MYARF

RB Analysis

June 8, 2013

Rohingyas have been the victims of a conspired Genocide in the hands of brutal Burmese Regime and Rakhine terrorists. Burmese regimes have been creating a conspiracy after a conspiracy to blindfold the international community. Today, Rohingyas, who are on the verge of extermination, have been living in fear of being massacred. To exaggerate their fear of becoming victims of targeted violence again, a highly suspicious film shooting took place in the village of Shikda Fara (Myoma Kayintan), Maung Daw, from 1:30PM to 2:30PM on 5th June 2013. Here is its true account as it has been told by an eyewitness. 

“Around 1:30PM, about 12 Military Personnel from the camp based at Basic Education High School (BEHS) 1 located in the village of Myoma Kayintan took some intimidating pictures to create a fake situation suspected to carry out further more violence against Rohingyas.

The military personnel with their cameras went to the road between Basic Education High School 1 and Basic Education Primary School (it is also the road to the central mosque) in the village. They were accompanied by two Policemen (Tin Aye and a Bama Police) and five Rakhine youths. Subsequently, they blocked the road and so did the villagers’ access. Some descriptions such as “STARTING FOR THE SECOND TIME, ANYONE WHO CROSSES IT WILL BE SHOT DOWN” were written on the Road Barricades. 

The Rakhine youths had to do rehearsals for the shots several times as they kept laughing. While the military were holding up their guns and one of them was with a micro-speaker as if issuing warning, Rakhine youths were made to act as if they were trying to attack the Military by stones and sticks. Then, taking pictures and making videos of the scenes including Rohingya passers-by in different dimensions followed. 

Another shot of the video was made as a military captain asked one of the military to take off his uniform and to pretend as if he was a civilian caught by a police officer. He did as he was asked to and one of the motor policemen acted of forcing him to lie down, twisting one of his arms and putting his (Police Officer’s) gun on the attacker’s (the military person’s) back. 

One thing here, what one of us spotted was, when the actor (the military) happened to show his face during the shoot, the cameramen asked him not to show his face. We suspect he was asked so because they were pretending as though Rohingyas attacking the military. This might be preliminary steps to making up fake videos before they prompt another massive violence against Rohingyas.

On the same day, three trucks of Monks and Rakhine youths from rural areas were taken into a monastery called Aung Mye Bawdi at the northern part of the same village tract. Later, the military went there and asked them to put their hands up while they were getting off the trucks only to make videos of the scenes.

We have never seen film shooting in our areas. This time we could see but it might not be for our pleasure and it can blast us if it goes as to our suspicions. We also suspect the authority did all these drama to extend the Curfew (Martial Law) period continuously against Rohngyas. Since the curfew order imposed on Rohingyas, they have neither been able to move nor been able to work.”

(Edited by Maung Aurther)

Press TV

June 7, 2013

Myanmar’s opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi has rejected criticism leveled at her over her silence about the persecution of the Rohingya Muslim community, while announcing her desire to run for president. 

The Muslim minority of Rohingyas in Myanmar accounts for about five percent of the country’s population of nearly 60 million. The persecuted minority has faced torture, neglect, and repression since the country achieved independence in 1948. 

Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch have called on Myanmar’s government to address the plight of the Rohingya Muslim population and to protect the community against Buddhist extremists. 

“I do not want to aggravate the situation by saying that one community is wrong or the other community is wrong,” she added. 

Suu Kyi made the remarks during a meeting with foreign business executives in the city of Naypyidaw on Thursday. 

She also expressed her political ambitions and said, “If I pretended that I didn’t want to be president I wouldn’t be honest. And I would rather be honest with my people than otherwise… I want to run for president.” 

Under the current law, her marriage to a foreigner disqualifies her for Myanmar presidency.

Alfred Joyner
International Business Times
June 7, 2013

Religious violence in Burma between the Buddhist majority and other ethnic groups, such as the Rohinga Muslims, has existed for decades if not centuries. However over the last 12 months what's been classed by both Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch as a wave of ethnic cleansing has been sweeping across various townships in the Rakhine state on the country's west coast.

The United Nations estimates are that around 140,000 people have fled widespread oppression and brutal violence to makeshift refugee camps, with many dying unnecessarily. But while the international community has praised President Thein Sein for his steps towards improving democracy in Burma, they have turned a blind eye to the growing violence and persecution against the Muslim minority in the country.

In an exclusive documentary short, IBTimes UK investigates the hidden genocide currently occurring inside Burma.

Mark Farmaner is director of London-based human rights organisation Burma Campaign UK. He explains how the government has dealt with the country's multi-ethnic makeup since independence in 1948.

"Burma is a predominantly Buddhist country but it is not [an entirely] Buddhist country. It is made up of many different ethnic groups, many ethnic minorities and many different religions," he says.

"This is what goes to the root of why there has been a dictatorship and human rights abuses and incidents like what is taking place in Rakhine state and Kachin. The vision of the central government of Burma since independence has been that Burma is a Burmese Buddhist country and they try to impose and 'Burmanise' the rest of the ethnic minorities and religions in the country."

Martine Flokstra has been in Burma for the past few months as part of the work done by Médecins Sans Frontières, which has been providing aid and healthcare in the country for the last 22 years.

Speaking via Skype, she says: "The majority of people are still living in makeshift camps, meaning straw, wood, rice bags and plastic sheeting, on rice paddies and areas which are prone to be flooded".

"There are people starting to flee during the night to other camps because they were very afraid for the upcoming rain and storms."

IBTimes UK exclusively revealed the sinister actions of 45-year-old Buddhist Monk Ashin Witharu who, fresh from serving a nine-year jail term for inciting anti-Muslim prejudice, has crept back into the spotlight after sending his sermons of hate around the world through social media.

Foreign correspondent Gianluca Mezzofiore explains that the videos form part of an apartheid-like campaign in the country.

"His videos have been uploaded on YouTube and followed by thousands of people. The videos encourage people to boycott Muslim businesses and communities," he says.

"In these videos he warned Buddhists against Muslims, accusing them of raping Buddhist women. He claims that they've taken over, they're too rich, and that through their mosques they're planning foreign influence on the country."

Tun Khin is a Rohingya Muslim from Burma and president of London-based Burmese Rohingya Organisation UK. He condemns the inaction of western government to impose sanctions on Burma and says that it is critical more aid is provided.

"Well firstly, the international community have to take action immediately to provide humanitarian aid in all the areas of Rakhine. Other Rohingya are facing a restriction of movement. They can't buy food, they can't go to hospital. They have to provide humanitarian aid to protect the Rohingyas," he says.

"Secondly the international community has to support the UN Commission of Inquiry. Crimes against humanity and ethnic cleansing is taking place in our country against the Rohingya's. There needs to be justice and accountability to bring those perpetrators to justice."

Zoya Phan knows the reality of extreme violence and fear. She's Burmese-born and from the Karen ethnic group. As a young girl, she and her family were forced to flee from vicious attacks on the village she called home.

She tells IBTimes UK that Britain and the rest of the international community need to be more forthright in their condemnation of Thein Sein's current regime of religious persecution, and hopes that one day a fair and equal multi-cultural society in Burma can be established.

"I can't believe that the British government and the rest of the EU countries turned a blind eye against this situation in Burma and prioritised trade and investment," she says.

"What we need to see in Burma in the future is where everyone can have freedom of expressions. Not just some people in central Burma but everyone, regardless of our race, our ethnicities, our gender, our religion. Everyone is equal and should be treated equally."

CNN

June 7, 2013

Channel News Asia

June 7, 2013

Malaysia has stepped up law enforcement to prevent ethnic clashes within the Myanmar community from spreading. Sectarian violence in the community left four people dead in Kuala Lumpur. Malaysian police arrested over a thousand Myanmar nationals in the past week

MALAYSIA: Malaysia has stepped up law enforcement to prevent ethnic clashes within the Myanmar community from spreading.

Sectarian violence in the community left four people dead in Kuala Lumpur. Malaysian police arrested over a thousand Myanmar nationals in the past week.

32-year-old Mohd Rafik fled Myanmar's Rakhine state three months ago, after he was allegedly attacked by members of the so-called 969 radical group.

Now being treated in Kuala Lumpur for severe slash wounds, Mr Rafik’s hope is to start his life anew in Malaysia.

He said: "I hope to bring my family over one day, unless the situation improves in Myanmar.”

But now, it seems the violence that Mr Rafik was trying to escape has followed him to Malaysia and clashes over the last two weeks have left four people dead.

Malaysia is home to one the largest Rohingya communities in the region. Although the UNHCR said there are 23,000 registered Rohingya refugees in the country, human rights groups said the unregistered ones are twice as many.

Some have lived and worked in Malaysia for ages and they too condemned the recent spate of violent clashes. They deny that the violence was started by Rohingya seeking revenge against Myanmar nationals working in the country.

Abdul Ghani Abdul Rahman, deputy president of Rohingya Society of Malaysia, said: "Do you think that we dare and are bold enough to attack them in a country of others? We came here to get shelter and to have a safer place for Rohingya to stay. Rohingya have never fought, even though Rohingya have lost their family members. A lot of relatives have been killed by the Myanmar (nationals), killed by the Rakhine people.”

There are close to half a million Myanmar nationals in Malaysia, working mostly in factories, restaurants and other service industries.

Leaders of Myanmar's ethnic minorities are calling for a peace dialogue to condemn the deadly clashes that are threatening to jeopardise their status in their host country, Malaysia.

Mr Ghani said: "Malaysians are kind enough towards refugees. This way, our refugees need to understand not to bring this problem from Myanmar to here."

Malaysian Home Minister Zahid Hamidi has warned of tougher action against troublemakers.

He has asked the UNHCR to work closely with enforcement agencies to contain the situation.

He said: "The ethnic cleansing efforts are not part of Malaysia’s culture. We want the UNHCR to cooperate more with the police and immigration authorities in order to prevent recurrences, if indeed they want to protect the Myanmar refugees. They should work with the authorities so that Malaysia is not seen as a country that's lax in enforcement."

The UNHCR has said it is still assessing the situation, even as thousands of asylum seekers, reportedly from Myanmar, are still being held in detention centres across the country.

Chris Lewa

In May 2013, authorities in Myanmar's Rakhine state issued a directive placing a two-child limit on Rohingya couples in two predominately Muslim townships in the region -- in blatant disregard of the recommendations of a commission set up to investigate the recent violence between Muslims and Buddhists in western Myanmar.

As political reforms slowly took hold in Myanmar following years under the rule of the military junta, longstanding tensions exploded into sectarian violence in Rakhine in 2012, instigated by Rakhine Buddhists against Rohingya Muslims.

Hostility toward the Rohingya has deep roots, fueled by prejudicial and competing notions of the role of race and religion in Myanmar's national identity. Successive regimes and Myanmar society at large perceive the Rohingya as a product of recent migration and Islamic expansion from overpopulated Bangladesh. Antagonism towards Islam has lately spiraled into anti-Muslim strife in other parts of the country.

During military rule, the Rohingya were subject to a gradual process of marginalization and exclusion through discriminatory policies and restrictions, particularly in Northern Rakhine State. Denial of citizenship has legitimized arbitrary treatment against them and exacerbated hatred.

The two-child policy emerged from this context and from local orders issued by the NaSaKa and other local authorities since the early 1990s. The NaSaKa, established as a border security force in December 1992, was tasked, among other things, with controlling Rohingya population growth. Restrictions on movement and regular population checks were imposed to prevent imaginary infiltrations from Bangladesh, while regulating marriages and family size aimed at curbing birth rate from within.

In January 1994, the NaSaKa introduced a local order requiring official permission to marry, contradicting customary marriage practice. This order later included penalties for non-compliance. In practice, marriage authorizations can take up to several years to obtain and are only granted against the payment of bribes. Infringement such as cohabitation or sexual contact out of wedlock can result in up to 10 years' imprisonment. Currently, 535 Rohingya men are serving sentences for unauthorized marriages in Buthidaung Jail, according to research by the Arakan Project. To avoid prosecution, many young women resort to induced and illegal abortion.

Local orders limiting the number of children for newly married couples were first issued by township administrations in Maungdaw and Buthidaung in April 2005. They imposed stringent conditions for applying for marriage permission and added that "Those permitted to marry according to this Order should control the birth rate and limit the number of children for livelihood sufficiency." The number of children was not specified. However, the limitation was enforced when newly-married couples were asked to sign a declaration. Initially, the pledge was no more than three children, reduced to two children in 2007.

Consequently, Rohingya women giving birth to a third child are unable to register the newborn and could be prosecuted under Section 188 of the Penal Code for disobeying orders from a civil servant, which carries a prison sentence of up to 6 months. Most often, they become victims of never-ending extortion by local authorities.

The Rakhine Investigation Commission estimated that 60,000 Rohingya children are currently unregistered, born out of unauthorized as well as authorized marriages. Some parents are too poor to cover travel expenses and bribes for birth registration, or experience administrative hurdles. An absent father precludes the mother from registering her baby, or the newborn is above the permissible number of births.

Unregistered children are not recorded in the family list as they do not exist administratively. They will not be issued with a temporary ID card and will thus be unable to attend school, to apply for travel permits or ultimately to marry.

The Commission report cites high birth rates among Rohingya as a key factor of insecurity among Rakhine. It recommends family planning education to mitigate these concerns but stresses that authorities should refrain from implementing forcible birth control measures.

Lack of awareness but also poor access to family planning is prevalent, particularly in rural areas where reproductive health services are often unavailable. Elsewhere, a growing number of Rohingya families have actually adopted birth spacing methods.

This Rakhine State Government directive also violates Myanmar's international obligations under the Convention for the Elimination of Discrimination against Women and the Convention on the Rights of the Child.

In a speech on May 6, President Thein Sein pledged that his government would ensure the basic rights of Muslims in Rakhine State, enforce the rule of law and "provide genuine and decisive leadership in resolving the conflict." Leading pro-democracy activist and lawmaker Aung San Suu Kyi also condemned the two-child restriction on Rohingya couples as "discrimination not in line with human rights."

Following international outrage, Ye Htut, the President's spokesperson, timidly responded that the government is re-examining this order.

Thein Sein's words must urgently be translated into action and he should immediately repeal the two-child policy and other discriminatory orders against the Rohingya. If left unchallenged, more directives will be issued that could trigger renewed violence.

Chris Lewa is founder and director of The Arakan Project, an NGO engaged for the past 13 years in research-based advocacy on the situation of the Rohingya people in Rakhine State, their predicament as refugees in Bangladesh and their migratory movements in the region.

Middle East Online

June 6, 2013

No words can suffice to describe the plight of the Rohingyas who are trying to survive an unprecedentedly violent ethnic purge, with support and complicity of the Burmese government and silence of the very western governments that never cease to preach democracy and human rights, writes Ramzy Baroud.

On April 21, the BBC obtained disturbing video footage shot in Burma. It confirmed extreme reports of what has been taking place in that country, even as it is being touted by the US and European governments as a success story pertaining to political reforms and democracy.

The BBC footage was difficult to watch even when faces of Muslim Rohingya victims were blurred. To say the least, the level of violence exhibited by their Arakan Buddhist attackers was frightening. “The Burmese police (stood) by as shops, homes and mosques are looted and burnt, and failing to intervene as Buddhist mobs, including monks, kill fleeing Muslims,” the BBC reported. A Rohingya man was set ablaze while still alive. The police watched.

To some extent, international media is finally noticing the plight of the Rohingyas who are experiencing what can only be described as genocide. And there are reasons for this. On one hand, the atrocities being carried out by the Burmese state, local police and mobs belonging to nationalist Buddhist groups in the northwestern ArakanState, are unambiguous attempts at removing all Rohingyas from Burma. The Rohingya numbers currently hover between 800,000 and one million. On the other hand, Burma (also known as Myanmar) has, as of late, been placed in the limelight for the wrong reasons - thanks in part to western governments breaking the political and economic siege of the country’s decades-long military dictatorship.

While the ‘new Burma’ is being rebranded in a new positive discourse in order to open Rangoon up for foreign investments and steer it way from growing Chinese influence, western governments are deliberately ignoring the fact that a human rights crisis of unprecedented proportions is taking place. This all being done with the active involvement and encouragement of the government.

In the eyes of many in Burma, the Rohingyas are considered subhumans, and are treated as such. Most Rohingya Muslims are native to the state of “Rohang” – also known as Rakhine or Arakan. The majority of them live in very poor townships – mainly Buthidaung and Maungdaw – in the northwestern part of Arakan, or live in refugee camps. Their population subsists between the nightmare of having no legal status (as they are still denied citizenship), little or no rights and the ethnic purges carried out by their neighbors. The worst of such violence in recent years took place between June and October 2012. However, the onslaught targeting Rohingyas is resurfacing and spreading. This time around the intensity and the parameters of violence grew to include other Muslim minority groups in the country.

The BBC footage is not only revealing in the sense that it confirmed the authorities’ complicity in the violence, but it also reflected the government’s general attitude towards this minority group, described by the UN as the ‘world’s most persecuted people’. Responding to the outcry against his country’s brutal treatment of its minorities, Burmese President Then Sein made an ‘offer’ to the UN last year where he was willing to send the Rohingyas “to any other country willing to accept them.”

This peculiar behavior by the Burmese government is problematic in more than one way. Rangoon doesn’t seem even slightly mindful of international humanitarian laws or simply wishes to ignore it altogether. Its legal frame of reference is hardly a reflection of a repented dictatorship. But what is even more dangerous is that Rangoon has been sending unmistakable messages to nationalist groups who are leading the ethnic purges, that their extremely violent behavior is in fact consistent with the central policies of their governments.

Groups like Human Rights Watch (HRW) have become markedly more outspoken regarding the violence against the Rohingya. To quell growing criticism, perhaps fearing a backlash in terms of lucrative business contracts, the Burmese government decided to investigate the ‘sectarian violence’ through a supposed independent commission. Its recommendations were as equally disturbing as the violence itself.

The government Inquiry Commission on the Sectarian Violence in Rakhine State, assembled last August, was composed of 27-members, all Arkanese Buddhists, none of them from the Rohingya minority. The long-awaited report on the violence finally emerged on April 29, 2013. Its major findings included concerns over “rapid population growth” among Rohingya and Kaman Muslims. Its recommendations compelled a swift response from local authorities that moved in to limit the birth rate of Muslim Rohingya in two large townships.

On May 26, Arakan State spokesperson Win Myaing told journalists that the findings of the commission were consistent with the 2005 law that limits birth rate among Roghingya Muslims to two children per family. That discriminatory law goes back to 1994 where severe marriage restrictions were imposed on the Rohingya community, requiring long and complicated procedures. The BBC said, “it is not clear how (the ‘two-child policy’) will be enforced.”

Regardless of what sort of mechanisms Burmese authorities plan to put in place to implement the ‘law’, limiting population growth of the Rohingya people, is an abhorrent principle in and of itself. It even compelled celebrated ‘democracy icon’ Aung San SuuKyi to break her silence regarding the violence against Rohingyas, however, she carefully selected her language.

“It is not good to have such discrimination. And it is not in line with human rights either,” SuuKyi told reporters, although “she could not confirm whether the policy was being implemented,” reported the BBC online on May 27.

Considering the level of violence directed at Rohingyas and the fact that more than 125,000 Rohingya have already been pushed into internally displaced camps, (tens of thousands more have already been forced to flee the country and are scattered in refugee camps throughout Southeast Asia) one can only imagine the kind of sinister plans which are being put into action, amid the deafening international silence.

In fact, ‘silence’ is an understatement, for following the early wave of devastating violence, European officials welcomed the country’s ‘measured response’ and spokesperson for the EU's high representative on foreign affairs, Catherine Ashton, said on June 11: “We believe that the security forces are handling this difficult inter-communal violence in an appropriate way.”

Meanwhile, western countries led by the United States, are clamoring to divide the large Burmese economic cake amongst themselves. As Rohingya boats were floating (or sinking) in various waters, Burma’s President Sein met with Norway's Prime Minister Jens Stoltenberg in a ‘landmark’ visit in Oslo on February 26. Regarding the conflict in Arakan, Jens Stoltenberg unambiguously declared it to be an internal Burmese affair, reducing it to the most belittling statements. In regards to ‘disagreements’ over citizenship, he said, “we have encouraged dialogue, but we will not demand that Burma’s government give citizenship to the Rohingyas.” Moreover, to reward Sein for his supposedly bold democratic reforms, Norway took the lead by waving off nearly half of its debt and other countries followed suit, including Japan which dropped $3 billion last year.

Meanwhile, the Rohingyas are left to ponder their punishment for flouting one discriminatory law or another. “Fear of punishment under the two-child rule compel far too many Rohingya women to risk their lives and turn to desperate and dangerous measures to self-induce abortions,” Asia director at HRW, Brad Adams said in a report published May 28.

No words can suffice to describe the plight of the Rohingyas who are trying to survive an unprecedentedly violent ethnic purge, with support and complicity of the Burmese government and silence of the very western governments that never cease to preach democracy and human rights.

Matthew Smith is a researcher for HRW and author of the organization's report, "All You Can Do is Pray": Crimes Against Humanity and Ethnic Cleansing of Rohingya Muslims in Burma's Arakan State.’ Concluding a commentary in CNN online, Smith wrote: “The world should not be blinded by the excitement of Myanmar's political opening. Rohingya are paying for that approach with their lives.” Since then, more Rohingyas were killed, many more homes, mosques, shops and orphanages were burned to the ground and there has been no international uproar as of yet.

Ramzy Baroud (www.ramzybaroud.net) is an internationally-syndicated columnist and the editor of PalestineChronicle.com. His latest book is: My Father was A Freedom Fighter: Gaza's Untold Story (Pluto Press).

RB News

June 6, 2013

Amsterdam: The delegation of Burmese Rohingya Community Netherlands (BRCNL) had meeting with H.E. Witjaksono Adji, Counselor of Indonesia Embassy in The Hague of Netherlands on June 3, 2013. 

Sazaat Ahammed, Chairman of BRCNL and Muzharul Haque, member of BRCNL discussed with the Mr Adji about Rohingya ethnic cleansing in Arakan and daily abuses against Muslims throughout Myanmar/Burma and Rohingyas and Burmese Muslims fleeing from Burma to Australia through Indonesia. 

During the meeting, Sazaat Ahammed requests Indonesia foreign minister to pressure Burmese government to stop the Rohingya ethnic cleansing in Arakan and violence against Muslims across Burma. 

Ahammed also urges Indonesia government to provide temporary shelter to the refugees in co-operation with UNHCR till the situation is stable in Burma and all the rights of Muslims are restored. 

Ahammed gave the monthly leaflet of BRCNL and a document with graphic photos of Rohingya ethnic cleansing in Burma to the Counselor at the end of the meeting.

BRCNL's Leaflet

RB News

June 5, 2013

Sittwe, Arakan: Most of the Rohingya Muslims from Sittwe became homeless after the anti Rohingya violence took place in June 2012. Entire villages were burnt down by the Rakhine extremists and many Rohingyas were forced to live in make shift refugee camps which are infamously known as the Concentration Camps to the International Medias. Even though the government puts a lot of restrictions, the international and local NGOs are working very hard to provide Food and Health Care to the IDPs. 

There are also some unregistered IDPs who are living in their own makeshift camps in Sittwe. As they are not registered with the NGOs, they do not receive any assistance from them. Rubber farm refugee camp is one of the unlisted camps among many others and the refugees living there have been facing food crisis since last year. The refugees are working at any place where they can earn something to fulfill their stomachs. Even the children have no choice but to work as housemaids or domestic helpers in neighboring village Bawdupha to support themselves and their families. 

Eleven years old Hamida; daughter of Mahmed is one of the destitute girls who have to work as housemaids in Bawdupha. Yesterday at around 3 pm was the most unfortunate moment of Hamida’s life. While she was coming back from her work, she accidently slipped into the stream which is close to the Manzi Police station. Although the police saw the little girl fell into the stream, they didn’t even care to save her and eventually the little girl drowned to death.

“She slipped into the stream. The police camp is nearby but all the people around the police camp are blaming the police that they didn’t save Hamida’s life although they saw that the girl slipped into the stream.” a refugee from Rubber farm told to RB News. 

Saving innocent life is a universal police code of conduct but in Myanmar when it comes to saving an innocent Rohingya girl, it is not even seen as a moral obligation by the Police force.

Nayla Wun (Sittwe)

RB News 

June 4, 2013 

Mrauk-U, Arakan – Four Rohingya women were shot dead and five Rohingyas were severely injured by the police in Pa-Rein hamlet, Mrauk-U Township, Arakan State today at 3:30 pm. 

According to the local sources, the police and the authorities had an agreement with Daw Thaw Yaybar to build temporary huts in the village. The agreement was solely made between the authorities and Daw Thaw Yaybar and local villagers were not aware of the agreement. And neither the authorities nor Daw Thaw Yaybar has informed the villagers about building temporary huts. 

On 4th of June, the police brought the woods by boat to build the temporary huts. The police asked the villagers to unload the woods from the boat. The villagers realized why the police brought the woods and finally they refused to unload them. The villagers said that they used to live in the houses in the village which were destroyed during the violence and now they could not accept staying in such temporary huts. 

As the villagers from Pa-Rein refused, the police went to Lat-Ma village and brought Rohingya workers to unload the woods. The villagers from Pa-Rein reiterated the authorities about their concern when the workers arrived. The villagers from Pa-Rein also asked the Lat-Ma village workers not to unload them. At the end, the quarrel broke out between the police and the Rohingya villagers and police fired shots to the crowd. 

Four Rohingya women were shot dead on the spot. One of them was a pregnant woman in her twenties. Another three Rohingya men and two Rohingya women were severely injured by the gunshots. According to a local resident from Pa –Rein hamlet, the police disappeared after the incident. 

The Rohingya women who were shot dead by police are: 

(1) Daw Khatiza D/o U Shafi Alam (40-years-old) 

(2) Daw Arlinisar D/o U Yusuf (27-years-old) – (The pregnant woman) 

(3) Daw Nasima D/o Unknown (Mother’s name: Daw Begum) 

(4) Daw Nurmar D/o U Ali Ahmed (50-years-old) 

The Rohingyas who were injured are: 

(1) U Phulzar S/o U Armir (35-years-old) 

(2) U Najmul Haque S/o U Shafi Alam (35-years-old) 

(3) Maung Shamshul Alam S/o U Salamat Khan (16-years-old) 

(4) Daw Nu Nu Bi D/o U Sharif (27-years-old) 

(5) Daw Nu Nu Bi D/o U Sultan (30-years-old)

RB News

June 4, 2013

Burmese Rohingya Organisation UK held Special Commemoration for the Rohingya and other Muslim victims of deadly violence in 2012 to 2013 Monday 3rd of June in London. The event was organised by BROUK and there are about 100 people joined including Burmese Muslims. 

Ahamed Jarmal, General Secretary of BROUK hosted as a Master of Ceremony. Various Speakers joined to the stage. Jarmal said “this event is “A Special Commemoration for the Rohingya and other Muslim victims of deadly Violence in 2012-2013” to give our remembrances to those who died and who were still suffering due to the preplanned attack on Rohingya and other Muslim of Burma and to give our prayer”. 

BROUK President Tun Khin briefed the attack against Rohingya and other Muslims of Burma on Chorological events. He also highlighted how BROUK played a unique and critical role in providing information and that information reached to International community. 

On behalf of Rohingya Women, BROUK member and former secondary school teacher from Buthidaung Township High school Daw Khin Hla highlighted Rohingya women situation. She encouraged Rohingya women to work hard inside and outside of the country on the struggle of Rohingya’s rights.

Waihnin Pwint Thon campaign officer of Burma Campaign UK has mentioned on her speech “Our hearts and mind is with all of suffering Rohingya people in Burma. Burmese Government is violating international law treating on Rohingyas. It is important we have to educate the people of Burma and there is long way to get the right of all people in Burma”. 

During the event Ridhwaana Jarmal read a poem which was written by her and dedicated to the victims. The poem touched to all audiences. She is an author of “Guardians of the Bookshelf dimension” and also a member of The Society of Author UK. 

Burmese Muslim Association UK Chairman Kyaw Zwa (aka) Hamza mentioned on his speech historical back ground of Muslims in Burma and how they struggled together with all the people of Burma to get independence in 1948. He pinpointed that all Muslims have to work hard to get their rights in Burma.

Arakan Rohingya National Organisation (ARNO) President Nurul Islam made concluding with analysis speech. During his speech he mentioned about current crisis, responsible persons, why on attack against Rohingyas and other Muslims of Burma and what community have to do in future.

Mr Nurul Islam highlighted by all available means. In his speech, he said “We need to charter our future, and the future of our coming generations. It requires vigorous efforts and struggle for the preservation and growth Muslim societies, Islamic heritage and culture within our Muslim communities without prejudice to the growth of other religions and indigenous cultures and in the country. We need to work in unison for the common interest irrespective of our ethnic backgrounds – Bama Muslim, Karen Muslim, Kaman Muslim and Rohingya Muslim. It is important that good sense prevails in the minds of the Burmese authorities, Rakhine community and majority community so that Rohingyas and all Muslims in Burma are able to live peacefully and honourably with all human dignity and rights.In the case of Rohingya, they should be able to coexist as equals in Arakan with their collective rights or concrete rights. Democratic and political process in Burma should be all-inclusive and Rohingya and all Muslims should be a part of it”. 

A slide was shown at the event from BROUK’s photo collection with a Rohingya song. It touched to the many audience hearts.

The meeting was ended with Dua by Shaikh Abdul Qayum Chief Imam of East London Mosque followed by dinner.

Maung Aurther

RB News

June 4, 2013

Maung Daw, Arakan- Starting at 8AM today (04.06.2013), NaSaKas (Border Security Force) are carrying out raids against Rohingyas in the village of Kyi Kan Pyin (Khawar Bil) in Maung Daw. NaSaKas are from the headquarter located nearby the village. They are raiding the village in order to Bengalize Rohingya villagers by means of brutal force.

“At 8AM, NaSaKa surrounded the western section and the middle section of the village of Khawar Bil. And they have been raiding the village since then. Since NaSaKa’s primary targets are Rohingya men, Rohingya men from the middle section of the village are hiding in the forest and from western section of the village, they fled to nearby villages. 

Meanwhile, the village administration officers of Khawar Bil and others were called on for a meeting by the head of the NaSaKa administration today. In their absences, NaSaKa is brutally forcing to Bengalize any Rohingya they find before them.

As the village is still under NaSaKa blockage, we are unable to confirm any carrying out any brutalities and atrocities being carried out by NaSaKas. But the villagers are really afraid” said a Rohingya youth from Maung Daw.

“Besides, NaSaKa often carry out tortures and extortion of money from the poor villagers” he added.

Human Rights Watch

June 4, 2013

Provide Asylum Seekers Access to UN Refugee Agency

The Thai government should immediately end the detention under inhumane conditions of more than 1,700 ethnic Rohingya from Burma, Human Rights Watch said today. Rohingya asylum seekers should be transferred from overcrowded cells in immigration detention centers to get screening and protection from the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR). 

Shocking video footage of Rohingya locked up in an overcrowded immigration facility in Thailand’s Phang Nga province was shown on ITN Channel 4 News on May 31, 2013. Thailand’s prime minister Yingluck Shinawatra had agreed in January to permit Rohingya arriving by boat in Thailand to stay temporarily, initially for six months, until they could be safely repatriated to their places of origin or resettled to third countries. 

“Thailand should respect the basic rights of Rohingya ‘boat people’ and stop detaining them in horrific conditions,” said Brad Adams, Asia director. “The government should immediately allow them to pursue their asylum claims with the UN refugee agency.” 

The ITN program showed most of the 276 Rohingya men living in extremely cramped conditions in two cells resembling large cages, each designed to hold only 15 men, where they barely had enough room to sit. Some suffered from swollen feet and withered leg muscles due to lack of exercise. The men said they have not been let out of the cells in five months. 

Thai immigration authorities have not permitted UNHCR to conduct refugee status determination screenings of these Rohingya, and instead lock them in overcrowded immigration detention facilities across the country. Rohingya families have been split up, with women and children sent to government-run shelters separate from the men placed in immigration detention. 

Each year, tens of thousands of ethnic Rohingya from Burma’s Arakan State set sail to flee persecution by the Burmese government, and dire poverty. The situation has significantly worsened following sectarian violence in Arakan State in June 2012 between Muslim Rohingya and Buddhist Arakanese, and later government-backed crimes against humanity committed during a campaign of “ethnic cleansing” in October against Rohingya and other Muslims. 

Thailand’s so-called “help on” policy towards small boats carrying Rohingya has failed to provide Rohingya asylum seekers with the protections required under international law, and in some cases significantly increased their risk. 

Under this policy, the Thai navy intercepts Rohingya boats that come close to the Thai coast and supposedly provides them with fuel, food, water, and other supplies on the condition that the boats sail onward to Malaysia or Indonesia. Enforcement actions to prevent Rohingya from these vessels from coming ashore intensified after the Thai government responded to international pressure, and agreed to provide temporary shelter for more than 1,700 Rohingya who had arrived in Thailand since January 2013. 

Under the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, everyone has the right to seek asylum from persecution. While Thailand is not a party to the 1951 Refugee Convention, under customary international law, the Thai government has an obligation of “non-refoulement” – not to return anyone to places where their life or freedom would be at risk. UNHCR’s Guidelines on Applicable Criteria and Standards Relating to the Detention of Asylum Seekers reaffirms the basic human right to seek asylum and state that “[a]s a general rule, asylum seekers should not be detained.” The UNHCR Guidelines also note that detention should not be used as a punitive or disciplinary measure, and that detention should not be used as a means of discouraging refugees from applying for asylum. 

The Thai government should work closely with UNHCR, which has the technical expertise to screen for refugee status and the mandate to protect refugees and stateless people. Effective UNHCR screening of all Rohingya boat arrivals would help the Thai government determine who is entitled to refugee status. 

“Thai authorities should provide temporary protection to Rohingya and scrap the ‘help on’ policy that places these asylum seekers in harm’s way,” Adams said. “The government should help Rohingya who escape from oppression and hardship in Burma – not worsen their plight.”

Rushanara Ali

Guardian

June 3, 2013

The international community must put pressure on Burma to protect Rohingya Muslims and end segregation in Rakhine state

How desperate and distrustful of your government do you have to be to refuse an offer of relocation when a cyclone is about to hit your home? That many of the displaced Rohingya people in Burma's Rakhine state took this decision demonstrates how difficult their lives have become.

For months now, the Rohingya Muslim people have been targeted in a campaign that a Human Rights Watch report (pdf) has described as "ethnic cleansing". Rohingya Muslims in Burma have been forced into segregated settlements and camps, and – in many cases – cut off from lifesaving aid.

I visited displacement camps in Rakhine in May with Refugees International and Burma Campaign UK, meeting with displaced people who – after suffering horrific attacks by members of the Rakhine Buddhist community in October –were forced to flee into remote areas of the countryside, areas completely unsuitable for displacement camps.

Drinking water had to be brought in on boats by NGOs, and primary healthcare was provided one morning a week. If you needed medical help at other times, you had to hope an NGO would come by boat to get you.

Residents of this squalid community fall ill frequently due to insanitary conditions. I travelled by boat for two hours to Pauktaw, where a UNHCR-supported camp is home to thousands of Rohingya people. The shores adjacent to the camps were covered in faeces, with dead rats floating in the water just metres from where children were bathing to keep cool in the heat.

Since it was attacked, the Rohingya community has been totally cut off from markets and job opportunities; living in a segregated area, its people are barred by the authorities from travelling to the sites where they used to work and trade. Donor governments – including the UK – have helped provide some basic services, but it is nowhere near enough to give these people a safe and dignified existence.

The Rohingyas I met were living in flimsy tents so close to the shore that there was no way they could survive the monsoon season, let alone a cyclone. Even the emergency evacuations now underway will not be enough to get them safely through the coming months. During my visit, I was told that it would take at least two months to build temporary shelters on higher ground, and the government has delayed allocating the necessary land, perhaps in an attempt to assuage local Rakhine extremists. All of this demonstrates the unwillingness of the government to prioritise the safety of the Rohingya community.

Aid agencies have had real difficulties in getting help to people. Apart from the logistical problems created by the camps' isolation, the government has introduced bureaucratic obstacles, including serious delays in providing travel authorisations and visas for aid staff. Most troubling, some Rakhine Buddhist political and religious leaders have made threats against aid agencies because they object to assistance being offered to to the Rohingyas. Instead of taking action, the government refuses to let aid workers operate in areas where threats are made.

Displaced people told me about family members they had lost in the October attacks, speaking of their grief. Most wanted to return home, but were too scared to do so without appropriate protection. And they were aware that rather than focusing on moving people to higher ground during April, the government was conducting a "verification exercise" in displacement camps, in which they tried to force Rohingyas to sign forms admitting that they were "Bengalis". This only added to their distrust of the authorities, which was already high after many of the security services either committed or condoned attacks on their community last year. People told me that they would never be allowed to return home because local authorities were trying to create Muslim-free zones.

In a discussion with a group of Rohingya women, I listened to stories of family members being killed; some had lost seven, eight, nine loved ones. After hearing these testimonies, I wasn't surprised that some Rohingya people took the seemingly irrational decision to refuse relocation in the face of a cyclone. They are so desperate that they do not know who to trust or where they may be sent next. And, as a woman who lost her entire family said, "If, after having lost everything – including my whole family – because we are Rohingya Muslims, [the government] still don't recognise me as Rohingya in my own country, then I might as well be dead".

The UK government, together with the rest of the international community, must keep the pressure on the Burmese government to facilitate full humanitarian access to the Rohingya, end segregation in Rakhine state, provide them with the protection they need to return home, and restore their Burmese citizenship.

Mohammad Al-Moula

Kuwait News Agency

June 3, 2013

Kuwait's Ambassador to Myanmar, Essa Al-Shimali, said on Monday that the Kuwaiti leadership is deeply concerned and interested in follow up on the state of affairs of the Muslim minority in Myanmar.

The ambassador recalled that the country was the first Arab and Islamic state to condemn violence against Muslims in Myanmar.

Ambassador Al-Shimali was speaking to KUNA after a delegation of the Kuwaiti National Assembly concluded a visit to the country. "The Kuwaiti National Assembly was one of the first Arab and Islamic parliaments to visit Myanmar to discuss the issue with the Muslim minority and meet with officials of Islamic bodies," he said.

The Kuwaiti delegation was headed by Foreign Affairs Committee Chairman MP Saleh Ashour and included MPs Taher Failkawi and Salah Al-Ateeqi.

"During the visit, the delegation discussed bilateral relations between the two countries with the Minister of Foreign Affairs of Myanmar, Wunna Maung Lwin, and ways to enhance them in various fields." The delegation also reviewed a detailed explanation of the Minister of Foreign Affairs concerning violent acts in the province of Arakan, Al-Shimali said.

On the other hand, Head of the Foreign Affairs Committee in the Parliament of Myanmar expressed gratitude towards Kuwait's leadership and its people for its humanitarian role in various countries around the world, the ambassador said.

RB Poem
June 3, 2013