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David M. Robinson
Acting Assistant Secretary, Bureau of Population, Refugees, and Migration
Washington, DC

Good morning and thank you all very much for being here on this otherwise miserable day, and for inviting me to participate in this event. I’d like to start by congratulating Human Rights First for organizing this forum and for compiling the report that will inform our discussion throughout the rest of the morning. In addition to the hard work, inspired work, that went into compiling the report, I want to commend the analysis and recommendations that it offers. They seem to me to be very sound and to provide a solid foundation for action. So thank you, and thank you, Elisa, and all your colleagues.

Having said my thank yous, I also have a confession to make. As I read through the report, I found myself becoming increasingly disturbed. Not just by the subject matter itself, which is, of course, disturbing and should disturb all of us. But rather, I became disturbed by the tone and the vocabulary of the report. The language and the style is admirably measured as all good reports should be. It's very calm and objective. And that's what began to bother me.

Think about the word Xenophobia. It’s a big word. It’s got ten letters and is dripping with Latin. Because of that, it sounds almost clinical, almost sanitized. Phobia. It’s like a condition or a disease that can be treated once it’s properly diagnosed and understood. It conjures images of psychiatrists or other physicians: rational, neutral clinicians who specialize in…Xenophobia.

But that’s not the case, is it? It isn’t measured. Xenophobia basically means hatred. It means hatred for what’s foreign to you. It means hatred for what’s strange or alien or different from you. It means hatred that’s so powerfully felt that it sometimes turns to violence. And you don’t treat hatred. You stomp on it. You combat it, as the Human Rights First report correctly notes in its title. Hatred doesn’t require physicians; it can't be treated by a doctor or some other neutral clinician. Hatred needs opponents. It needs an exorcist, not a psychiatrist.

And so the report disturbed me. The subject matter and emotion were so discordant. Which is another way of saying the report did its job. While the tone and language don't convey, the anger we justifiably feel about the gross injustice inflicted by xenophobic and other bias-based violence, the report, together with this forum, is a strong call to action. Together, they remind us that it's in fact our duty to combat, to exorcise, the pernicious kind of hatred that picks on the world’s most vulnerable people, the kind of hatred that goes after refugees, IDPs, stateless people, gay and lesbian people, religious and ethnic minorities and anybody else who is different, who is alien. The kind of hatred that goes after…well, it goes after people. Not statistics. Not populations. Not representatives of special groups. It goes after people. Individuals with identities, with hopes and dreams and heartbreak and families. Just people.

Since xenophobia goes after people, xenophobia is personal. It may be rooted in historical experience. It may be enshrined in local custom. It may be codified in national law. But xenophobia--hatred-- is always personal. It seeks out and attacks the people who most need compassion. It isolates and oppresses the people who most need justice. And it exposes and crushes the people who most need protection. And that, folks, is intensely personal.

And so combating xenophobia is also personal. Combating xenophobia means taking sides, not simply, as we in the State Department often do, adopting positions. It means abandoning the pretense of uncomfortable acceptance or grudging tolerance or reluctant understanding of abysmal behavior and taking the side of those who most need compassion, the side of those who most need justice, and the side of those who most need protection. And perhaps most importantly, combating xenophobia means taking that word, that measured, clinical, slightly abstract term, and making it in-your-face personal.

As we survey the globe, all of us are familiar with egregious examples of xenophobia and other forms of destructive bias, whether sanctioned or merely tolerated by governments, as the report notes, too: Ethnic Haitians in the Dominican Republic, the Bidoon in Kuwait, or the Rohingya in Burma. These are essentially stateless people, who are denied the protections we take for granted, and then, when driven from their homes, their suffering the additional hardship of becoming refugees or IDPs. We're familiar with sub-Saharan migrants who are brutalized crossing the Sinai, and with economic migrants, stranded and preyed upon in Yemen. And we know about lesbian, gay, bi-sexual and transgender and other people ostracized and sometimes killed in far too many places around the world. The list of victims of hatred and violence is long and it's messy. We all know this.

Knowing all this begs the question. The question, of course, is how do we stop it. Well, I am lucky, in fact, I am privileged, to work for a government that gets it, I work for a government that puts its money where its values are. My bureau, PRM, was built specifically to take the right side, to use diplomacy, programming and advocacy to protect the world's most vulnerable people and to oppose the systematic oppression that they face. And we aggressively pursue this mandate at the local, national and international levels, you all know well, including with health, nutrition, legal, sanitation, shelter, education, livelihood and resettlement interventions and services. And we routinely ping and guide and consult with other governments whether to encourage them to improve their own protection regimes or to dismantle discriminatory practices and policies. And we take a look at oursevles, too, to constantly improve, we look in the mirror. The catalogue of our activism is significant and growing.

But the most important thing we do, the best strategy we employ to combat xenophobia, is to help build and sustain multilayered partnerships, partnerships that turn our policy positions and our program objectives into flesh and blood outcomes. PRM – you all know the statistics – is the single most generous, and I hope most reliable, partner of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, of the International Committee of the Red Cross, of the International Organization for Migration, and of the United Nations Works and Relief Agency for Palestine. These relationships go far beyond writing checks and drafting reports. They are all long-lived relationships that go beyond the reports. They are true partnerships, with all of the dynamism, creativity, and, yes, the tension that lifelong partners generate, and they, along with our NGO partners, are at the heart of a global humanitarian architecture that has one purpose and just one purpose: To protect vulnerable people. Individuals.

Xenophobia is about people. Xenophobic and other forms of bias-based violence are always personal. And so the success or failure of our efforts to stop it cannot be judged primarily in measured, clinical terms: By the treaties we sign, by the laws we cause to be passed, by the dollars we spend. Those may be, those are, important and contributing factors to success. But the real success of our strategies to combat xenophobia has got to be measured by how well we reach specific people, individual human beings. We have to judge ourselves by how well we stand beside those people who need us most. More than anything else that requires vast networks of committed, capable partners and partnerships.

I wish you great luck in your discussions today, I’m sorry I won’t be able to stay, and I hope that you'll approach them from the point of view of the victims or potential victims themselves rather than the organizational imperatives we represent. And if we do that, our strategies will stand on the right side of the equation.

Thank you.

Source : State Dept


ကေလာၿမိဳ႕မွာမိန္ ့ခြန္းေျပာၾကားေနစဥ္




အမ်ဳိးသားဒီမုိကေရစီအဖြဲ႔ခ်ဳပ္ ဥကၠ႒ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ဟာ ရွမ္းျပည္နယ္ တပ္နယ္တစ္ခုုျဖစ္တဲ့ ကေလာၿမိဳ႕မွာ ေထာက္ခံသူ ေထာင္ေပါင္းမ်ားစြာကို မိန္႔ခြန္းေျပာတဲ့အခါမွာ ဖြဲ႔စည္းပံု အေျခခံဥပေဒကို ေျပာင္းလဲဖို႔ တပ္မေတာ္ကလည္း ပူးေပါင္းပါ၀င္ဖို႔ လိုအပ္တယ္လို႔ ေျပာၾကား လိုက္ပါတယ္။ (မတ္လ ၁ ရက္၊ ၂၀၁၂)




Source : ဒီဗီြဘီ




အေျပာင္းအလဲေတြ ပိုအားေကာင္းလာေအာင္ မိိမိတုိ႔ အစုိးရ ႀကိဳးပမ္းသြားမွာ ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း၊ အစိုးရအဖြဲ႔ထဲမွာ ဂုိဏ္းဂဏ ကြဲျပားေနတယ္ဆိုတာ မဟုတ္ေၾကာင္း သမၼတ ဦးသိန္းစိန္က ျပည္ေထာင္စုလႊတ္ေတာ္မွာ ဒီကေန႔ ေျပာလိုက္ပါတယ္။


Photo courtesy of Yangon Times

ႏိုင္ငံေတာ္ သမၼတၾကီး ဦးသိန္းစိန္ မိန္႔ခြန္း ေျပာၾကားအျပီး ျပည္သူ႔လႊတ္ေတာ္ ဥကၠဌ သူရဦးေရႊမန္းႏွင့္ လက္ဆြဲနွဳတ္ဆက္ေနစဥ္
ေနျပည္ေတာ္မွာ က်င္းပေနတဲ့ တတိယအႀကိမ္ ျပည္ေထာင္စုလႊတ္ေတာ္ အစည္းအေ၀း အစိုးရသစ္ရဲ႕ “ပထမ” ႏွစ္ပတ္လည္ အထူးမိန္႔ခြန္းမွာ သမၼတဦးသိန္းစိန္က အခုလို ထည့္သြင္းေျပာၾကား သြားတာပါ။ေလာေလာဆယ္ ျပည္ေထာင္စုလႊတ္ေတာ္မွာ ဝန္ထမ္းလစာ တိုးျမႇင့္ေရးကေန ပညာေရး၊ က်န္းမာေရး၊ ကာကြယ္ေရး အသံုးစရိတ္ေတြကို မူဝါဒခ်မွတ္မယ့္ ႏုိင္ငံေတာ္ ရသံုးဘတ္ဂ်က္ဆိုင္ရာ ဥပေဒ ေလးရပ္ကို ေဆြးေႏြးေနပါတယ္။သမၼတဦးသိန္းစိန္ရဲ့ မိန္႔ခြန္းမွာ အစိုးရသက္တမ္း တစ္ႏွစ္တာနီးပါးကာလမွာ ေအာင္ျမင္မႈေတြ ရွိခဲ့သလို စိန္ေခၚခ်က္ေတြလည္း ရင္ဆိုင္ေနရေၾကာင္း၊ ျပည္တြင္းျပည္ပက သံသယရွိသူေတြ ယံုၾကည္မႈရေအာင္ ႀကိဳးစားေနေၾကာင္း၊ အားလံုး ပါဝင္ႏုိင္တဲ့ ႏုိင္ငံေရးစနစ္တစ္ခု ျဖစ္လာေအာင္၊ တိုင္းရင္းသားေတြ ပါဝင္ႏုိင္ေအာင္ ေဆာင္ရြက္ေနေၾကာင္း၊ အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ေရးဘက္မွာ Rule of Law (ေခၚ) တရားဥပေဒ စိုးမုိးေရး ရွိဖို႔လိုေၾကာင္း စတဲ့အခ်က္ေတြကို ထည့္သြင္း ေျပာၾကားသြားပါတယ္။သမၼတဦးသိန္းစိန္ရဲ႕ေျပာၾကားခ်က္နဲ႔ ပတ္သက္ၿပီး ေ၀ဖန္သူေတြရဲ႕အျမင္ကုိ ဦးေနရိန္ေက်ာ္က စုစည္းထားပါတယ္။
Credit Here :



Migrant workers from Burma pass the time outside a building where they live in the port town of Mahachai, near Bangkok (Reuters)


Up to one million Burmese migrants face deportation if they fail to complete Thailand’s national verification procedure by 14 June, human rights campaigners warn, with the stateless Rohingya seen as particularly vulnerable.

The deadline for migrants to complete the government’s national verification process was originally set for 28 February 2010, but extended for two years after pushback from global human rights activists. After sustained campaigning, migrants now have until June this year to register, but rights groups warn that a substantial portion of Burmese living in Thailand will fail to meet the latest deadline.

With the process requiring migrants to confirm their national identities through their home countries, huge uncertainty looms for migrants from the ethnic Rohingya population of Burma who are denied citizenship by the Burmese government. Despite attempts to set up in-country verification centres, numbers of migrants may still have return to Burma to confirm their identification via border crossings, where extortion by officials is common.

Human Rights Watch says that the latest delay only signals the weakness of the “overly bureaucratic and expensive” process as well as Thailand’s need for cheap labour, rather than any sincere recognition of migrant rights.

“The process is long, overly complicated, and expensive,” Phil Robertson, the group’s deputy Asia director, told DVB. “Thai and Burma government negotiators have agreed at last to finally open more nationality verification centres in Thailand for Burmese, but many of these centres are still on the borders, requiring long and expensive trips by workers to apply.”

Up to three million migrants from Burma are thought to be working in Thailand. Despite providing crucial low-cost labour for the developing economy, these workers face regular exploitation, including extortion, workplace abuse, sexual exploitation, trafficking and poor wages. This is all compounded by a lack of access to justice and remedial processes.

There is also concern that growing pressure for national verification in the lead up to the June deadline could leave those without documents even more vulnerable.

Critics have panned the Thai government for failing to tackle abuse among the migrant population in a meaningful way and some fear that the ongoing democratic reforms in Burma will make the Thai government even less inclined to protect Burmese migrant workers.

Earlier this week, ASEAN Secretary-General Surin Pitsuwan called for Thailand to shift towards a skill-based economy in anticipation of Burmese labourers returning home. “While the need to improve the migrant registration system is still there to ensure basic human rights are respected, Thailand has to look at medium- and long-term strategies as Myanmar [Burma] is moving in a labour-intensive direction,” Surin said.

Activists insist that it is far too early to make assumptions about the new pseudo-civilian Burmese government, especially when pressing migrants to hand over comprehensive background information to the authorities.

“Even though now Burma has seen a little improvement, it is only some areas,” says Toom Hawk Harn, a spokesperson for the Thailand-based Migrant Assistance Programme (MAP) Foundation.

“The changes we have seen are only cosmetic. And for the migrant worker nothing has changed. The living wage is the same.”

A recent report by the Burma Women’s Union also suggests that migration is likely to increase in areas directly affected by natural resource development, often as a result of forced eviction.

Author: HANNA HINDSTROM
 
Credit Here : 


ဥေရာပ ပါလီမန္တြင္ မိန္႔ခြန္း ျမြက္ၾကားေပးရန္ အတြက္ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္အား ဖိတ္ၾကားမည္ဟု ဥေရာပ ပါလီမန္ ကိုယ္စားလွယ္မ်ားက ေျပာသည္။

ဥေရာပ ပါလီမန္မွ ခ်ီးျမႇင့္ေသာ ၁၉၉၀ Sakharov ဆုရွင္ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္အား ဗုဒၶဟူးေန႔တြင္ ပထမဆံုးအႀကိမ္ သြားေရာက္ေတြ႔ဆံုစဥ္ ပါလီမန္ဥကၠ႒ Martin Schulz ၏ ဖိတ္ၾကားခ်က္ကို ကိုယ္စားလွယ္မ်ားက သတင္းစကား ပါးမည္ျဖစ္သည္။

ဥေရာပ ပါလီမန္အေနျဖင့္ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံ၏ လတ္တေလာ ျဖစ္ေပၚတိုးတက္မႈမ်ားအား ႀကိဳဆိုၿပီး ဂ်ာမဏီ လႊတ္ေတာ္ အမတ္ Werner Langen ဦးေဆာင္သည့္ ကိုယ္စားလွယ္ ၁၁ ဦးသည္ သမၼတ၊ ဝန္ႀကီးမ်ား၊ လႊတ္ေတာ္ ကိုယ္စားလွယ္ မ်ားႏွင့္ အျခားလူမႈအဖြဲ႔အစည္းမ်ားႏွင့္ ေတြ႔ဆံုမည္ ျဖစ္သည္။ ထို႔ျပင္ ေနျပည္ေတာ္ လႊတ္ေတာ္ႏွင့္လည္း တရားဝင္ ဆက္သြယ္ေရးမ်ား ထူေထာင္ထားရွိရန္ သြားေရာက္ လည္ပတ္ဦးမည္ ျဖစ္သည္။

ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံအေပၚ ထားရွိသည့္ ဥေရာပသမဂၢ EU ၏ အေရးယူ ပိတ္ဆို႔မႈမ်ားအား ပယ္ရွားရန္အတြက္ ဥေရာပ ပါလီမန္က ဧၿပီ ၁ ၾကားျဖတ္ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲအၿပီးတြင္ ဆံုးျဖတ္ဖြယ္ရွိၿပီး လူသားခ်င္း စာနာသည့္ အကူအညီမ်ားလည္း ထပ္မံေပးဖြယ္ရွိေနသည္။

EU ဖြံ႔ၿဖိဳးေရးမင္းႀကီး Andris Piebalgs က ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံ က်န္းမာေရး၊ ပညာေရးႏွင့္ အေျခခံ အေဆာက္အအံုမ်ား အတြက္ ေဒၚလာသန္း ၂၀၀ ကူညီမည္ ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း ေဖေဖၚဝါရီလ ၁၃ ရက္ေန႔က ေၾကညာခဲ့သည္။

သမၼတ ဦးသိန္းစိန္က Andris Piebalgs ႏွင့္ ေတြ႔ဆံုစဥ္ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံ၌ အေရးပါေသာ အေျပာင္းအလဲမ်ား ျဖစ္ေနေသာ္ လည္း EU ပိတ္ဆို႔မႈမ်ား ရွိေနသည္ကို ေထာက္ျပေျပာဆိုခဲ့သည္။ Andris Piebalgs အေနႏွင့္ လာမည့္ ၾကားျဖတ္

ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲမ်ား လြတ္လပ္၍ တရားမွ်တမႈရွိပါက ပိတ္ဆို႔မႈမ်ားေလွ်ာ့ခ်ေရး ဆက္လက္ ျပဳလုပ္သြားမည္ဟု ျပန္လည္ေျပာဆိုခဲ့သည္။

Source :မဇၥ်ိမသတင္းဌာန 



ဥေရာပ ကိုယ္စားလွယ္အဖြဲ႔ဟာ မနက္ဖန္မွာ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္နဲ႔ ေတြ႔ဆံုဖို႔ ရွိပါတယ္။

ရန္ကုန္ၿမိဳ႕မွာ ေရာက္ရိွေနတဲ့ အဖဲြ႔၀င္(၁၁)ဦးပါ၊ အာဆီယံႏိုင္ငံမ်ားနဲ႔ဆက္ဆံေရး ဥေရာပပါလီမန္ရဲ႕ ကိုယ္စားလွယ္အဖဲြ႔ဟာ၊ မနက္ဖန္ ဗုဒၶဟူးေန႔ ေဖေဖၚ၀ါရီ (၂၉) ရက္မွာ၊ ျမန္မာ့ဒီမိုကေရစီေခါင္းေဆာင္ အမ်ိဳးသားဒီမိုကေရစီအဖဲြ႔ခ်ဳပ္ဥကၠ႒ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္နဲ႔ ေတြ႔ဆံုမွာ ျဖစ္ၿပီးေတာ့၊ ဒါဟာ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစု ၾကည္အေနနဲ႔ ဥေရာပပါလီမန္အဖဲြ႔ရဲ႕တရား၀င္ကိုယ္စားလွယ္အဖဲြ႔ကို ပထမဆံုးအႀကိမ္ လက္ခံေတြ႔ဆံုတာလည္း ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။

အာဆီယံႏိုင္ငံမ်ားနဲ႔ဆက္ဆံေရး ဥေရာပပါလီမန္အဖဲြ႔ ဥကၠ႒ျဖစ္သူ ဂ်ာမန္ခရစ္ယန္ဒီမိုကရက္ပါတီရဲ႕ ဥေရာပပါလီမန္အမတ္ ေဒါက္တာ ၀ါနာလယ္န္ဂင္ (Dr. Waener langen) ကိုယ္တိုင္ ေခါင္းေဆာင္လာတဲ့ ဒီကိုယ္စားလွယ္အဖဲြ႔ဟာ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံခရီးစဥ္အတြင္း သမၼတဦးသိန္းစိန္အပါအ၀င္ ျမန္မာအစိုးရ ေခါင္းေဆာင္ေတြ၊ တျခားေသာ ျမန္မာ့ ႏိုင္ငံေရးအတိုက္အခံေတြ၊ လူထုအေျချပဳလူမႈအဖဲြ႔အစည္းေတြက ကိုယ္စားလွယ္ေတြနဲ႔လည္း ေတြ႔ဆံုမွာ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ဒီအဖဲြ႔ဟာ ရန္ကုန္ၿမိဳ႕အနီးက ဥေရာပ သမဂၢရဲ႕ အကူအညီနဲ႔လုပ္ေဆာင္ေနတဲ့ စီမံကိန္းတစ္ရပ္ကိုလည္း သြားေရာက္ၾကည့္ရႈၾကမွာျဖစ္ၿပီးေတာ့၊ မတ္လ (၁)ရက္ေန႔ ညေနမွာေတာ့ ရန္ကုန္ၿမိဳ႕က Chatrium Hotel မွာ သတင္းစာရွင္းလင္းပဲြလုပ္မယ္လို႔လည္း၊ ဘန္ေကာက္ၿမိဳ႕ ဥေရာပသမဂၢရံုးက ဒီကေန႔ ထုတ္ျပန္တဲ့ သတင္းေၾကညာခ်က္မွာ ေဖၚျပထားပါတယ္။

ဥေရာပပါလီမန္အေနနဲ႔ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံက မၾကာေသးခင္က စတင္ေပၚေပါက္လာခဲ့တဲ့ အျပဳသေဘာေဆာင္ျဖစ္ေပၚတိုးတက္မႈေတြကို ႀကိဳဆိုလိုက္ၿပီးေတာ့၊ ဥေရာပပါလီမန္က ခ်ီးျမွင့္တဲ့ Sakharov ဆုကုိ ရရိွထားသူ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္အေနနဲ႔၊ ဥေရာပပါလီမန္မွာ လာေရာက္ မိန္႔ခြန္းေျပာၾကားေပးဖို႔၊ ဥေရာပ ပါလီမန္ဥကၠ႒ ေဒါက္တာမာတင္ရႈလ္ဇ္ Dr Martin Schulz ရဲ႕ဖိတ္ၾကားလႊာကိုလည္း၊ အခုလာေရာက္တဲ့ ကိုယ္စားလွယ္အဖဲြ႔ေခါင္းေဆာင္ ေဒါက္တာ ၀ါနာ လယ္န္ဂင္က ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ကို ေပးအပ္မွာ ျဖစ္တယ္လို႔လည္း၊ ဥေရာပပါလီမန္သတင္းမွာ ေဖၚျပထားပါတယ္။


By Nyein Khet (VOA)




မႏၱေလးတိုင္းေဒသၾကီး စည္ပင္သာယာေရး ၀န္ၾကီးငွာန ျမိဳေ့တာ္၀န္ ဦးဖုန္းေဇာ္ဟန္ ေနရာ တြင္ မန္းတုိင္းေဒသၾကီး ဘ႑ေရးႏွင့္ အခြန္၀န္ၾကီး ဦးေအာင္ေမာင္းအား ေျပာင္းလဲခန္ ့ထားလုိက္ေၾကာင္း သမၼတ၏ သ၀ဏ္လႊာကို ေဖေဖၚ၀ါရီ ၂၈ရက္က က်င္းပသည့္ ဒႆမေန ့တုိင္းေဒသၾကီး လႊတ္ေတာ္ အစည္းအေ၀း စတင္ခ်ိန္၌ မန္းလႊတ္ေတာ္ ဥကၠဌက ဖတ္ၾကား သည္။ မန္းျမိဳ ့ ေတာ္၀န္ ဦးဖုန္းေဇာ္ဟန္အား ဘ႑ေရးႏွင့္ အခြန္၀န္ၾကီးအျဖစ္ ေျပာင္းလဲ ခန္ ့ထားလုိက္ေၾကာင္းသိရသည္။ “သတင္းစာထဲမွာ ျမိဳ ့ေတာ္၀န္ပံုကို မထည့္ခိုင္းတာၾကာျပီ။ ျမိဳ ့ေတာ္၀န္ေျပာင္းသြားတာ ဟုတ္လားလို ့ခဏခဏ သတင္းထြက္ ေနတာၾကာလွပါျပီ အခုေတာ့ ေသခ်ာသြားျပီ” ဟု မန္းျမိဳ ့ရွိ သတင္းေထာက္ တစ္ဦးကေျပာျပသည္။ ယခုျမိဳ ့ေတာ္၀န္အသစ္ ဦးေအာင္ေမာင္းသည္ တုိင္းေဒသၾကီး အဖဲြ ့တြင္ ဘ႑ေရးႏွင့္ အခြန္ ၀န္ၾကီးအျဖစ္ ေဆာင္ရႊက္ေနသူ ျဖစ္ျပီး ယခင္က မန္းတကၠသိုလ္မွ ပါမာကၡေဟာင္း ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္းသိရသည္။ ဦးဖုန္းေဇာ္ဟန္ကို ျမဳိ ့ေတာ္၀န္အျဖစ္ ၂၀၁၁ မတ္ ၃၀ရက္က စတင္ ခန္ ့အပ္ခဲ့ျခင္းျဖစ္ျပီး ယခင္အစိုးရလက္ထက္တြင္လည္း မန္းျမိဳ ့ေတာ္၀န္ျဖစ္ခဲ့သည္။ ဒီေန ့လႊတ္ေတာ္ က်င္းပေတာ့ စည္ပင္နဲ ့ဆိုင္တဲ့အေမးေတြကို ဦးေအာင္ေမာင္း(ျမိဳ ့ေတာ္၀န္ အသစ္) ကေျဖၾကားျပီး ၊ ဘ႑ေရးနဲ ့ ဆိုင္တဲ့ ေမးခြန္းေတြကို ဦးဖုန္းေဇာ္ဟန္က ေျဖၾကား ခဲ့ေၾကာင္းလႊတ္ေတာ္ေရာက္ သတင္းယူေသာ သတင္းေထာက္တစ္ဦး ကေျပာသည္

Source :။ေပၚျပဴလာဂ်ာနယ္




ဧၿပီလ (၁) ရက္ေန႔မွာ က်င္းပမယ့္ ႀကားျဖတ္ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲမွာ ၀င္ေရာက္ယွဥ္ၿပိဳင္ဖို႔ အတြက္ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုႀကည္ကို ကိုယ္စားလွယ္ေလာင္းအျဖစ္ လက္ခံေႀကာင္း အတည္ျပဳတဲ့ အမည္စာရင္း ဒီကေန႔ ထြက္လာပါၿပီ၊
ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုႀကည္ကို ကိုယ္စားလွယ္ေလာင္းအရည္အခ်င္း ကိုက္ညီမႈမရွိဘူးဆိုၿပီး အတုိင္ႀကားထားတာကို တိုင္းေဒသႀကီးေကာ္မရွင္ရံုးက ဒီကေန႕ အမိန္႔ခ်ၿပီး ပယ္ခ်ခဲ့တာလည္း ျဖစ္ပါတယ္၊ ဒီသတင္းကိုေတာ့ မသင္းသီရိက အျပည္႔အစံုဆက္ေျပာျပေပးမွာပါရွင္၊
ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုႀကည္ဟာ ေရြးေကာက္ခံ ကိုယ္စားလွယ္ေလာင္းတေယာက္ရဲ့ အရည္အခ်င္းနဲ႔ ကိုက္ညီျခင္းမရွိဘူး ဆိုၿပီး တိုင္းေဒသႀကီးေကာ္မရွင္ရံုးကို ညီညြတ္ေရးနဲ႔ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးပါတီက ကိုယ္စားလွယ္ေလာင္း ဦးတင္ရီက အယူခံ ၀င္ ကန္႔ကြက္ထားတာကို ဒီကေန႕ ေဖေဖာ္၀ါရီ ၂၈ ရက္ အဂၤါေန႔ေန႔လယ္မွုာ တိုင္းေဒသႀကီးေကာ္မရွင္ရံုးက ပယ္ခ်ခဲ့တာ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္၊
အခုလိုမ်ိဳး တုိုင္းေကာ္မရွင္ရံုး က ကန္႔ကြက္လႊာကို ပယ္ခ်အၿပီး သက္ဆိုင္ရာ ေတာင္ပိုင္းခရိုင္ ေကာ္မရွင္ရံုးမွာ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုႀကည္ကို ကိုယ္စားလွယ္ေလာင္းအျဖစ္ အတည္ျပဳတဲ့ အမည္စာရင္းကဒ္ထားၿပီလို႔ NLD ပါတီရဲ့ ဗဟိုအလုပ္အမႈေဆာင္အဖြဲ႔၀င္ ဦးဥာဏ္၀င္းက ေျပာပါတယ္၊
“ခရိုင္ေကာ္မရွင္ရံုးမွာ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ ကိုယ္စားလွယ္ေလာင္းအျဖစ္ လက္ခံေၾကာင္း ႏို႔တစ္စာ ကပ္ျပီးပါျပီ။ ဒီေန႔ ေန႔ခင္း အမိန္႔က်တယ္။ တိုင္းေကာ္မရွင္က အမိန္႔က်တာ။ ျပီးေတာ့ ဥပေဒအရ ခရိုင္ေကာ္မရွင္က ကပ္တာ။ မခိုင္လံုလို႔ ဘာညာဆိုတာ ေဖာ္ျပမထားပါဘူး။ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ကို လႊတ္ေတာ္ကိုယ္စားလွယ္ေလာင္းအျဖစ္ အသိအမွတ္ျပဳတယ္၊ ဒါပဲ။”
ဦးတင္ရီဟာ ညီညြတ္ေရးနဲ႔ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးပါတီရဲ့ ကိုယ္စားလွယ္ေလာင္း အျဖစ္ ေကာ့မွဴးမဲဆနၵနယ္ထဲ မွာ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုႀကည္နဲ႔ ယွဥ္ၿပိဳင္မယ့္ သူလည္း ျဖစ္ပါတယ္၊
ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုႀကည္ဟာ ႏိုင္ငံျခားမွာ ေငြေႀကးထားရွိတယ္ ၊ အဂၤလန္ ႏိုင္ငံရဲ့ ေနထုိင္ခြင့့္ Green Card ကိုင္ေဆာင္ထားသူ ျဖစ္တဲ့အတြက္ ကိုယ္စားလွယ္ေလာင္း တဦးရဲ႕ အရည္အခ်င္း နဲ႔ မကိုက္ညီဘူးဆိုၿပီး ေဖေဖာ္၀ါရီလ ၆ရက္ေန႔က ရန္ကုန္ေတာင္ပိုင္းခရိုင္ ေကာ္မရွင္ရံုးမွာ ဦးတင္ရီက ကန္႔ကြက္ခဲ့တာျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ဒီကန္႔ကြက္လႊာကို ခရိုင္ေကာ္မရွင္က ေဖေဖာ္၀ါရီ ၁၁ ရက္ေန႔မွာ ပယ္ခ်အျပီး ဦးတင္ရီဘက္က တိုင္းေဒသႀကီး ေကာ္မရွင္ရံုးထိ အယူခံ ဆက္၀င္ခဲ့ပါတယ္။ မေန႔ကေတာ့ ဒီကန္႔ကြက္မႈကို NLD ပါတီဘက္က ေခ်ပလြာ တင္အၿပီး ဒီကေန႔ တုိင္းေဒသႀကီးေကာ္မရွင္ရံုးက ပလပ္လိုက္တာလည္း ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။
ဒါဟာ ကိုယ္စားလွယ္ေလာင္းတဦးကုိ ကန္႔ကြက္တဲ့အဆင့္ရဲ႕ ေနာက္ဆံုးအဆင့္လည္း ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။
ဦးဥာဏ္၀င္း ။ “ဘယ္လိုေၾကာင့္လဲဆိုတာေတာ့ က်ေနာ္တို႔ မေျပာခ်င္ပါဘူး။ ဒီကန္႔ကြက္လႊာကို ၾကည့္ျခင္းအားျဖင့္ အေၾကာင္းအရာေတြက မွားယြင္းေနတဲ့အျပင္ကို အေထာက္အထားမဲ့ ကန္႔ကြက္တဲ့ ကန္႔ကြက္လႊာလို႔ပဲ ျမင္ပါတယ္။”



ဧၿပီလ ၁ရက္ေန႔မွာ က်င္းပမယ့္ ႀကားျဖတ္ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲမွာ လစ္လပ္မဲဆႏၵနယ္ ၄၈ ေနရာစလံုးကို NLD ပါတီက ၀င္ၿပိဳင္ဖို႔ ကိုယ္စားလွယ္ေလာင္း အမည္စာရင္းတင္ထားျပီး ခုဆိုရင္ ၄၇ ေနရာအတည္ျပဳခ်က္ထြက္ေနၿပီျဖစ္ျပီး စစ္ကိုင္းတိုင္း အင္းေတာ္မဲဆႏၵနယ္အတြက္ NLD ရဲ႕ကိုယ္စားလွယ္ေလာင္းအမည္စာရင္းတခုသာ အတည္ျပဳခ်က္ မထြက္ေသးဘဲ က်န္ေနပါေသးတယ္။
ဦးဥာဏ္၀င္း။ “ဦးေစာလိႈင္ပဲ အင္းေတာ္မဲဆႏၵနယ္မွာ က်န္ေသးတယ္၊ သူက အရည္အခ်င္းခ်ိဳ႕ငဲ့ျခင္း ရွိမရွိ စိစစ္ဖို႔ ျပည္သူ႔ေကာ္မရွင္ကို ေရာက္ေနတယ္လို႔ အဲလို နားလည္ပါတယ္။ အဲဒီက အေျဖဘယ္လိုရွ္ိမယ္ဆိုတာ မသိေသးပါဘူး။”

ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုႀကည္ဟာ ခုဆိုရင္ ကိုယ္စားလွယ္ေလာင္းအမည္အတည္ျပဳခ်က္စာရင္း ထြက္လာျပီမို႔ သူ၀င္ေရာက္ ယွဥ္ၿပိဳင္အေရြးခံမယ့္ ေကာ့မႉးၿမိဳ႕နယ္ကို ကုိယ္စားလွယ္ေလာင္း စည္းရံုးေရးအျဖစ္ တေခါက္သြားဖို႔ စီစဥ္ထားတယ္ လို႕႔လည္း NLD ပါတီက ေျပာပါတယ္၊ ဒါ့အျပင္ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုႀကည္ဟာ လာမယ့္ မတ္လ ၁ရက္ေန႔မွာေတာ့ ရွမ္းျပည္နယ္ နဲ႔၊ မတ္လ ၃ရက္ေန႔ကေန ၅ ရက္ေန႔ထိကိုေတာ့ မႏၱေလးတိုင္း စစ္ကိုင္းတိုင္းနဲ႔ ေနျပည္ေတာ္ေတြကို လည္း ပါတီစည္းရံုးေရးနဲ႔ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲ စည္းရံုးေရးေတြ အျဖစ္သြားဖို႔ ရွိပါတယ္။

Source :VOA
ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည့္ကို မႀကဳိဖုိ႔၊ မၾကည့္ဖုိ႔ ျမန္မာ့အသံ ညႊန္ၾကားေရးမွဴးခ်ဳပ္ဦးသိန္းေအာင္ အမိန္႔ထုတ္


ျမန္မာ့ဒီမိုကေရစီေခါင္းေဆာင္ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ မႏၱေလးတိုင္း ပါတီစည္းရုံးေရးခရီးစဥ္က
အျပန္မွာ ေနျပည္ေတာ္ တပ္ကုန္းျမဳိ ့ရွိ ျမန္မာ့အသံ ေရဒီယုိ အသံလႊင့္ရုံမွာ တႏိုင္ငံလုံးကို မဲဆြယ္
ေျပာၾကားမယ့္ မိန္ ့ခြန္းကုိ အသံသြင္းယူဖုိ ့ရိွေၾကာင္းသိရပါတယ္။

ျပည္ေထာင္စု ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲေကာ္မရွင္ရဲ ့ ထုတ္ျပန္ခ်က္အရ NLD ပါတီ၏ စည္း႐ုံးေရး ႐ုပ္သံအစီအစဥ္ကို ျမန္မာ့ အသံႏွင့္ ႐ုပ္ျမင္သံၾကားမွ တဆင့္ မက္လ ၁၄ ရက္ေန႔ မွာ ထုတ္လႊင့္ေပးမွာျဖစ္ပါတယ္။

မတ္လ ၅ ရက္ေန႔မွာ ေနျပည္ေတာ္တပ္ကုန္းအသံလႊင့္ရုံကုိ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ လာေရာက္
တဲ့အခါမွာ ျမန္မာ့အသံ၀န္ထမ္းအားလုံး ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ ကုိ ဘယ္သူမွ မၾကည့္ရ၊ မၾကဳိရ
လုိ႔ ျမန္မာ့အသံညႊန္ၾကားေရးမွဴးခ်ဳပ္ဦးသိန္းေအာင္က ၀န္ထမ္းေတြကုိ အမိန္႔ထုတ္လုိက္ပါတယ္။

ေနျပည္ေတာ္ ျမန္မာ့အသံႏွင့္ ႐ုပ္ျမင္သံၾကား ဌာန ဝန္ထမ္းမ်ားကုိ ေသာၾကာေန႔ မနက္ပိုင္းက သီးသန္႔ အစည္းအေဝး တရပ္ ေခၚယူကာ အဆုိပါ အမိန္ ့ကုိ ထုတ္ျပန္ ေျပာဆိုခဲ့ျခင္း ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း အစည္းအေဝး တက္ေရာက္ခဲ့သူ ဝန္ထမ္းမ်ားက ေျပာပါတယ္။


၀န္ထမ္းေတြကုိ ေခၚၿပီး အမိန္႔ထုတ္တဲ့ အဲဒီအစည္းအေ၀းမွာ သူက ၀န္ထမ္းေတြကုိ ေတြ႕မွာလား၊ မေတြ႕ဘူးလားဆုိၿပီးေတာ့ (၅) ႀကိမ္တိတိ ေမးတယ္လို႔ ျမန္မာ့အသံ၀န္ထမ္းတစ္ဦးက ဆုိပါတယ္။ ၀န္းထမ္းေတြက မေတြ႕ပါဘူးလုိ႔ ေျဖရပါတယ္။ ၿပီးေတာ့ ဦးသိန္းေအာင္က အင္တာနက္မကလုိ႔ ႀကိဳက္တာတင္လုိ႔လည္း ႀကိမ္း၀ါးလုိက္ေၾကာင္း ျမန္မာ့အသံ၀န္ထမ္းမ်ားက Myanmar
News Now ကုိေျပာျပပါတယ္။

Source  :သစ္ထူးလြင္
Burma’s human rights situation has improved notably in some respects but it has significantly worsened in others, Amnesty International (AI) said this week. It called for the U.N. to seriously consider a commission of inquiry to investigate war crimes and systematic human rights abuses.

Freedoms of assembly and expression remain restricted, and hundreds of political prisoners and many prisoners of conscience remain in jail. In several ethnic minority areas, the army continues to commit violations of international human rights and humanitarian law against civilians, including acts that may constitute crimes against humanity or war crimes, AI said in a statement submitted to the UN Human Rights Council on Monday.

“Many of these reported crimes are taking place despite cease-fire agreements between the Myanmar army and the relevant ethnic minority armed groups,” AI said in its statement. “In some cases, the cease-fire is not being obeyed, while in others serious human rights violations continue even when the fighting has stopped.”

Civilians have been a target of the Burmese army, the statement said. It cited “credible accounts” of the army using prison convicts as porters, forcing them to act as human shields and minesweepers. In Kachin State, where at least 55,000 people have been internally displaced since fighting resumed in mid-2011, AI said sources reported extrajudicial executions, children killed by shelling and other indiscriminate attacks, forced labour, and unlawful confiscation of food and property.

Human rights violations are not confined to the conflict zones, as evidenced by reports of forced labour on a large scale in Chin and Rakhine states (usually targeting the Rohingya ethnic minority in the latter), it said.

It said that in May 2011, the U.N. Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Burma referred to evidence that the armed forces continue to commit serious and systematic violations with impunity.

AI said Burma’s civilian government “has not taken any meaningful steps toward holding suspected perpetrators of human rights violations accountable.”

The Investigation and prosecution of human rights violations and crimes against humanity are obstructed by Article 445 of the 2008 Constitution, which stipulates that “no proceeding” may be instituted against officials of the military governments since 1988 “in respect of any act done in the execution of their respective duties.”

AI called for the U.N. to “seriously consider the establishment of an international commission of inquiry.”

In an early February statement, Ojea Quintana stressed that moving forward on Burma cannot ignore or whitewash what happened in the past, and that acknowledging the violations suffered will be necessary to ensure national reconciliation and prevent future violations from occurring.

AI noted that ethnic minorities make up approximately 35-40 per cent of Burma’s population, including people of Chinese and Indian ethnicities. According to the government, there are at least 135 different ethnic nationalities in Burma, but the exact number is difficult to determine conclusively.

“There is clear evidence that Myanmar’s authorities often target members of ethnic minorities on discriminatory grounds, such as religion or ethnicity, or seek to crush their opposition to major development projects that adversely affect their lands and livelihoods,” the AI statement said. In addition, the government often suppresses social organizations, including groups focused around religion or ethnic identity that are outside its authority and control. Some minorities’ ethnic identity in Burma is closely related to their association with a religion other than the majority Buddhism; this generally means Islam for most Rohingya, and Christianity for many Chin, Kachin, and Karen. The Rohingya ethnic minority is particularly exposed to human rights violations, as they are singled out in practice and law, with discrimination against them codified. “Under the 1982 Citizenship Law, they are denied citizenship and thus are de facto and de jure stateless,” AI said.

“The international community must improve its understanding of the aspirations of Myanmar’s ethnic minorities generally and give greater attention to addressing the needs of these minorities in discussions of the country’s human rights situation,” said the statement.

Amnesty International urged the U.N. HRC to:

– Support the establishment of an international commission of inquiry with a specific fact-finding mandate to address the question of international crimes in Burma;
– Renew the mandate of the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Burma for a three-year term.
– Call on the government of Burma to:
– Immediately cease violations of international human rights and humanitarian law against ethnic minority civilians, both in conflict and ceasefire areas;
– Hold perpetrators of human rights violations accountable;
– Release immediately and unconditionally all prisoners of conscience, including Khun Kawrio and Ko Aye Aung, and release political prisoners or charge them with an internationally recognizable criminal offence and try them in full conformity with international standards for fair trial;
– Seek assistance from the United Nations in convening a panel to reconcile differences in numbers and definitions of political prisoners;
– In full consultation with the UN and Burma civil society, amend or repeal laws used to stifle peaceful political expression, and reform the justice system;
– End immediately torture and other ill-treatment and punishment during interrogation and in prisons;
– Bring prison conditions in line with international standards;
–Cooperate fully with U.N. human rights treaty bodies and Special Procedures, including the Special Rapporteur on Burma;
–Ratify and effectively implement core U.N. human rights treaties and their optional protocols and the Rome Statute of the International Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court.
 
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သူရဦးေရႊမန္း နဲ႔ အမ်ဳိးသား ျပည္သူ႔ကြန္ဂရက္ ဥကၠ႒ မစၥတာ ၀ူဘန္ကုိ

ေအာက္လႊတ္ေတာ္ဥကၠ႒ သူရဦးေရႊမန္းရဲ႕ တရုတ္ျပည္ခရီးသတင္းကုိ ဒီေန႔ထုတ္ အစုိးရအာေဘာ္ သတင္းစာမ်ားမွာ အေသးစိတ္ ေဖာ္ျပထားပါတယ္။

အနာဂတ္ စီးပြားေရး ပူးေပါင္းေဆာင္ရြက္မႈေတြ လုပ္တ့ဲအခါ ျမစ္ဆုံစီမံကိန္းရပ္ဆုိင္းခ့ဲရမႈကုိ သင္ခန္းစာယူမယ္ တ့ဲ။
သတင္းေတြဖတ္နုိင္ဖုိ႔ လင့္ ၃ ခု ခ်ိတ္ေပးလုိက္ပါတယ္။

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ဦးေရႊမန္းက ေနျပည္ေတာ္မွာ အေရးႀကီးတ့ဲ အစည္းအေ၀းေတြ ရိွေနခ်ိန္မွာ တရုတ္ျပည္ကုိ သြားခ့ဲတာပါ။ တရုတ္က ေခၚလုိ႔ သြားတာပါ တ့ဲ။ ဒီအေၾကာင္း ေရးထားပါတယ္။
ႀက့ံခုိင္ေရးပါတီနဲ႔ တရုတ္ကြန္ျမဴနစ္ပါတီတုိ႔ လက္တဲြေဆာင္ရြက္ၾကမယ္ ဆုိတ့ဲ ေဆြးေႏြးခ်က္လည္း ပါပါတယ္။
ျမစ္ဆုံစီမံကိန္းရပ္ရတာ ျပည္တြင္းအေျခအေနသာမက ျပည္ပအေျခအေနနဲ႔လည္း ဆုိင္တယ္ တ့ဲ။

စာမ်က္နွာ ၃
































































ပူးတဲြစီမံကိန္းႀကီးေတြ ဆက္လုပ္သြားမယ္၊ အေနာက္နုိင္ငံတုိ႔နဲ႔ ေပါင္းေနေပမယ့္ တရုတ္နဲ႔လည္း ဆက္ေပါင္းပါမယ္ တ့ဲ။

Credit: Irrawaddy Blog



ပါတီ ေျပာခြင့္ရပုဂၢိဳလ္ ဦးဉာဏ္၀င္း

ဧၿပီလ ၁ ရက္ေန႔ က်င္းပဖို႔ရွိတဲ့ ၾကားျဖတ္ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲမွာ ေကာ့မွဴးၿမိဳ႕နယ္ကေန ၀င္ေရာက္ေရြးခ်ယ္ခံဖို႔ နာမည္စာရင္း တင္သြင္းခဲ့တဲ့ NLD အမ်ိဳးသားဒီမိုကေရစီအဖြဲ႔ခ်ဳပ္ ဥကၠ႒ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ဟာ ကိုယ္စားလွယ္ေလာင္း အရည္အခ်င္းနဲ႔ မကိုက္ညီဘူး ဆုိၿပီး ကန္႔ကြက္ထားတဲ့ကိစၥကို NLD က ဒီကေန႔မွာ ေခ်ပလႊာ တင္သြင္းခဲ့ပါတယ္။ ကန္႔ကြက္ထားတဲ့ အခ်က္ေတြဟာ မမွန္ကန္တဲ့အတြက္ တစ္ခ်က္ခ်င္းအလုိက္ ျပန္လည္ေခ်ပခဲ့တာ ျဖစ္တယ္လို႔ ပါတီ ေျပာခြင့္ရပုဂၢိဳလ္က ဗြီအိုေအကို ေျပာပါတယ္။ ဒါ့အျပင္ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲ၀င္ ႏုိင္ငံေရး ပါတီတစ္ခုျဖစ္တဲ့ NDF အမ်ိဳးသားဒီမိုကေရစီအင္အားစု ကလည္း ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ကို ကန္႔ကြက္ထားတဲ့ကိစၥ သူ႔ပါတီအေနနဲ႔ လက္မခံေၾကာင္းကို သေဘာထား ထုတ္ျပန္ခဲ့ပါတယ္။ ဒီအေျခအေနေတြကို ဆက္သြယ္ေမးျမန္းထားတဲ့ မနႏၵာခ်မ္းက အစီရင္ခံထားပါတယ္။
ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲ၀င္ ႏုိင္ငံေရးပါတီတစ္ခုျဖစ္တဲ့ ညီညြတ္ေရးနဲ႔ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးပါတီက ကိုယ္စားလွယ္ေလာင္း ဦးတင္ရီ ကေန ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ဟာ ကိုယ္စားလွယ္ေလာင္း အရည္အခ်င္းနဲ႔ မကိုက္ညီဘူးဆိုၿပီး ကန္႔ကြက္ထားတဲ့ကိစၥကို NLD ပါတီကေန ဒီကေန႔ ရန္ကုန္တိုင္း ေကာ္မရွင္႐ံုးမွာ ေခ်ပလႊာတင္သြင္းခဲ့တာပါ။ NLD ဘက္က ျပန္လည္ ေခ်ပခဲ့တာေတြနဲ႔ ပတ္သက္ၿပီးေတာ့ ပါတီ ေျပာခြင့္ရပုဂၢိဳလ္ ဦးဉာဏ္၀င္း က ဗြီအိုေအကို အခုလို ေျပာျပပါတယ္။

“အဓိကအခ်က္ကေတာ့ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ဟာ ႏုိင္ငံျခားမွာ ပိုက္ဆံေတြ ရွိတယ္ေပါ့။ အဲ့ဒီပိုက္ဆံေတြကို အစိုးရကို မေၾကညာဘူး။ အဲ့ဒီစြပ္စြဲခ်က္တစ္ခု။ အဲ့ဒါနဲ႔ပတ္သက္ၿပီးေတာ့ က်ေနာ္တို႔ဘက္က ေျဖရွင္းခ်က္အရ လုံး၀ မွားတယ္။ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ဟာ ေငြေၾကး ႏုိင္ငံျခားမွာ တျပားတခ်ပ္မွ မရွိဘူး။ ရရွိတဲ့ ဆုေၾကးေတြကိုလည္း လူမႈေရး ေဖာင္ေဒးရွင္းေတြကို တခါတည္း လႊဲေပးလိုက္ေတာ့ သူ႔မွာ ဘာမွ မရွိဘူး။ ဒုတိယတစ္ခ်က္က ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ဟာ အဂၤလိပ္ႏုိင္ငံရဲ႕ ေနထုိင္ခြင့္ ဂရင္းကဒ္ရတယ္လို႔ စြပ္စြဲတယ္။ အဂၤလန္ႏုိင္ငံမွာ ဂရင္းကဒ္စနစ္လည္း မရွိဘူး။ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္လည္း အဲ့ဒီအေျခအေနမွာ မရွိဘူး။ အဲ့ဒါပဲ ေခ်ပခဲ့တာပါ။”

ဒီကန္႔ကြက္ခ်က္ ေခ်ပခ်က္ေတြနဲ႔ ပတ္သက္ၿပီးေတာ့ တုိင္း ေကာ္မရွင္က မနက္ျဖန္ ေဖေဖာ္၀ါရီလ ၂၈ ေန႔မွာ ဆံုးျဖတ္ခ်က္ ခ်မွတ္ႏုိင္တယ္လို႔ ဦးဉာဏ္၀င္းကို ေျပာတဲ့အေၾကာင္း ဗြီအိုေအကို ေျပာျပပါတယ္။ ၿပီးခဲ့တဲ့ ေဖေဖာ္၀ါရီလ ၁၁ ရက္ေန႔မွာ ညီညြတ္ေရးနဲ႔ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးပါတီ ကိုယ္စားလွယ္ေလာင္း ဦးတင္ရီ ကေန ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္အေပၚ ကန္႔ကြက္လႊာ ခ႐ိုင္ေကာ္မရွင္႐ံုးမွာ တင္သြင္းခဲ့တာပါ။ ဒါေပမဲ့ ဒီကန္႔ကြက္လႊာကို ခ႐ိုင္ေကာ္မရွင္႐ံုးက ပယ္ခ်ခဲ့တဲ့အတြက္ ေဖေဖာ္၀ါရီလ ၂၂ ရက္ေန႔မွာ ရန္ကုန္တုိင္း ေကာ္မရွင္ကို ထပ္မံ တင္သြင္းခဲ့တာ ျဖစ္တဲ့အတြက္ ဒီကန္႔ကြက္ခ်က္အေပၚ NLD ဘက္ကေန ဒီကေန႔မွာ ရန္ကုန္တုိင္း ေကာ္မရွင္ကို ျပန္ၿပီး ေခ်ပလႊာ တင္သြင္းခဲ့တာ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။


တဆက္တည္းမွာပဲ ၂၀၁၀ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲ မတိုင္ခင္က NLD ပါတီကေန ခြဲထြက္ၿပီး သီးျခားႏုိင္ငံေရးပါတီ တစ္ခုအျဖစ္ ထူေထာင္ခဲ့တဲ့ NDF အမ်ိဳးသားဒီမိုကေရစီ အင္အားစုကလည္း ကိုယ္စားလွယ္ေလာင္း ဦးတင္ရီရဲ႕ ကန္႔ကြက္ခ်က္ဟာ အမ်ားျပည္သူရဲ႕ သေဘာထားကို ဆန္႔က်င္ရာ ေရာက္တဲ့အတြက္ လက္မခံႏုိင္ေၾကာင္း သေဘာထား ထုတ္ျပန္ခဲ့တာနဲ႔ ပတ္သက္ၿပီး ပါတီေခါင္းေဆာင္တစ္ဦး ျဖစ္တဲ့ ဦးခင္ေမာင္ေဆြက အခုလို ေျပာပါတယ္။

“က်ေနာ္တို႔ပါတီအေနနဲ႔ ဒီေၾကညာခ်က္ကို ထုတ္ျပန္ရတဲ့ အေၾကာင္းရင္းကေတာ့ ဒီမိုကေရစီႏုိင္ငံေရးကို သြားတဲ့ေနရာမွာ ျမန္မာ့ဒီမိုကေရစီ ေခါင္းေဆာင္ရယ္လို႔ အမ်ားက လက္ခံထားတဲ့ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ကို ဒီမိုကေရစီေရစီးထဲမွာ၊ ႏုိင္ငံေရးေရစီးထဲမွာ မပါႏုိင္ေအာင္ အဟန္႔အတား ျဖစ္ေစတဲ့ဟာမ်ိဳးဟာ ျမန္မာျပည္သူလူထု အက်ိဳးစီးပြားနဲ႔ ဆန္႔က်င္ရာေရာက္မယ္။ ျမန္မာျပည္သူေတြ လိုလားခ်က္နဲ႔လည္း ကြဲလြဲေနတာျဖစ္မွာ ဆုိလို႔ရွိရင္ေတာ့ ျပည္သူ႔အက်ိဳးအတြက္ က်ေနာ္တုိ႔က ဒါဟာ မလိုလားအပ္တဲ့ကိစၥ ျဖစ္တယ္။ ဒီလို အဟန္႔အတားျဖစ္တာကို ျမန္မာ့ႏုိင္ငံေရး တုိးတက္မႈျဖစ္စဥ္ကိုလည္း ဟန္႔တားရာ ေရာက္တယ္လို႔ အမ်ိဳးသားဒီမိုကေရစီ အင္အားစုပါတီက ယံုၾကည္ပါတယ္။ ဒါေၾကာင့္ ဒါကို က်ေနာ္တို႔က လက္မခံဘူးလို႔ ေျပာရတာပါ။ ဒုတိယအခ်က္ကေတာ့ NDF ဟာ ဒီမိုကေရစီမိတ္ေဆြ ၁၀ ပါတီမွာ ပါတဲ့အခါက်ေတာ့ ၁၀ ပါတီထဲမွာပါတဲ့ ပါတီထဲက လႊတ္ေတာ္ ကိုယ္စားလွယ္ေလာင္း တစ္ေယာက္က ထ ကန္႔ကြက္တဲ့ကိစၥဟာ အမ်ားျပည္သူေတြရဲ႕ သေဘာမွာ ၁၀ ပါတီစလံုးကပဲ သေဘာတူသလိုလို၊ အားလံုကပဲ လက္ခံတဲ့ သေဘာတူသလိုလို ျဖစ္မွာကို မလိုလားပါဘူး။ ဒါေၾကာင့္မို႔လို႔ ဒီကိစၥကို ကိုင္တြယ္ ေျဖရွင္းလိုက္ရျခင္း ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။”

NLD အမ်ိဳးသားဒီမိုကေရစီအဖြဲ႔ခ်ဳပ္ဟာ လာမယ့္ ၾကားျဖတ္ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲရဲ႕ လစ္လပ္ေနရာ ၄၈ ေနရာစလံုးမွာ ၀င္ေရာက္ယွဥ္ၿပိဳင္ဖို႔ စီစဥ္ထားတာပါ။ ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံမွာ ဒီၾကားျဖတ္ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲ က်င္းပဖို႔ရာ အခ်ိန္ ၁ လသာ လိုေတာ့တာနဲ႔အမွ် ျမန္မာ့ဒီမိုကေရစီေခါင္းေဆာင္ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ ဟာလည္း ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံတ၀ွမ္း မဲဆြယ္စည္း႐ံုးေရး ခရီးစဥ္ေတြကို ဆက္တိုက္ ထြက္ခြာေနတာပါ။ လာမယ့္ စေနေန႔ မတ္လ ၃ ရက္ေန႔မွာ ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံ အလယ္ပိုင္းျဖစ္တဲ့ မႏၱေလး၊ စစ္ကိုင္းနဲ႔ ေနျပည္ေတာ္အပါအ၀င္ ပဲခူးတုိင္းကိုလည္း တဆက္တည္း သြားေရာက္မွာျဖစ္ၿပီး အဲ့ဒီကေနမွတဆင့္ ရန္ကုန္ကို ျပန္မွာျဖစ္တယ္လို႔ ဦးဉာဏ္၀င္း က ဗြီအိုေအကို ေျပာျပခဲ့ပါတယ္။ ၿပီးခဲ့တဲ့တပတ္ ကလည္း ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံ အထက္ပိုင္း ကခ်င္ျပည္နယ္ကို စည္း႐ံုးေရးခရီး ထြက္ခဲ့သလို အဲ့ဒီေဒသမွာရွိတဲ့ ကခ်င္ စစ္ေျပးဒုကၡသည္ေတြကိုလည္း ေတြ႔ဆံုၿပီးေတာ့ အားေပးခဲ့ပါတယ္။ မေန႔ကေတာ့ ရန္ကုန္တုိင္း သံုးခြၿမိဳ႕နယ္ကို ေန႔ခ်င္းျပန္ စည္း႐ံုးေရးခရီး သြားေရာက္ခဲ့ပါေသးတယ္။

Source :VOA

Daw Aung San Suu Kyi in her speech to Kachin State said, “Everyone must adhere to the spirit of Panglong, which is based on equality and unity, with respect, faith and belief in each other. All of these are essential for creating and maintaining a genuine democracy,”[1] She seems to strike the right note because now the people of Burma had slowly discovered that it was the Tatmadaw controlled by the hard liners pulled by Than Shwe are really the culprit of all the troubles befalling on the country as it is anathema to the Union of Burma, Democracy and Human Rights. The Tatmadaw’s ingrained phobia of federalism is the biggest stumbling block along with hard liners’ dissatisfaction of the Tatmadaw playing a perceived smaller role in politics,[2] which can derail the reforms and take the country back to dictatorship. 

The Tatmadaw has effectively destroyed every civil institution that might have played that role of leading the country. As long as the Tatmadaw military prevents the rise of pluralism within the governmental structure and the growth of civil society there will be no one to challenge the Tatmadaw is their sincere basic belief. Hence the military believe that they are the only present and future institution capable of keeping Burma united as a single country, and that pluralism is destructive to national unity. This is why they have essentially replaced earlier state ideologies (including socialism under the military-led BSPP regime and Buddhism under U Nu) with an ideology that effectively focuses on the military itself and its comprehensive societal role and, in part, on its mythic history. Whereas under the military's Burma Socialist Programme Party period (1962-1988) the military were portrayed as the keepers of the socialist flame but as of, today it is the military itself that is the ideological nexus of society. The Tatmadaw consider past political leaders as venal, corrupt, ineffective, and incapable of running the state and assuring its unity. 

The Tatmadaw believe that the ethnic nationalities are inherently inferior (culturally and socially) and would split from Myanmar authority if given the chance. The Tatmadaw also believe the ethnic nationalities are distrustful of the Myanmar majority and fear Myanmar ethnic domination. The army provide only lip-service respect for ethnic nationalities culture through ritualized holidays and propaganda efforts. 

The Tatmadaw view economic progress, reform, or liberalization as secondary to maintenance of political control, or indeed as a means to such control. The primary function of an improved economy is greater military power, general political acquiescence of the population to military control through military delivery of greater economic rewards for loyalty, and improved political legitimacy, and not directly the betterment of the human condition. To this end, the military believe they must control the economy via their cronies and have set up direct and many indirect mechanisms. The military view any form of pluralism within the administration at any level, in the dissemination of information, and among non-governmental organizations as a threat to the state and their control. The military have no intention of giving up essential power even though a civilian facade for their control is likely eventually to be established. They will not grant any ethnic nationality groups a significant degree of power at the national level, although some modest local self-government will be given to some groups with which cease fires have been arranged. The military is rather reluctant to allow Daw Suu to play any significant role in any administration. It is just doing to lift the sanctions. 

The Tatmadaw believes that the country is surrounded by enemies–real and potential. These threats no longer take the form of territorial aggrandizement, but economic domination and the possibility of encouraging ethnic nationalities separatism. This fear is based on a reality once extinct e.g. a well documented foreign support include American assistance to KMT forces in Burma, Pakistani-Bangladeshi support for Muslim (Mujahid now Rohingya) insurgents, Thai help to a variety of insurgent groups (both ethnic and students), Indian backing of anti government groups, some British support for the Karen, Chinese aid to the Burma Communist Party and PRC Chinese maps shows some part of Burma into their territory, while WA is a Chinese tribe and a general perception that Christian minorities have closer support and contact with foreigners than do the Myanmar Buddhist. 

These fears include China as potentially (or perhaps even presently) having undue influence in Burma. The military regard the United States as highly significant to them because of its international influence, but distrust U.S. motives and influence, believing that if sufficiently provoked the U.S. might intervene militarily in Burma as it had done in Afghanistan and Iraq. Foreign public criticism of the Junta simply forces a nationalistic response, and foreign pressures for reform are viewed as infringements of Burmese sovereignty, and foreign support for the NLD undercuts the NLD’s potential legitimacy (in their view). 

If so the theory that the Tadmadaw to take temporary control, when a civilian government strays from its ‘national ideal’ or obligation is correct then it should have solved the civilian conflict long ago among the various ethnic nationalities as any genuine guardian. But this was not the case and is entirely opposite of what they claim. For example, there was a democracy dilemma in civilian rule in early 1950 to 1960: civilian rulers from the Myanmar extremists group tried to dominate the country by secret Buddishnisation and Myanmarnization over other ethnic nationalities by making Buddhism the state religion, the Tatmadaw did nothing even though it express that it was against it. So from this theory it proves that Tatmadaw is not a guardian of the country and did nothing right even though it knows that it was wrong. This alone proves beyond doubt that Tatmadaw is not genuine custodian of the country as it claims. It was just in the pockets of the Generals who enriched themselves at the expense of the entire people of Burma. 


This certainly violates the nation’s constitution as well as the fundamental Panglong Agreement, or the Independence national day declaration by discrimination and restriction of freedom. Society’s support of this fundamentalist and pro-domination trend is always a problem for nation building. It apparently led to the failure of civilian rule. In such an event, the intervention of the military is appropriate to prevent extremists taking power. But here the military also became the partner of extremist Myanmar. The people later realized they were linked with each other.
Slowly, we discovered that the Tatmadaw initially, immediately reorganized the army and later held a coup to form the Socialist party, with the purpose of monopolizing military power and controlling the country. Looking back, the behaviour of the Tatmadaw was not about creating a resolution for democracy, but rather about having lasting political power and control of the country. Hence it was again the very grain of democracy and union spirit (Pyidaungsu Seikdat). When the military took power on Sept 19th, 1988 after killing more than three to four thousand s people, it was not about the ethnics but about the issue of democracy and the majority of the Myanmar nationalities participated. This is the authenticated proof that the Tatmadaw is not only against the Union spirit but also against Democracy and Human Rights 

According to logic, if and when, conflicts between the Myanmar dominant group and other ethnic groups arise, within the system of civilian rule, the Tatmadaw should protect and be responsible for their reunification if it claims to be the mentor of the nation instead of aiding the ethnic-cleansing of the other ethnic groups. The Tatmadaw should play an impartial role if it is really the people’s army. 

Now it is clear that the military intervenes to protect and advance the interests of a specific class and a religious group, the Myanmar Buddhist. The Tatamadaw is systematically maintaining power itself to control the civilian population. This is raison d’être of allegedly removing the federal army battalions as the Shan, Chin and Kachin Regiments. The Tadmadaw was also hand-in-glove with the Myanmar extremists helping to exploit and collapse other ethnic societies. This is another regrettable mistake in the Tatmadaw history and proof beyond doubt that it has no Pyidaungsu Seikdat. Hence it is and was a Mahar Myanmar orientated Tatmadaw
The Tatmadaw seemed to try to re-assume democracy in the 27 May 1990 election. But when the result were declared it was clear that people did not approve of the army being in power. So they refused to give up power .The Tatmadaw has tasted power for a long period that it cannot let it go even after 2010 elections they still hold on to the form of ex generals and handpicked people and surely will stay on in power with this unreasonable constitution . Hence Tatmadaw is in the category of the enemy of the people of Burma and the country itself. Now it is by trick that they are trying to organise the dissident Myanmar and not the ethnic nationalities. The only option is for the people to unite and fights back and until and unless there is serious or any damaging opposition armed attack, their attitude is unlikely to change. The Tatmadaw has cheated the public several times as it is doing now. This is a trap for the Burmese people as the military always blocks efforts to obtain civilian rule. The Burmese people have lost the opportunity of having a civilian administration and their liberty, for more than half a century. Hence even in a guided democracy as it is today Thein Sein cannot control the army. 

Furthermore, in a democratic system, the concern is to ensure a professional and political military that acknowledges civilian authority and executes the orders of a democratically elected government. These seem to be only one way if we were to follow President Obama’s speech acceptance speech of the Nobel Peace Prize, “A nonviolent movement could not have halted Hitler's armies. Negotiations cannot convince al Qaeda's leaders to lay down their arms,” can be demonstratively applied to Burma—a nonviolent movement could not have halted Burmese armies. Negotiations cannot convince Burmese feudal warlords and thugs to lay down their arms.[3]

The Burmese Junta craved for its legitimacy so much that they cannot even take a sense of humour, nor do they appreciate being laughed at. It came as no surprise then when the ruling military regime in Burma sentenced the country’s best known comedian, named Zarganar, to 45 years in prison. Even though he is released it painted an astonishingly brutal campaign to eradicate all political opposition The Junta had sentences for two reasons. The first is to decapitate any possibility of challenge to a tightly scripted and controlled political reform process, by locking away the leadership and spiritual and artistic supporters of resistance to military rule. The second is to instil fear in an already fearful and beaten down population; by targeting a cross-section of Burma’s resurgent civil society, the regime is stating clearly that resistance is futile.[4]

The relation between the military-ruled state and civilians is highly coercive and makes any expression of public dissent for civilians a matter of life and death. The military is unable to distinguish between citizens and enemies of the state was confirmed during the uprising in September 2007, when even marching monks were perceived as nothing but “state enemies” that have to be defeated. This perception is underpinned by an institutionalised elitism and a general disdain for civilians and politicians in the upper echelon of the Tatmadaw that goes back to the 1950s.The involvement in administrative, political, and economic matters nourished the idea of extensive competencies within the military.[5]

The ruling regime prevented the emergence of any independent social and political organisation, and tried to subdue the citizenry further into an invisible entity, totally compliant and mute.[6] A coherent strategy or consistent method in dealing with civil society is not discernible. The regime’s Home Ministry and the Ministry of Culture made an attempt to shutdown independent and community-based social, cultural, religious, and ethnic organisations in Rangoon in 2007. In general, the regime intervenes whenever its threat perception is raised, usually when an independent organisation or individual becomes too successful and attracts too many members or followers. The most famous example is the Rangoon based Free Funeral Services Organisation that is continually harassed due to its successful charity work. 

On the other hand the regime tries to define and control civil society exclusively through government sponsored organisations like the Myanmar Women’s Affairs Federation, Myanmar Fire Brigade, Myanmar Red Cross Society, and so on, which are led by active and retired military officers and organises mass rallies, conducts military training, and undertakes social and community services.[7] It is increasingly involved in policing measures and harassment of activists aided by a militia group, Swan Ah Shin “Owners of Vigour” Both organisations took part in the crackdown of the demonstrators in the monk-led uprising in September 2007.[8]

Tatmadaw have mocks the very idea of democracy and fundamental freedoms. The regime thrives on frustration and lack of attention, happily repressing its people in quiet. If we do not loudly and strongly condemn this draconian process, hundreds of Burma’s leading thinkers and performers will disappear into the country’s squalid gulag, and the ephemeral promise of a liberal and free Burma could well be lost to another generation. Hence it is very vivid that Tatmadaw is the only stumbling block against the Pyidaungsu the Union of Burma and against democracy itself. Those who argue that Tatamadaw should be retained against the external threat of the country should consider the above facts. Once this enemy Number One, Tatamadaw is gone, then peace, sovereignty, unity with love will return to Burma. 







[1] Mann, Zarni: Suu Kyi Delivers Message of Trust, Respect in Myitkyina Irrawaddy 24-2-2-12 

[2] Wai;Kyaw San Beyond Ceasefires: Burma’s Precarious Peace Process – Analysis RSIS, Nanyang Technological University 



[3] Zaw, Aung; “ Oslo’s Message” Irrawaddy, Dec 17th 2009 

[4] Mathieson; David Scott,. “No time for Jokes” in National Post 

[5] Nyein; Susanne Prager; Expanding military, Shrinking citizenry and the New Constitution 

Journal of Contemporary Asia Vol.39, No. 4, November 2009, pp.638-648. 





[6] At the time of this writing, over 2,000 dissidents and members of the political opposition are under detention, including Daw Aung San Suu Kyi is under detention. 



[7] See Steinberg; David Turmoil in Burma. Contested Legitimacies in Myanmar, Norwalk: East Bridge, 2006: 46, 93 

[8] P. Pinheiro, Report of the Special Rapporteur Pinheiro, 11. December 2007, Geneva: Human Rights Council, 2007. 


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