Vitit Muntarbhorn
Bangkok Post
February 25, 2013
Although the term "Rohingya" is subject to various interpretations, it has been used in recent times primarily to cover the ethnic Muslim minority found in Myanmar's Rakhine State. Rohingya have sadly been in the news because of the violence, discrimination, dispossession and marginalisation to which they have been subjected. The depth of their tragedy cries out for a robust helping hand from their state of origin and the international community.
Their persistent plight invites deeper understanding of their situation. First, it should be noted that their status in Myanmar was not adequately dealt with at the time of Burma's (later Myanmar) independence. In effect, many of them are stateless. The 2008 constitution of the country perpetuates their marginalisation by providing that a citizen is either a person "born of parents both of whom are nationals of the Republic of Myanmar" or "a person who is already a citizen by law on the day this constitution comes into operation". This is compounded by the 1982 Myanmar Citizenship Law which fails to list Rohingya as a "national ethnic group" entitled automatically to Myanmar citizenship, even though it recognises other national ethnic groups for this purpose.
Second, for decades, the group has suffered impediments to their rights and livelihood. They are some of the poorest people in the country. There are recurrent breaches of their right to freedom of movement, access to education, freedom of religion and even their right to marry. Matters came to a head in 2012 with widespread inter-ethnic violence in Rakhine State, causing a massive caseload of internally displaced persons, including Rohingya, and their most recent cross-border outflows into neighbouring countries by land and sea.
To be fair, however, the plight of other victims of violence in Rakhine State should not be forgotten. The authorities have also set up a national Commission of Inquiry on the issue.
Meanwhile, the UN Special Rapporteur on Myanmar remains concerned with the serious situation in Rakhine State, despite constructive developments on other fronts in the country.
Third, precisely because old caseloads of Rohingya who sought refuge in neighbouring countries, particularly during the mid 1970s and 1990s, have not been fully dealt with, those neighbours find it difficult to keep open the door to new arrivals.
For instance, in Bangladesh, while many have been assisted and have found solutions to their plight, including voluntary repatriation to their country of origin, others are in limbo and await long-term solutions. This creates a sense of compassion fatigue at the local level. The situation is rendered more complex by the fact that there is a local Rohingya community, as distinct from the Rohingya who are seeking refuge in Myanmar, and some of the local community are also seeking access to other countries.
Fourth, the past two years have witnessed large influxes into neighbouring Thailand and Malaysia (and other countries). The response facing Rohingya has been ambivalent. While tens of thousands have now found refuge in Malaysia and hundreds have been sheltered in Thailand, others have been subjected to push-backs and push-outs, particularly at sea as a kind of "soft deportation". There are fears of forced return to their country of origin, though this would be in breach of the international law principle of "non-refoulement" which prohibits the forced return of asylum-seekers to areas of danger, particularly their country of origin. Thailand is also a party to the UN Convention against Torture which prohibits absolutely the forced return of persons to areas where there is a fear of torture. However, on a welcome note, some of the more enlightened officials have urged safety and temporary shelter for the refugees, while civil society groups have shown kindness towards them.
Fifth, the outflow of Rohingya from Myanmar is blighted by criminal elements seeking to profit from them. Often, those who seek refuge elsewhere are victims of human trafficking _ a phenomenon leading them to a situation of exploitation whether or not they cross a border _ and victims of human smuggling whereby a third party helps them to cross the border to enter another country illegally or in an irregular manner. The gravity of the situation is highlighted by the fact that in recent months many of the victims have been women and children. The challenge is to ensure that they are not kept in detention but are cared for in welfare facilities and treated as victims rather than illegal immigrants.
On an auspicious front, even though most Southeast Asian countries are not parties to the UN Convention on the status of refugees, they are all parties to the UN conventions on the rights of women and children which advocate non-discrimination and humane treatment of all women and children irrespective of their origins. The most recent regional declaration on human rights _ the Asean Human Rights Declaration _ also refers to the possibility of asylum, even though that declaration has been criticised on some fronts.
From the angle of regional dialogue and related action, there is now a forum known as the Bali Process on People Smuggling, Trafficking in Persons and Related Transnational Crime, which acts as a platform to involve scores of countries in the search for solutions. This includes all the Asean countries as well as key neighbours such as Bangladesh, India and China, as well as other key actors such as the US, Australia and New Zealand. This process has established a regional office in Bangkok and it meets periodically to promote cross-border cooperation.
In 2011, it adopted a Regional Cooperation Framework to counter the irregular movement of people due to human smuggling, as well as to address the issue of asylum-seekers, with the possibility of assessment processes to determine their status. The latter is linked to the possibility of a variety of solutions, such as voluntary repatriation, resettlement within and outside the region, and "in country" solutions. Logically also, the main UN body dealing with refugees and the issue of statelessness _ the office of the UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) _ is a key catalyst on these issues and is interlinked with the Bali Process, anchored on the need to ensure consistency with international law.
With regard to the Rohingya and other displacements, key actions premised on the need for robust international cooperation should include the following:
- Address the root causes of the conflict and displacement in Myanmar, including overcoming the marginalisation of the Rohingya community, to protect human rights, and to ensure sustainable development and poverty alleviation;
- Reform the citizenship law in the country and adopt more flexible criteria for the granting of nationality (such as by reason of birth in the country), as well as residency and travel documents based on the freedom of movement and return to the country;
- Provide humanitarian assistance to victims of violence in the country on the basis of non-discrimination;
- Keep open the borders of neighbouring countries to help victims of persecution, violence and conflict, with due respect for international principles such as "non-refoulement" and rescue at sea for boat arrivals, while countering human trafficking and smuggling;
- Provide at least temporary shelters for persons who seek refuge, avoid detaining them, and ensure that they have access to humanitarian bodies such as the UNHCR;
- Initiate a process to determine the status of those who seek refuge in these countries; where there are grounds to believe that they have escaped persecution, violence or conflict, they should be able to stay at least temporarily and have access to durable solutions; in regard to cases which do not pass this test, the main option is for them to return to their country of origin, preferably on a voluntary basis;
- Maximise international and regional responsibility-sharing by providing sustained support to the countries caring for persons who seek refuge; and
- Nurture mutual understanding and cooperation by means of inter-community programmes and activities, particularly from a young age and with due regard to the rich diversity and humanity of cultures and peoples in the region.
Vitit Muntarbhorn is a Professor at the Faculty of Law, Chulalongkorn University. He has helped the UN in a variety of capacities, including as a consultant, expert and Special Rapporteur.
Dr. Yasmin Haroon
RB Poem
February 24, 2013
The Chase
Terrified, I run with all my might into the wild,
Deeply heaving and profusely perspiring,
Moist sparse my forehead and,
Sweat-drops streak down the temporal sides,
Of my hot, flushing skin.
I hear them, swearing, cursing and hurling loud with immense rage,
Echoing all around clearly.
Unable to keep up with my pace,
They are infuriated and feel threatened.
How many of them, I can’t tell,
What and how many weapons they carry, I can’t guess.
To save my life is all I’m determined for,
And those who are utterly helpless without me.
I'm uncertain for how long I am running,
I lose the track of time through the chase.
How far are my people and village, I can’t speculate.
I see the sun dimly shining through the wild withered branches,
Slowly fading into the earth's vast horizon.
My body is feeble and weary,
Excruciating pain, I suffer all over.
But I can’t recede,
I can’t give up now,
I have no choice,
But to keep running towards my people.
Or suffer at the hands of the tyrants,
My beloved and I.
They are not far behind me,
Portraying the same substantial commitment to have me killed,
As I am to defeat their conviction.
My skin is bruised against the sharp ends of the forest
And my naked feet are pricked by aged thorns,
I hasten my pace as the darkness engulfs the wilderness.
Eerie and unpleasant thoughts cloud my mind,
Feeding on such would only slow me down.
Even though arduous, I recall on memories,
That of my family and the happier times.
Heightening my spirit and hope,
A subtle idea draws into my mind,
To cause diversion and get them off track....
But, I was too late.
I was approaching my village.
Hot and dusty air brush against my blossom,
And dark smoke swirl towards the open sky.
I’m late....indeed, very late.
Surrounded by what it would be to describe as Hell,
Rubble and ruins at every corner.
My family were tied up with ropes,
Just like they would do the untamed,
Innocent were not spared.
Our homes were blazing with fire.
Silently weeping with heads down,
Inductive that we have lost our fight against the brutal oppressors.
Witnessing what I have dreaded the most,
I fall to my knees and my eyes fill up.
I do not resist nor do I run again.
This is not just the end,
But a beginning of remembering us as part of History.
I silently sigh and give in to my tormented fate..
I’m not a martyr,
And neither do I desire to be celebrated as one in the far future.
Heed what I say and be assured,
With each life scarified,
The zeal to win our lawful freedom,
Will only head stronger and stronger...
Dr. Yasmin Haroon is senior medical intern at Gulf Medical University in UAE and is a native Rohingya.
M.S. Anwar
RB News
February 24, 2013
Maung Daw, Arakan- Starting from early morning yesterday, a joint operation by Police, NaSaKa (Border Security Force), SB2 (Special Branch Two) and others was carried out against Rohingya Passers-by in Maung Daw. More than 250 Rohingya passers-by Children, Men and Women were arrested and detained for no reason.
“From the early morning, three joint teams of Police, NaSaKa, SB2 and others encamped at three NaSaKa Camps in Maung Daw. The three NaSaKa camps are at Mayong Khali (Khala) Bridge, MyoThuGyi (Khala) Bridge and ShujaFara (Taak Khali) Bridge located respectively before the three entries to the downtown of Maung Daw. Then, they suddenly popped up and started arbitrarily arresting Rohingya Passers-by including children, women and men alike. More than 250 people were taken to the police custody in Maung Daw and kept in detentions where they were harassed. Later, they were released after extorting some amount of money from each of the detainee. Meanwhile, some of the detainees who had the White Cards (the Foreigners Registration Cards Issued to Rohingyas long ago) with them did not need to pay money for their release.
On 21st February 2013, U Hla Maung Tin, a Rakhine extremist himself and the head of the Rakhine State Administration, held separate meetings with Maung Daw Administration and other authority, Rakhine community and the religious heads of Rohingya Community. While what he discussed with Rakhine community and Maung Daw administration are not known, he discussed with the religious heads of Rohingyas on how to stabilize the regions and that too in a very nice way. He reportedly said that the violence had taken place accidentally and Rohingyas would not be the subject of the atrocities any more.
Now, Rohingyas suspect that the intention behind his coming to Maung Daw was to carry out the operations often and play mind games in order to cause terror in the minds of Rohingyas as a part of their psychological war tactics” said a Rohingya Elder from Maung Daw.
It is the critically final moment for Rohingya people in exile, international communities and government bodies to prepare for the effective actions to prevent the genocides of Rohingyas and Kamans rather than mere holding dialogues with the Burmese tyrants. Burmese regime has always been deaf to any genuine dialogues for peace. They never want peace for the different people and always lie after committing atrocities.
Susan Sacirbey
Diplomaticallyincorrect.org
February 23, 2013
Child soldiers, genocide, ethnic hatred, Rohingya Muslims, Kachin Christians, cronyism, corruption, have all become names associated with Myanmar, or as some call – “Burma.” This week alone, there were two seemingly conflicting reports coming from the UN, one associating unaddressed human rights issues, the second – the release of 24 child soldiers by the Tatmadaw, Myanmar’s armed forces.
Ongoing conflict between ethnic Rakhine Buddhists and Rohingya Muslims has created 115,000 internally displaced persons (IDPs) in Rakhine State. Despite reforms claimed by the Government, there is fear of spreading violence to other parts of Myanmar. There are also concerns of excessive government force and human rights abuse, which have all contributed to the number of Rohingya fleeing the country by boat in unsafe vessels many drowning at sea to escape indignity and fear at home.
Relief supplies continue to be stymied by authorities and logistics to afflicted areas, and medical conditions worsen. At the same time, the Tatmadaw’s action plan to end and prevent child use and recruitment is a welcome development. The Government has agreed to: “Identify all children in the Tatmadaw and ensure their unconditional release/discharge; facilitate the reintegration of released children into their families and communities; and facilitate processes that seek to end child recruitment by non-State armed groups.”
With greater Government transparency, accountability, and genuine reform and human rights measures to respect all Myanmar’s ethnicities and religions, we may be witness to new images of hope among Myanmar’s children. As Global Citizens, let’s change the picture.
UN News Centre Sources
“The reforms in Myanmar are continuing apace, which is a good sign for the improvement of the human rights situation in Myanmar,” said the Special Rapporteur on the human rights situation in the country, Tomás Ojea Quintana, after his latest visit. However, he warned that “there are significant human rights shortcomings that remain unaddressed.”
Mr. Ojea Quintana called on authorities to address the issues of truth, justice and accountability through the creation of a truth commission, adding that this is crucial for the process of national reconciliation and to prevent future human rights violations.
During his five-day trip, Mr. Ojea Quintana visited Naypyitaw, Yangon, Kachin and Rakhine, and met with Government officials, the National Human Rights Commission, civil society and former prisoners of conscience, among others. He also met with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, the Chairperson of the National League of Democracy.
The Special Rapporteur said he was particularly concerned by the escalation of military offensives in Kachin, where some 75,000 people have fled their homes since fighting began in June 2011 between Government troops and rebels.
Security issues in the state are also hindering humanitarian access, and Mr. Ojea Quintana stressed that all administrative and political obstacles should The living conditions of some 120,000 people who are living in internally displaced camps are especially worrying, the expert said, without adequate health care in the larger Muslim camps.
On 18 February, 2013, The United Nations welcomed the release of 24 children by Myanmar’s armed forces, known as the Tatmadaw, and called for the acceleration of discharges in line with the commitment made last year by the Government to end child rights violations.
Last June, the UN and the Government of Myanmar signed an action plan that sets a timetable and measurable activities for the release and reintegration of children associated with Government armed forces, as well as the prevention of further recruitment.
According to a news release issued by the UN Children’s Fund (UNICEF), the 24 children were officially discharged at a ceremony on Friday in Yangon, attended by senior officials of the Tatmadaw and the Government, as well as the UN.
“This release of 24 children is a welcome step in the implementation of the action plan by the Government and reflects its commitment that children should not, and will no longer, be recruited and used for military purposes,” stated UN Resident Coordinator in Myanmar Ashok Nigam. “I call for the acceleration of the release of all children from the Tatmadaw and for the non-State armed groups to also do the same,” he added.
Myanmar is one of 14 countries – with armed forces or armed groups identified by the UN Secretary-General as committing grave child rights violations – working together with the UN system to end grave violations against children in situations of armed conflict.
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| (Photo - Sri Lanka Navy) |
The News Pakistan
February 23, 2013
YANGON/GENEVA: Myanmar boat survivors rescued by Sri Lanka’s navy last week say they floated for 25 days at sea and 97 people died of starvation after Thailand’s navy intercepted and forcibly removed their boat’s engines.
Thirty-two men and a boy now detained at an immigration detention centre near Sri Lanka’s capital, Colombo, were rescued last Saturday when their dilapidated wooden vessel began sinking while making a perilous journey to Malaysia. The Thai navy has denied the allegation.
The survivors are Rohingya Muslims regarded as illegal immigrants into Myanmar from Bangladesh, and say they do not want to return to Myanmar.
The survivors were suffering from severe dehydration when they were rescued about 250 miles off Sri Lanaka’s east coast.’
Meanwhile, the UN’s refugee agency on Friday raised the alarm over the rising number of boat people perishing in the Indian Ocean, including Rohingya Muslims fleeing communal strife in Myanmar.
“It is clear that for people fleeing violence and conflict in their homelands, this has become one of the most dangerous stretches of water in the world,” said UNHCR spokesman Andrej Mahecic.
In 2012, some 13,000 people took to smugglers’ boats in the Bay of Bengal, of whom 500 died at sea when the vessels broke down or capsized, said Mahecic.
“Already in 2013, several thousand people are believed to have boarded smugglers boats in the Bay of Bengal,” he added.
Among the most recent incidents, around 90 people are believed to have died of dehydration and starvation during a two-month journey, he said.
Around 30 survivors were rescued last weekend by Sri Lanka’s navy off that country’s coast.
“The repeated tragedies at sea demonstrate the need for a coordinated regional response to distress and rescue at sea,” said Mahecic.
Described by the UN as among the most persecuted minority groups in the world, Myanmar’s Muslim Rohingya have for years trickled abroad to neighbouring Bangladesh and, increasingly, to Muslim-majority Malaysia.
Myanmar views its population of roughly 800,000 Rohingya as illegal Bangladeshi immigrants and denies them citizenship.
Buddhist-Muslim unrest has left at least 180 people dead and more than 110,000 displaced in Myanmar’s western state of Rakhine since June 2012.
UNHCR
February 22, 2013
This is a summary of what was said by UNHCR spokesperson Andrej Mahecic – to whom quoted text may be attributed – at the press briefing, on 22 February 2013, at the Palais des Nations in Geneva.
UNHCR is concerned about a rising numbers of deaths in the Indian Ocean involving people fleeing their countries for safety and better lives elsewhere. This includes many Rohingya from Myanmar.
Already in 2013, several thousand people are believed to have boarded smuggler's boats in the Bay of Bengal, among them Rohingya from Rakhine state or from Bangladesh's refugee camps and makeshift sites. Most are men, but there are also increasing reports of women and children on these often-rickety boats making the journey southwards. We estimate that of the 13,000 people who left on smugglers' boats in 2012, close to 500 died at sea when their boats broke down or capsized. While UNHCR is still gathering data from 2012 on deaths at sea, it is clear that the Indian Ocean has become for people fleeing their countries one of the deadliest stretches of water in the world.
In the latest incident, only a week ago, some 90 people – believed to be Rohingya – are said to have died of dehydration and starvation during a journey that lasted almost two months. More than 30 survivors were rescued from this vessel last weekend by the Sri Lankan navy off Sri Lanka's east coast. Earlier in February, around 130 people reportedly originating from Myanmar and Bangladesh – were also rescued at sea by the Sri Lankan navy. We are seeking independent access to the survivors to assess their situation and needs.
UNHCR is greatly saddened by this latest terrible ordeal, and commends the quick action of the Sri Lankan navy in rescuing this group and providing immediate medical attention. UNHCR is ready to support the Sri Lankan authorities in assisting any among them who are in need of international protection.
Violence in western Myanmar's Rakhine state erupted last June between different communities there. Since then some 115,000 people – the majority of them Rohingya – have been uprooted. Most continue to be internally displaced within Rakhine state, but others have resorted to smugglers to flee their country.
About 1,700 people have arrived in recent months on the southern coast of Thailand, where the Royal Thai Government has granted them six months of temporary protection until solutions can be found. UNHCR teams are talking to the men, who are held in detention facilities, and to the women and children who are in government-run shelters, to assess their situations.
In addition to those who have landed in Thailand, an estimated 1,800 people have arrived in Malaysia since the start of the year. When notified, UNHCR intervenes to secure their release from detention and seeks access to assess their protection needs.
UNHCR recognizes the regional dimension of the irregular movements of refugees, asylum seekers and migrants by sea. Genuine cooperative regional approaches that promote sharing of burdens and responsibility could offer asylum seekers and refugees an alternative to dangerous and exploitative boat journeys. UNHCR offers its expertise and good offices to play a constructive role in this process.
Repeated tragedies at sea also demonstrate the need for a coordinated regional response to distress and rescue at sea. We urge States to agree protocols for the safe and quick disembarkation of rescued passengers and the provision of urgent humanitarian assistance. Mechanisms must be in place to assess the needs of and solutions for different groups, including access to UNHCR for those in need of international protection.
To help move this process forward, UNHCR is facilitating discussions between interested governments and international organizations at a regional meeting on irregular movements by sea to be held in Jakarta in March.
Amid continuing news reports of boats being pushed back to sea by some countries, UNHCR also urges States in the region to keep their borders open to people in need of international protection, to uphold the principle of non-refoulement and to offer them temporary assistance and protection until durable solutions can be found.
In parallel, UNHCR has been advocating with the Myanmar government to urgently address the root causes of the outflow. The Rohingya are not recognized as citizens of Myanmar and face many restrictions in their daily lives in Rakhine state. To resolve the problem, we encourage the government to commit to promoting reconciliation and peaceful co-existence as well as economic development in Rakhine state, pursue practical measures to ensure basic rights so that the Rohingya can lead normal lives where they are, and eventually grant them access to citizenship.
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| Shwe Maung represents Buthidaung constituency in northern Arakan state. (Photo: DVB) |
Hanna Hindstrom
Democratic Voice of Burma
February 22, 2013
A member of parliament has fired back at claims that Rohingya Muslims do not exist in Burma, after a senior government minister allegedly accused the group of fabricating its history in a parliamentary discussion on Wednesday.
It follows media reports that the Deputy Immigration Minister, Kyaw Kyaw Win, on Wednesday formally denied the existence of a Rohingya race in Burma, referring to a stateless Muslim minority isolated near the Bangladeshi border.
But Shwe Maung, who is a native Rohingya, slammed the allegations, quoted in the English-language version of Burma’s state media outlet the New Light of Myanmar, as historically and factually inaccurate.
“We should not simply deny there are no Rohingya, if we do that it would be irresponsible, we need a study,” said the MP, who represents Buthidaung constituency in northern Arakan state.
Shwe Maung is one of only two Rohingya MPs in parliament, both of whom represent the military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) in Maungdaw district. In recent months, he has played an increasingly vocal role in defending the stateless minority, which is broadly viewed as “illegal Bengali immigrants” and denied citizenship by the government.
It follows two bouts of vicious sectarian clashes between Arakanese Buddhists and Muslim Rohingya in western Burma last year, which prompted senior politicians – many from the military and USDP – to call for the group to be exiled to a third country.
But Shwe Maung told DVB that he is leading a parliamentary initiative, along with two other MPs from Maungdaw district, to promote the rights of Rohingyas. He explained that they have called on the speaker of the lower house of parliament, Shwe Mann, to set up an investigative commission to establish whether or not Rohingyas exist in Burma.
“We [also] shared a separate report with our colleagues and MPs and I’ve received a lot of positive and constructive remarks,” he said. “We focused on the facts and documents, especially printed by government media and the ministry of information. Based on that most of the MPs are impressed and agree that there are Rohingya [in Burma].”
Shwe Maung cited historical research carried out prior to the British colonisation of Burma in 1824, which formally recognised some 30,000 “Rohingya” Muslims living in Arakan state. Both Burma’s first president and prime minister, Sao Shwe Thaik and U Nu respectively, reportedly recognised the Rohingya as one of the country’s “indigenous races”.
They were later stripped of their citizenship by former military dictator Ne Win.
“During my recent visit to Sittwe I have seen a lot of families with birth certificates with the ethnic name Rohingya, but still [some are] denying [them],” he said, dismissing allegations that “Bengalis” are migrating into Arakan state.
“People are not coming in, people are going out,” he said. “In [our language] Burmese Rakhine Muslims are called Rohingya – they are the Muslim people who live in Arakan.”
He also accused the English-version of the New Light of misrepresenting Wednesday’s parliamentary discussion.
“[Kyaw Kyaw Win] did not mention there is no Rohingya in Myanmar, but it appeared in the [English-language] media,” Shwe Muang.
In fact, the Burmese version of the New Light, quoted Kyaw Kyaw Win as saying “there have been cross-border relations since the ancient times”, although he added that Arakanese Muslims were not recognised as natives in the 1973 census. But many government representatives, including the President’s Office Director Zaw Htay, seized the opportunity to slate the Rohingya on social media.
Although Shwe Maung’s increasingly vocal activism represents a significant shift in the USDP’s notorious reputation for silencing dissent, some analysts question its implications for Burma’s political transition.
“I think it says more about the USDP, which is a party that people joined because it gave them a position of influence rather than a party with a particular ideology,” Mark Farmaner from Burma Campaign UK told DVB.
“I don’t think it says much about parliament, which is constitutionally almost powerless. I think it can give people a voice they didn’t have before; and some MPs are using that to represent their constituents whereas others are using it to promote their own self-interests.”
Farmaner added that it was “unfortunate” that Aung San Suu Kyi’s party – the National League for Democracy (NLD) – has still failed to come out more strongly on the Rohingya issue.
But Shwe Maung insists that he will continue to “carry the voices of his constituents” to parliament. He added that he is not necessarily pushing for Rohingyas to be recognised as “indigenous peoples” in Burma, but that their basic human rights must be respected.
“For the time being the most important thing is the people. People are living with a lack of food, they cannot move, they cannot access the market, they cannot access aid from the international community.”
More than 125,000 people, mostly from the Rohingya minority, were uprooted in last year’s violence and many are still denied humanitarian aid.
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| The survivors blamed Thailand's navy by forcibly removing the boat's engine and letting them to float for 21 days without food, creating a predicament that killed 97. (Photo: AP) |
Eliane Coates
Relief Web
February 22, 2013
Synopsis
The exodus of many Rohingya over the past year has brought increased international awareness to their plight, as well as Southeast Asia’s inability to deal effectively with forced migration. A regional approach is needed to find a durable solution to the influx of Rohingya boat people.
Commentary
SINCE THE communal clashes began in Arakan State in June 2012, the scale of Rohingya fleeing by boat to neighbouring Southeast Asian countries has increased significantly. According to a reliable source from the human rights organisation The Arakan Project, it is estimated 19,500 registered and unregistered Rohingya, including some Bangladeshis, have fled by boat from Bangladesh and North Arakan State, with an estimated 100 people having drowned during the process.
With an estimated 115,000 people in Arakan displaced by the communal clashes, it is not surprising thousands more Rohingya have fled from other parts of Arakan State not only by boat, but by air and overland too.
The boat people problem
Myanmar, a country once under a severely repressive regime, is now considered a budding democracy. Yet the opening up of Myanmar has re-ignited deep-seated and long-repressed inter-ethnic friction that has the potential to consume Arakan State in continual civil unrest. With the government of Myanmar showing little, if any, interest in the plight of Rohingya and giving no sign of granting permanent residency to Rohingya in the near future, the exodus of Rohingya to surrounding countries is unlikely to relent in coming months with harassment, intimidation campaigns and arbitrary arrests of Rohingya continuing today.
Along with the 200,000-400,000 unregistered Rohingya in Bangladesh, many Rohingya have for years sought refuge in Malaysia which is viewed by Rohingya as a welcoming destination due to the existing Rohingya community. Malaysia is currently the only country where Rohingya receive a minimum of protection. Rohingya now make up the second largest refugee group in Malaysia.
Yet, because Kuala Lumpur is not a signatory to the 1951 United Nations Convention on Refugees, nor the 1967 Protocol relating to the Status of Refugees, Rohingya are technically illegal immigrants. Hence they often remain urban refugees in cities, with the constant threat of arrest, detention and deportation. However, in recent times no Rohingya have been arrested or deported, especially since 2009 when Malaysia began allowing United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) access to Immigration Detention Centers to conduct refugee status determination processes.
Thailand’s unsustainable policy
In the last month Thailand seems to have become not solely a transit country to Malaysia, but a destination country as well with increasing arrivals of boats carrying Rohingya intercepted off the coast of Thailand. Thailand’s current policy towards arriving boats of Rohingya is to ‘help them on.’ Boats found near the Thai coast are not allowed to come ashore but are escorted back out to sea with food, water, and fuel provided on the condition that the boat continues its journey to Malaysia.
While official reports state that 6000 Rohingya have illegally entered Thailand by sea since October 2012, the reality is there has been many more Rohingya arriving on Thai shores in undetected boats.
Over the last three decades from 1975, Thailand has hosted almost three million refugees, initially from countries such as Cambodia, Laos and Vietnam, though mostly from Myanmar. Thai policy towards people from Myanmar during this period has fluctuated, despite international pressure urging Thailand to adopt a flexible policy towards displaced peoples. More recently, Thailand has engaged in ‘soft deportation’ of Rohingya across the Myanmar-Thai border as Myanmar refuses to re-admit Rohingya.
Rohingya, after being either handed directly to brokers, enter a tangled human trafficking web where they often are forced to pay brokers exorbitant fees or engage in forced labor in Thailand so as to eventually be transported to the Malaysian border. Worse, there have even been allegations against senior military officers of involvement in the smuggling racket.
Recent Thai army raids on camps in Thailand’s southern border province of Songkhla unearthed an estimated 900 Rohingya waiting to be sent to work in Malaysia. This development prompted Thai Foreign Minister Surapong Tovichakchaikul to state that those found, as well as a small group of Rohingya rescued from unseaworthy boats, would be permitted to remain on Thai soil for six months.
Although not upgrading their status to refugees, the Rohingya will be given a daily allowance of 75 baht (US$2.50) while Thailand talks with the UN, international agencies and seeks third countries willing to accept them.
Rohingya boat people will continue to arrive on Thai shores in the future. The strategy of soft deportation currently being employed will likely become unsustainable as many of the newly arrived Rohingya boat people will be unable to pay the high fees to traffickers, with many having lost their property in the recent communal violence in Arakan State.
Need for concerted regional solutions
In sum, the Rohingya immigration issue can no longer be regarded as an internal affair of the Myanmar government. Although many Southeast Asian countries understandably wish to steer clear of the sensitive debate on the Rohingya, the regional dimensions of this exodus of people seem all too evident. It is hard to escape the conclusion that what is urgently required is a concerted regional strategy aimed at coaxing the Myanmar government to more effectively address the situation in Arakan State.
While addressing the root causes of the increasing outflows of Rohingya boat people is important, it may not be sufficient. Regional countries may have to seriously explore the option of allowing boats carrying Rohingya to land on their shores and assist in the processing of people, giving Rohingya the right to apply for asylum and go through a refugee status determination process for eventual resettlement.
While undeniably only a temporary solution, this move may still help deal with the unmistakable regional repercussions of such human outflows arising from communal violence in Arakan State.
Eliane Coates is a Research Analyst at the Centre of Excellence for National Security (CENS), a constituent unit of the S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies (RSIS), Nanyang Technological University.
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| In recovery ... thirty-two Burmese asylum seekers rescued off Sri Lanka's eastern coast rest on the floor at a hospital in Galle. (Photo: AP) |
Ben Doherty
Fairfax Media
February 22, 2013
THE 32 surviving Burmese asylum seekers who were forced to throw nearly 100 dead shipmates overboard as their Australia-bound boat drifted in open seas off Sri Lanka face a state of limbo - the Burmese embassy is so far refusing to claim them as citizens.
The 31 men and one boy were rescued from their stricken and sinking vessel by the Sri Lankan navy last Saturday, more than 200 nautical miles from land.
They told their rescuers 98 others on board died of dehydration and starvation during nearly two months adrift and their bodies had been pushed into the sea.
They said they were from a village on the Burma-Bangladesh border and were headed to Australia or Malaysia to claim asylum.
Several remain in hospital suffering severe dehydration and malnutrition, while others have faced court and are being held in immigration detention.
But, nearly a week since they were rescued, the Burmese embassy has not yet agreed that the men belong to their country.
An embassy spokesman, Aung Soe Moe, said this week the process of determining the men's nationality was under way. An embassy official told Fairfax Media on Thursday there was no progress to report.
Sri Lanka Police spokesman Prishantha Jayakody said the men were the responsibility of the Burmese government. ''We have informed the Myanmar embassy for their further action,'' he said.
But Sri Lankan police sources have said the men are refusing to go back to their home country, saying they were fleeing persecution. The men are believed to be Rohingya, a Muslim community in Burma the United Nations has described as one of the world's most persecuted minorities.
The Burmese government does not recognise Rohingyas as belonging to the country and refuses to grant them citizenship.
They are regularly the target of violence, from Burmese army soldiers and vigilante groups, especially in the Rakhine state, near the border with Bangladesh.
Riots last year between Rohingya and ethnic Rakhine Buddhists left more than 600 people dead and more than 80,000 displaced, according to Rohingya groups.
The 32 men rescued Saturday are the second group of Burmese asylum seekers saved by Sri Lanka this month. On February 3, the Sri Lankan navy rescued 138 Bangladeshi and Burmese nationals from a sinking wooden boat.
One of those men told local TV: ''We are Muslims in Burma … we are floating on the sea, 25 days, without eating and without drinking.''
The federal Immigration Minister, Brendan O'Connor, said other asylum seeker boats trying to get to Australia were being lost at sea.
''A lot of people are just disappearing, out of sight, out of mind … It is very hard to put a number on it,'' he said. ''Too many.''
Video footage of the rescue of the 32 men showed many close to death. All appeared emaciated. Most could not stand up and the strongest could not walk unaided. Several were unconscious.
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| A Rohingya and Australia Foreign Minister at Embassy in Bangkok |
Ron Corben
The Sydney Morning Herald
February 22, 2013
Australia will boost aid by $2.5 million to Myanmar's (Burma's) displaced ethnic communities, but has ruled out an "open door" policy to ethnic Muslim Rohingya seeking asylum in Australia after fleeing sectarian violence.
Foreign Minister Bob Carr, after meeting Thai counterpart Surapong Tovichakchaikul, said Australia ruled out allowing the Rohingya to be part of its resettlement policy after advice by the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR).
"We don't want to give the impression that for Rohingya, (those) desperate people (who) come to Thailand, they have a route to Australia because the settlement, the settlement of this displacement lies in changing policies to (give) effect to changed policies within Rakhine province," Senator Carr told reporters in Bangkok.
Up to 2000 Rohingya are living in camps in Thailand after fleeing violence between Muslim and Buddhist communities in the Myanmarese state of Rakhine last year.
The violence left up to 200 dead, thousands injured and hundreds of homes and shops torched in arson attacks.
Human rights groups say up to 19,000 people - mostly Rohingya - have fled in unsafe boats from Myanmar and nearby Bangladesh. Hundreds have drowned, including women and children.
Senator Carr said after talks on Thursday with the Thai foreign minister the two countries agreed the settlement of the Rohingya should be within Rakhine state.
"Others can't resolve it for them. It needs to be a humanitarian settlement within Rakhine that addresses the question of their citizenship status and sees them resettled and integrated into the economy," he said.
Australia would also be providing $750,000 to support access to clean water and sanitation in eastern Kachin state, where bitter fighting between Myanmar's army and Kachin fighters has left up to 70,000 people displaced.
In addition it would provide $500,000 to begin land mine clearance in southeast Myanmar.
Meanwhile, Senator Carr told AAP former Thai prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra, who was ousted in a 2006 coup and fled in 2008 from a two-year jail term for corruption charges, had been granted a visa to travel to Australia.
"He's applied for, and was issued, a visa in early 2012. He hasn't visited Australia since the visa was issued," he said.
Mr Thaksin, whose younger sister, Yingluck Shinawatra, is Thailand's prime minister, was previously on a visa blacklist.
By Nay San Lwin
New Mandala
February 21, 2013
Burmese government records of Rohingya:
In his article, “A friend’s appeal to Burma”, published on June 19, 2012, Benedict Rogers included that the first President of Burma, Sao Shwe Thaike, a Shan, said that “Muslims of Arakan certainly belong to the indigenous races of Burma. If they do not belong to the indigenous races, we also cannot be taken as indigenous races”.
“The people living in Buthidaung and Maungdaw Townships are Rohingya, ethnic of Burma” said by Burma’s first prime minister U Nu in his pubic speech on September 25, 1954 at 8 pm. “The Rohingya has the equal status of nationality with Kachin, Kayah, Karen, Mon, Rakhine and Shan” said the prime minister and minister for defense U Ba Swe at public gatherings in Buthidaung and Maungdaw Townships in November 3, 1959 and November 4, 1959.
“The people living in Mayu Frontier is ethnic Rohingya” included in the announcement of Frontiers Administration office under Prime Minister Office on November 20, 1961. Mayu Frontier is composed of Buthidaung, Maungdaw and Rathedaung Townships.
Broadcasting from radio program in the Rohingya language was relayed three times a week from the indigenous language programme of the official Burma Broadcasting Service in Rangoon, from May 15, 1961 to October 30, 1965. Myanma Encyclopedia Vol.9, page 89-90, published in 1964, concludes that population of 500,000 living in Mayu Frontier of Northern Arakan State 75% is Rohingya. “The majority people live in Buthidaung, Maungdaw and Rathedaung Townships are ethnic Rohingya and the minorities are Rakhine, Daingnet, Mro and Khami” wrote in Tatmataw Khit Yay journal Vol.12, No.6 printed on July 18, 1961 and Vol. 12, No.9 printed on August 8, 1961.
In his speech on July 8, 1961, the Army Deputy Commander-in-Chief Brigadier General Aung Gyi said, “The people living in Mayu Frontier are Rohingya. Pakistan (now Bangladesh) is located in west of Mayu Frontier and Muslims are living there. The people living in west are called Pakistani and the people living here are called Rohingya. This is not the only border that has same people on both sides, border with China, India and Thailand also have the same phenomenon. For example: Lisu, Ei-Kaw, La-Wa live in Kachin State and same people live in China. Also Shan people can be found in China as Tai. The ethnics Mon, Karen and Malay are also living in Thailand. In India-Burma border Chin, Li-Shaw and Naga are living. These people are living in Burma as ethnics and living in India as well”.
The Rangoon University Rohingya Students Association was one of the many ethnic student associations that functioned from 1959 to 1961 under the registration numbers 113/99 December 1959 and 7/60 September 1960 respectively. In High School Geography textbook, printed in 1978, where scattered living regions of national races of Burma is shown on page 86, Northern Arakan is marked as ‘Rohingya region’.
Rohingya Elites/MPs before and after independence of Burma:
After the separation of Burma from India in 1935, the “Di-Archy” system was replaced by a ruling system called “91 Taa-na” (Departments administration). In that system there were 132 seats in the governing body and a total of 132 members were elected from various communal backgrounds. In this election, Mr. Ghani Markan, a Rohingya MP from Buthidaung and Maungdaw constituency, was elected. Point to be noted here that Mr. Ghani Markan was from the Community of “Burmese national” category and they (Rohingya) represented the Burmese national and not the Indian or any other group.
The General Election for Constituent Assembly in 1947 was organized just before the independence, mainly by the participation of General Aung San. This time, Buthidaung and Maungdaw had two separate constituencies. U Abdul Ghaffar for Buthidaung and U Sultan Ahmed for Maungdaw were elected.
U Abul Bashar for Buthidaung, U Sultan Ahmed and Daw Aye Nyunt for Maungdaw and U Abdul Ghaffar for Upper house were elected in 1951 election. U Ezhar Miah and U Abul Bashar for Buthidaung, U Sultan Ahmed and U Abul Khair for Maungdaw, U Sultan Mahmood for Buthidaung North and U Abdul Ghaffar for Upper house were elected in 1956. U Sultan Mahmood and U Abul Bashar for Buthidaung, U Rashid and U Abul Khair for Maungdaw and U Abdu Suban for Upper house were elected in 1961. By then the Rohingya community were involved more actively in politics. For the first time, one of the Rohingya elected member became a cabinet minister of Prime Minister U Nu’s government. He was U Sultan Mahmood, and in charge for the ministry of Education and Health. U Abdul Ghaffar and U Abul Bashar, elected members of Buthidaung became the Parliamentary Secretaries.
Even in the era of U Ne Win, the Rohingya exercised the voting and representing rights in the Pyithu Hluttaw (National Assembly) Election and in the election of different level of Pyithu (National) Council. Likewise, many Rohingya dignitaries were endorsed in the Burma Socialist Programme Party (BSPP) and some of them held higher positions as well. U Abul Hussein and Dr. Abdur Rahim were elected in 1974 from Buthidaung and Maungdaw.
Rohingya have been subjected to the discriminatory measure initiated in 1978 by the then BSPP and local authority of Rakhine community. They started to take the initiative to deprive the fundamental rights of Rohingya community and since then the Rohingya were marginalized from the Pyithu Hluttaw Election. U Tun Aung Kyaw aka Abdul Hai, was the only Rohingya representative elected in 1978 election from Maungdaw, but none from Buthidaung. The Rohingya were excluded from participating in the Pyithu Hluttaw elections in 1982 and 1986. However, some Rohingya were seen at lower levels of Pyithu Council of the BSPP.
In 1990 multi party general election, Rohingya exercised the voting and representing rights again. U Kyaw Min, U Tin Maung, U Chit Lwin and U Fazal Ahmed from National Democratic Party for Human Rights (NDPH) were elected from Buthidaung and Maungdaw constituencies. Later U Kyaw Min became a member of Committee Representing People's Parliament (CRPP).
Making Rohingya Stateless:
Rohingya people used to have National Registration Card (NRC) like everyone else in the country. Upon introduction of discriminatory policies on Rohingya by Dictator Ne Win in 1970s, the NRCs were taken away by various measures. Numerous check-points were set up to block Rohingya’s travel and to confiscate their IDs. Nagamin (the Dragon) operation in 1977-78 was skillfully crafted to drive out all Rohingya from Burma. It produced about 250,000 refugees that fled to neighboring Bangladesh. However, most of the fleeing refugees were returned to their original dwelling places, so the plan was not quite successful for the Burmese regime. Although systematic discriminatory policies were in place and IDs and other government issued documents were seized by the government, Rohingya remained as citizens of Burma until 1982. The Citizenship Act promulgated in 1982 is the official document that striped off the citizenship of Rohingya.
Numerous forms of discriminations followed by the enactment of 1982 Citizenship Law and lives of Rohingya had become incomprehensible. Again, another operation was carried out in 1991 by the successive military regime and it produced about 300,000 refugees, but this time about 200,000 remained in Bangladesh, of which, 28,000 are recognized refugees by the UNHCR and the rest are scattered around the country and are not recognized as refugees.
In the meantime, the regime uses different methods to eliminate (forced out) the Rohingya population for the region: confiscation of farmland, establishing Buddhist settlement on Rohingya’s land, force labor, restriction on movement, restriction on marriage, harassment, desecration of religious places, arbitrary taxation, extrajudicial killings, rapes, and the list goes on.
The new National Scrutiny Card was introduced in 1989 and Rohingya were not entitled to receive them as they have become non-citizen under the 1982 Citizenship Act. However, the authorities issued Temporary Scrutiny Card to all and promised twice in 2008 constitution referendum and 2010 election that National Scrutiny Card will soon be issued to all the Rohingyas. But the promises made to Rohingya were never honored.
In recent parliament session, when some MPs raised the issue of Rohingya, the immigration minister U Khin Yee said that “there is no Rohingya in Burma”. The same was echoed by the director general of the population department at a later date. Although many Rohingya were members of National League for Democracy (NLD) in Buthidaung and Maungdaw Townships during 1990 election, now the vice chairman U Tin Oo and other high ranking officials of NLD are openly saying that there is no race called ‘Rohingya’ in Burma, which is an utter disregard for historical facts, human rights and democratic principle. NLD’s discriminatory policy on Rohingya is no less than that of the military regime.
There is no justice for Rohingya in Burma as the racism is deeply rooted in Burmese society. Rohingyas are made escape goats to justify their evil doings by both ultra-nationalist racist and the regime to divert public attention. As history cannot be deleted or altered, the truth needs to be revealed and justice needs to be established. It is the human rights defenders that need to work hard to establish the justice and defend the rights of unjustly persecuted.
Nay San Lwin is an activist and blogger. He can be reached via Twitter @nslwin
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| Deputy Immigration and Population Kyaw Kyaw Win (Photo - Pyithu Hluttaw Page) |
David Stout
Democratic Voice of Burma
February 21, 2013
Burma’s Deputy Immigration and Population Minister Kyaw Kyaw Win denied the existence of the Rohingya ethnic group in Burma during a parliamentary session on Tuesday.
According to a back page report in today’s The New Light of Myanmar, Kyaw Kyaw Win made the statement twice in response to questions from MPs Maung Nyo of Sittwe and Daw Khin Saw Wai of Yathedaung, who also used the opportunity to unleash their own anti-Rohingya comments in front of the lower house.
Hours later, President’s Office Director Zaw Htay, under the name Hmuu Zaw, tweeted, “In today[‘s] Parliament, Deputy Minister for Immigration said there is no [Rohingya] ethnic in Myanmar” on the popular social networking site Twitter.
Zaw Htay has come under fire in the past for publishing anti-Rohingya comments on his Facebook page along with inflammatory pictures when sectarian violence rocked Arakan state last year.
“When government ministers deny Rohingya exist, and it is repeated by the office of the President, this encourages more prejudice and violence against Rohingya and all Muslims,” said Mark Farmaner, director at Burma Campaign UK.
“The international community can’t keep turning a blind eye to the fact that with statements like this President Thein Sein’s government is encouraging violence against the Rohingya.”
Ethno-religious riots exploded in June and October in the restive western state resulting in the displacement of tens of thousands of residents and left a disproportionate amount of Muslim villages razed to the ground.
Aid groups have struggled to deliver relief to the thousands of displaced Rohingya who are denied humanitarian assistance and not registered as internally displaced persons.
“The government has denied the Rohingya as an ethnic identity for decades, branding nearly all Muslims in Arakan State as illegal immigrants as a matter of discriminatory state policy,” said Matthew Smith, a researcher with Human Rights Watch.
Thein Sein’s government was heavily criticised last July after the president told a visiting delegation from the United Nation’s High Commissioner for Refugees that the government would not recognise the Rohingya and suggested resettling the population to a third country.
The deputy minister’s statement came as two Nobel laureates, former East Timor Leste President Jose Ramos-Horta and former Managing Director of Grameen Bank Muhammad Yunus, published a story in the Huffington Post yesterday calling for an end to the discrimination against the Rohingya minority.
“The charge that the Rohingya are illegal immigrants to Myanmar is false,” wrote the Nobel laureates.
“We ask the world to not look away, but to raise its collective voice in support of the Rohingya.”
RB News
February 21, 2013
Some like to term the violence in Arakan as “Sectarian and Communal” or “with a Between.” But one’s look at the details into the violence, he or she will find out that the violence has been neither sectarian nor communal but one-sided attack and ethnic cleansing of Rohingyas and Kamans jointly carried out by Rakhine extremists and Burmese authority. Extermination of these people through various means is still going on. The lists shown below are some portions of atrocities carried out against these two voiceless and helpless communities, whereas most of the atrocities have been successfully covered up by the Rakhine extremists and Burmese authority.
RB News
February 21, 2013
(Edited by Anwar Arkani)
Maungdaw: The incident of internal conflict of Rakhine in Myo Thit village (Rawsu Fara), Maungdaw North on February 10, 2013, has become a source of exploitation for Rakhines extremists and government authorities. They have been robbing legally from Rohingyas of neighboring villages under the pretext of investigation. NaSaKa in collaboration with SaRaPha [Military Security Associates] and armed Rakhine youths have been raiding villages one after another. Upon arriving to a house, they break into it; torture the householders, loot money, gold, clothes, and documents of land.
On February 11, 2013, the authorities launched their operation of ransacking in LuDaing village of DoeDang Village Tract and arrested following people including a women.
(1) Nazer Hussein s/o ? (50 years old)
(2) Kulsuma d/o Hameed Hussein (45 years old)
(3) Leyakot Ali s/o Serajul Islam (45 years old)
(4) Leyakot Ali s/o ? (30 years old)
(5) Bashar s/o Leyakot Ali (20 years old)
(6) Usman s/o Abdul Latif (18 years old)
(7) Mohammed Idris s/o Maulana Kabeer Ahmed (29 years old)
(8) Mohammed Hashem s/o Zawmeer (25 years old)
(9) Mohmmed Anas s/o Sayed Ahmed (20 years old)
(10) Kamal Hussein s/o Mohammed Hussein (22 years old)
Reportedly, four were killed in the first night among the arrestees.
The NaSaKa raided Ouk Pyu Ma village (Hasarbil) on February 12, 2013. On the following day they raided and looted 21 houses from Ahtet Pyu Ma village. They looted the food items from storage and owners were beaten and ordered to flee to Bangladesh.
“You are Bengali. We will do whatever we want.” the NaSaKa told to Eliyas, a victim in Ahtet Pyu Ma village. “You don’t’ want to leave the country because you can drink tasty coffee here?” a NaSaKa-man continued when he found a pack of Coffeemix at the house of Eliyas.
The NaSaKa continuously raided and looted 41 houses from DoeDang village, about 60 houses from Lake Aine village of Ngar Sar Kyoe Village Tract on February 14, 2013. They took away cash, gold, clothes, cooking pots, documents of land and properties, furniture and any other valuables and appliances that they came across.
As a result of arbitrary arrest, torture, extortion and plundering of properties and land worth millions, many families have fled their villages. All those who fled from their villages have been hiding in mountains and behind the dams. The seamless barbaric acts of NaSaKa, police and military, who do not have the sense of humanity, mercy and compassion, implanted endless fear in the hearts and mind of helpless Rohingyas.
The authorities have equipped each village of Rakhines settlers with four guns. The settlers have been openly carrying the guns and roaming in the markets and public places threatening local Rohingyas.
The authorities most responsible for crimes above are:
(1) Tun Tun Naing (Nasaka staff of sector 5)
(2) Moe Byan Tun (Military Security Associate, SaRaPha)
(3) Major Win Hlaing (Commander of Nasaka sector 5)
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| The Sri Lankan Navy rescues starving Burmese asylum seekers who were on their way to Indonesia and Australia. The survivors threw the bodies of their dead shipmates overboard. (Photo: Sri Lanka Navy) |
Megan Levy
The Sydney Morning Herald
February 21, 2013
The bodies of nearly 100 asylum seekers on a boat bound for Australia were thrown overboard in the ocean off Sri Lanka by their starving shipmates, according to reports received by Immigration Minister Brendan O'Connor.
Sri Lankan authorities are expected to brief the Australian government about the tragic circumstances surrounding the rescue of 32 emaciated survivors, who ran out of food on their journey from Burma and had been adrift in the ocean for two months.
The survivors told their rescuers that they had to throw the bodies of 98 others overboard after they died of starvation and dehydration, Sri Lanka's police said.
The rescue took place on Saturday, about 465 kilometres off Sri Lanka's eastern coast.
The Sri Lankan navy released photographs of some of the emaciated survivors, who were receiving medical attention after their ordeal.
The survivors said they were heading to Indonesia and Australia to seek asylum, and identified themselves as Muslims from a border village between Burma and Bangladesh, police said.
Mr O'Connor said he was yet to receive a full briefing on the situation, but the reported deaths underlined the danger of getting on people smugglers' boats and making the perilous journey to Australia.
''It is the people smugglers who have lured people onto unseaworthy vessels. It's the people smugglers who peddle lies to these people, take their life savings, sometimes sadly take their lives. That's where I target the blame,'' Mr O'Connor told Fairfax Radio.
Mr O'Connor, who was sworn in as Immigration Minister earlier this month, said he was determined to implement the Houston panel recommendations on asylum seekers, made in August last year.
''[The panel] put together 22 recommendations and I think it's really now time for, certainly the opposition, to have a re-think about their opposition to some of those recommendations because I just think we've got to take the politics out of this, focus on what we can do to prevent people dying at sea in this manner,'' he said.
''Whatever may or may not have worked in the past, it's not going to work today, and I think therefore we really need to look at how we implement those policies because I do not want to see, as minister, any further lives lost at sea.''
Sri Lankan police spokesman Prishantha Jayakody told Reuters that the survivors told police they had carried food and water for only one month, but they had been at sea for two months when their engine stalled.
''Their captain and 97 others have died due to dehydration and starvation. They also said they had thrown the dead bodies into the sea,'' Mr Jayakody said.
Threatwiki
Amartya Sen: Burma's "slow genocide" of Rohingyas
Watch Professor Amartya Sen speak on what he calls Burma's 'slow genocide' of Rohingya, Harvard, 4 Nov 2014
