based in Mandalay – not only spread a rumor of the rape of a Buddhist woman by a Muslim shopkeeper, but, is now using his Facebook page to spread the claim that “Muslims ‘armed to teeth with swords and spears’ were preparing a jihad against local Buddhists.” Just as radio was used in Rwanda to incite hatred and killing, perpetrators of hate are using Facebook.

The ensuing violence left several people injured and two men killed, one Buddhist and one Muslim.

Andrews noted, “Today I learned that U Soe Min, a Muslim man who I had the privilege to meet in Mandalay last year, was killed by a Buddhist mob as he travelled by bicycle to his Mosque. U Soe Min was among a group of Muslim leaders I met with who were seeking to promote peace and harmony in Burma. He warned of the growing storm clouds of hatred and intolerance in Mandalay and Burma.”

United to End Genocide mourns the death of U Soe Min and the tragic silencing of a voice of peace and harmony. We send our sincere condolences to his family and friends and those of all the victims of this recent violence.

The lack of accountability and failure to protect Muslims and other ethnic minorities in Burma over the last several years has allowed ethnic tensions to continue to smolder. Burmese President Thein Sein must unequivocally denounce the spreading of dangerous speech and rumors by leaders like Wirathu and must hold to account both those who perpetrate the violence and government officials and police officers who fail to protect citizens regardless of their religion or ethnicity.

Andrews is available for interview. Contact: Erik Leaver 240-535-8725, eleaver@endgenocide.org

Rohingya Exodus