(Times of India မွ 23 January 2012 ရက္စြဲပါ AFP ၏ Suu Kyi becomes key to complex Myanmar politics ကို ဘာသာ ျပန္ဆိုသည္)

ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္သည္ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံတြင္ အေရးပါေသာက႑တြင္ တိုး၍ ပါဝင္လာလ်က္ရွိသည္။ သူမသည္ ေစာင့္ၾကည့္ေလ့လာသူမ်ားကို အံ့အားသင့္ေစခဲ့ေသာ ျပဳျပင္ေျပာင္းလဲေရးမ်ား လုပ္ခဲ့သူ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္မ်ားကုိ ေထာက္ခံလ်က္ ရွိသည္။ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္သည္ ၂ဝ၁ဝ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲ အၿပီး ရက္မၾကာမီတြင္ ေနအိမ္အက်ယ္ခ်ဳပ္မွ လြတ္လာခဲ့ၿပီး ထိုအခ်ိန္မွစ၍ အေရးပါေသာေနရာတြင္ ေရာက္လာခဲ့သည္။ သူမသည္ ၿပီးခဲ့သည့္ေႏြရာသီက သမၼတဦးသိန္းစိန္ႏွင့္ ေတြ႕ဆံုေဆြးေႏြးခဲ့ျခင္းျဖင့္ ဧၿပီလ ၁ ရက္ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲတြင္ ပါဝင္ယွဥ္ၿပိဳင္ရန္ ဆံုးျဖတ္ခ်က္ ခ်ခဲ့သည္။ အသက္ ၆၆ ႏွစ္ရွိၿပီျဖစ္ေသာ သူမအေနျဖင့္ လာမည့္ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲတြင္ ပါဝင္လာျခင္းသည္ ယခင္စစ္အစိုးရ၏ ေခါင္းေဆာင္မႈခ်ဥ္းကပ္ပံုမွ ကြဲထြက္ၿပီး သမိုင္းဝင္ အေပါင္းလကၡဏာ ေဆာင္ေသာေျပာင္းလဲမႈမ်ား၏ အစိတ္အပိုင္းတစ္ခု ျဖစ္ၿပီး အေရးယူမႈ ခ်မွတ္ထားေသာ အေနာက္ႏုိင္ငံမ်ားႏွင့္ ဆက္ဆံေရးကို ေႏြးေထြးလာေစသည္။ ေစာင့္ၾကည့္ေလ့လာသူမ်ားက ေျပာၾကားရာတြင္ အစိုးရသစ္၏ ပါဝါခ်ိန္ခြင္လ်ာသည္ ျပဳျပင္ေျပာင္းလဲေရးသမား အၿငိမ္းစားဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ႀကီးႏွစ္ဦး ျဖစ္သည့္ ဦးသိန္းစိန္ႏွင့္ ဦးေရႊမန္းတို႔အေပၚတြင္သာ ရွိေနရာမွ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္သည္ တတိယ ပေလယာတစ္ဦး ျဖစ္လာသည္ဟု ဆိုၾကသည္။

“စစ္တပ္က မ်ိဳးဆက္သစ္ေတြဟာ သူမနဲ႔အတူတကြ အလုပ္လုပ္ဖို႔ နည္းလမ္းရွာေဖြခဲ့ၿပီး သူမကလည္း အဲဒီ မ်ိဳးဆက္သစ္ေတြနဲ႔ အတူ အလုပ္လုပ္ဖို႔ သေဘာတူခဲ့ပါတယ္” ဟု ေဒါက္တာေအာင္ထြန္းသက္က ေျပာသည္။ “ဘဝမွာ တစ္ခါသာ ရႏိုင္တဲ့ ေျပာင္းလဲမႈအတြက္ အခြင့္အလမ္းကို ကၽြန္ေတာ္တုိ႔ ပထမဆံုးေတြ႕ရပါၿပီ” ဟု ယင္းက ဆိုသည္။

ယခင္စစ္အစိုးရတြင္ နံပါတ္သံုးေခါင္းေဆာင္ျဖစ္ခဲ့သူ ဦးေရႊမန္းက ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ လႊတ္ေတာ္တြင္းသို႔ ေရာက္လာမည္ကို ႀကိဳဆိုေၾကာင္း အခမ္းအနားတခ်ိဳ႕တြင္ ေျပာၾကားခဲ့သည္။ ယခင္စစ္အစိုးရေခါင္းေဆာင္ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္မႉးႀကီး သန္းေရႊက အလြန္မုန္းတီးသျဖင့္ ႏွစ္ေပါင္းမ်ားစြာ အက်ဥ္း ခ်ထားျခင္း ခံရေသာ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္အဖို႔ ဦးေရႊမန္း၏ မွတ္ခ်က္မွာ အလြန္ႀကီးမားေသာ ႏိုင္ငံေရးအရ ျပန္လည္ေမြးဖြားျခင္း အထိမ္းအမွတ္ပင္ ျဖစ္သည္။

ဦးသန္းေရႊသည္ တရားဝင္အနားယူသြားၿပီဟု ေဖာ္ျပၾကေသာ္လည္း ဩဇာရွိေနဆဲဟု အမ်ားက ယံုၾကည္လ်က္ ရွိသည္။ ေစာင့္ၾကည့္ေလ့လာသူ မ်ားက အေလးအနက္ထား ေျပာၾကားသည့္အခ်က္မွာ လက္ရွိျပဳျပင္ေျပာင္းလဲေရး လုပ္ငန္းစဥ္မ်ားမွာ အခ်ိန္မေရြး ပ်က္သြားႏိုင္ေၾကာင္း၊ စစ္တပ္တြင္း ေျပာင္းလဲမႈမ်ားအတြက္ တုန္လႈပ္ၿပီး စိုးရိမ္ေနမည္ ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း ဆိုသည့္အခ်က္ျဖစ္သည္။ အမ်ားစုက ျပဳျပင္ေျပာင္းလဲေရးသမားမ်ား ေအာင္ျမင္မည္ သို႔မဟုတ္ မေအာင္ျမင္မည္ကို သတိျဖင့္ ေစာင့္ၾကည့္လ်က္ရွိသည္။ ယခုစနစ္သစ္သည္ အမ်ား၏ အားေကာင္းစြာ ေထာက္ခံမႈရေရးအတြက္ စီးပြားေရးအရ ေအာင္ျမင္ရန္ႏွင့္ ရင္းႏွီးျမႇဳပ္ႏွံမႈမ်ား လိုအပ္ေနလ်က္ ရွိသည္။ ထို႔ေၾကာင့္ အစိုးရသည္ အေနာက္ႏိုင္ငံမ်ား၏ ေထာက္ခံပံ့ပိုးမႈႏွင့္ အေရးယူမႈမ်ား ရုတ္သိမ္းသြားရန္ လိုလားလ်က္ရွိသည္။ ထိုကိစၥတြင္ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္၏ ဩဇာလႊမ္းမိုးမႈမွာ ႀကီးမားလွသည္။ သူမအေပၚ အီးယူႏွင့္ အေမရိကန္ တို႔က သေဘာက်ေလးစားလ်က္ရွိရာ ျပည္သူ႔အျမင္အတြက္ သူမသည္ အားေကာင္းစြာ ဩဇာလႊမ္းမိုးလ်က္ရွိသည္။

“ကၽြန္ေတာ္တို႔က သူမကို ဗီတိုအာဏာ လံုးဝေပးတယ္လို႔ မဆိုလိုပါဘူး။ ဒါေပမဲ့ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံရဲ႕ ေျပာင္းလဲေရး လုပ္ငန္းစဥ္ေတြအေပၚ သူမ ယံုၾကည္စိတ္ခ်တာနဲ႔အမွ် ကၽြန္ေတာ္တို႔ကလည္း စိတ္ခ်ယံုၾကည္မွာပါ” ဟု ဆီနိတ္တာ Joseph Lieberman က မၾကာေသးမီက ဘန္ေကာက္တြင္ သတင္းေထာက္မ်ားအား ေျပာၾကားခဲ့သည္။ မၾကာေသးမီလမ်ားအတြင္းက သူမသည္ ႏိုင္ငံျခားမွ ေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ား လာေရာက္သည့္အခါ မရွိမျဖစ္ ေဆြးေႏြးဖက္ ျဖစ္လာခဲ့ၿပီး ထိုအခါမ်ိဳးတြင္လည္း သူမအေနျဖင့္ အစိုးရအား မေဝဖန္မိေအာင္ သတိထားေဆြးေႏြးသည္ကို ေတြ႕ရသည္။ “သူမဟာ ထင္ရွားတဲ့ ဇာတ္ေကာင္တစ္ဦး (Icon) ဘဝကေန အႏၱရာယ္ေတြပါဝင္ေနတဲ့ မေရွာင္သာတဲ့ ဝိေရာဓိေတြၾကားမွာ ႏိုင္ငံေရးသမားတစ္ဦးအျဖစ္ အသြင္ေျပာင္းသြားပါတယ္” ဟု သူမထံ မွန္မွန္လည္ပတ္ေလ့ရွိေသာ ေစာင့္ၾကည့္ေလ့လာသူတစ္ဦးက ေျပာသည္။

ဖခင္ျဖစ္သူဦးေရႊမန္းအား ကူညီလုပ္ကိုင္ေပးေနေသာ သားျဖစ္သူ ဦးတိုးႏိုင္မန္းက အစိိုးရ၏ ထိပ္တန္း ျပဳျပင္ေျပာင္းလဲေရးသမားႏွစ္ဦးအေနျဖင့္ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ႏွင့္ ညီညြတ္ေရးသည္ တိုင္းျပည္အနာဂတ္အတြက္ ေသာ့ခ်က္ျဖစ္သည္ဟု ယံုၾကည္ထားသည္။ “သူတို႔သံုးဦးဟာ ေနာက္ထပ္ငါးႏွစ္ အတူတကြ အလုပ္လုပ္ႏိုင္ပါေသးတယ္။ ဒါဟာ သူတို႔ရဲ႕ ပထမဆံုးနဲ႔ တစ္ခုတည္းေသာ အခြင့္အေရးပါပဲ။ ဒီအခြင့္အလမ္းကို ယူႏိုင္မယူႏိုင္ ဆိုတာကေတာ့ သူတို႔အေပၚ တည္ပါတယ္။” ဟု ယင္းက AFP သို႔ ေျပာၾကားသည္။ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္သည္ ဦးသိန္းစိန္ႏွင့္ စကားေျပာၿပီးေနာက္ ႏိုင္ငံေရး ပင္မေရစီးေၾကာင္းအတြင္းသို႔ ျပန္လည္ဝင္ေရာက္ရန္ ဆံုးျဖတ္ခဲ့သည္။ အခ်ိဳ႕ေကာလဟာလမ်ားက သူမသည္ မၾကာမီ အစိုးရအဖြဲ႕တြင္းသို႔ ေရာက္ရွိႏုိင္သည္ဟု ဆိုေသာ္လည္း မျဖစ္ႏိုင္ဟု ခန္႔မွန္းမႈမ်ားလည္း ရွိေနသည္။

ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ႀကီးမ်ားသည္ ပါလီမန္ဒီမိုကေရစီကို သယ္ေဆာင္လာသူမ်ားျဖစ္ေသာ္လည္း ဥပေဒျပဳေရးတြင္ စစ္တပ္မွ လႊမ္းမိုးေနဆဲ ျဖစ္ရာ သူမ အေနျဖင့္ အခန္းက႑သစ္အတြက္ အလ်င္အျမန္ေလ့လာေနရသည္။ “ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္အဖို႔ သူတစ္ခါမွမႀကံဳဖူးတဲ့ အေျခအေနကို ေရာက္ေနပါတယ္” ဟု ေစာင့္ၾကည့္ေလ့လာသူမွာ ဆိုသည္။ သို႔ေသာ္သူမသည္ ဒီမိုကေရစီလႈပ္ရွားမႈ၏ ေခါင္းေဆာင္အျဖစ္ ဆက္လက္ရွိေနရန္လည္း ရွင္းရွင္းလင္းလင္း ဆံုးျဖတ္ထားသည္။ ထိုကိစၥကို NLD မွ ခြဲထြက္ထားေသာ အမ်ိဳးသားဒီမိုကေရစီအင္အားစု (NDF) မွ အဖြဲ႕ဝင္မ်ားက ခါးသီးေသာ္လည္း ထိုလမ္းကို သိရွိထားၿပီျဖစ္သည္။ NDF က NLD သည္ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲကို သပိတ္ေမွာက္ခဲ့ျခင္းကို မွားယြင္းသည္ဟု ယံုၾကည္သူမ်ားျဖစ္သည္။

NDF ေခါင္းေဆာင္ဦးခင္ေမာင္ေဆြက ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္သည္ ဧၿပီလၾကားျဖတ္ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲဝင္ရန္ ဆံုးျဖတ္ၿပီးကတည္းက ယင္းတို႔ႏွင့္ အဆက္အသြယ္မရွိျခင္းအေပၚ နားမလည္ျဖစ္ရေၾကာင္း ဆိုသည္။ လြန္ခဲ့ေသာ တစ္ႏွစ္ခြဲကတည္းက ဝင္ခဲ့မည္ဆိုပါက အသိအမွတ္ျပဳလိမ့္မည္ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း ယင္းက ေျပာသည္။ “အဲဒီအခ်ိန္တုန္းက မင္းတို႔မွန္ပါတယ္။ ငါတို႔ မွားခဲ့ပါတယ္လို႔ ေျပာဖို႔အင္အား ရွိမယ္မထင္ပါဘူး” ဟု ဦးခင္ေမာင္ေဆြက ေျပာသည္။ “သူမဟာ ကၽြန္ေတာ္တို႔ထက္ အမ်ားႀကီး ႀကီးက်ယ္တဲ့သူပါ။ ကၽြန္ေတာ္တို႔ကို ေတြ႕ဖို႔အခ်ိန္ရမယ္ မထင္ပါဘူး။” ဟုလည္းဆိုသည္။ သို႔ေသာ္ သူမသည္ အတိုက္အခံတို႔၏ စစ္မွန္ေသာ ေခါင္းေဆာင္ႀကီးတစ္ဦးျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း ဝန္ခံသည္။ “ျပည္သူတစ္ရပ္လံုး အေပၚမွာ ဩဇာလႊမ္းမိုးႏိုင္တဲ့ တစ္ဦးတည္းေသာ ပုဂိၢဳလ္ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္” ဟု ယင္းက ဆိုသည္။

Credit  : Yangon Chronicle

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Suu Kyi becomes key to complex Myanmar politics

By Didier Lauras (AFP) 

YANGON — Aung San Suu Kyi is playing an increasingly important role in Myanmar, helping shore up a fragile alliance of former junta generals whose recent reforms have amazed observers, analysts say.

After half a century of total military domination, the Southeast Asian nation held widely-criticised elections in 2010 after ordering some of its members to shed their army uniforms to lead a "civilian" government.

Suu Kyi, released from house arrest days after that poll, has since taken a pivotal position, following talks with President Thein Sein last summer and her subsequent decision to run in an April 1 by-election.

The 66-year-old's participation in the upcoming vote is one of a series of positive changes that have marked a break with the old junta approach to leadership and led to thawing relations with the West, which has imposed tough sanctions on the isolated nation.

Observers say power in the new regime balances between two key former generals turned eager reformers -- the president and Shwe Mann, the speaker of the lower house of parliament -- with Suu Kyi becoming a third key player.

"The new generation (of military leaders) has come to terms with her and she has come to terms with the new generation," said Aung Tun Thet, who works as an advisor for the UN in Yangon after many years abroad.

"For the first time now, I see an opportunity for change you get once in a lifetime."

Shwe Mann, previously the junta number three, has on several occasions said Suu Kyi would be welcome in parliament.

The comments mark a dramatic political rebirth for a woman who was so hated by former strongman Than Shwe that she spent most of the last two decades locked up.

Than Shwe is officially described as retired, but many believe he is still relatively influential.

Observers stress that the current reform process is very fragile, with a small minority in the army outraged -- or scared -- by the changes.

While a cabal close to Myanmar's top leaders pushes for more transformations, many are cautiously waiting to see whether the reformers will succeed.

The new system will soon need economic success and investment to win stronger popular backing -- hence the regime's desire for Western support and the lifting of sanctions.

And this gives massive leverage to Suu Kyi, whose iconic status both in the European Union and the United States has given her a very powerful influence on public opinion.

"I wouldn't say we're giving her a total veto but to the extent that she has confidence in the process, we will have confidence in the process of change in Myanmar," US Senator Joe Lieberman told reporters in Bangkok recently.

In recent months, the opposition party leader has been an indispensable interlocutor during the visits of foreign dignitaries. And she is careful not to criticise the government.

"She transformed from an icon to a politician with all the risks and contradictions that entails," said an observer who visits her regularly.

Shwe Mann's son Toe Naing Mann, who is helping his father in his new role, believes that the common political goals uniting Suu Kyi and the two top regime reformers, all in their late 60s, are the key to the country's future.

"The three of them can work now together for about five years. It is their first chance and also their only chance. If they cannot cash in this opportunity, they will be held responsible," he told AFP.

Suu Kyi and her National League for Democracy (NLD) decided in May 2010 to boycott the general elections that year.

Her talks with Thein Sein have since convinced her to rejoin mainstream politics, to the point of rumours she will soon be in the government, speculation that she has not ruled out.

As the generals become heralds of parliamentary democracy, albeit with a legislature still dominated by the army, she is quickly learning a new role. "Suu Kyi is in uncharted waters," said the observer.

But she is clearly determined to remain leader of the democracy movement.

This is acknowledged, despite some bitterness, by members of the National Democratic Force (NDF), which split from the NLD in 2010 to contest the November election, convinced that the boycott was a mistake.

NDF head Khin Maung Swe, who was in prison for around 20 years for his involvement in the NLD, does not understand why Suu Kyi has not been in contact since she decided to run in the April by-election.

He said he would have appreciated her admission that he was probably right, a year and a half ago.

"They have no guts to say to us: 'Guys you were right, we were wrong at the time'," he said. "She is too far away above our heads, she has no time to see us."

But he admits she is "of course" the patron saint of the opposition.

"She is the only person who can have an influence all over the people."

BANGKOK – More than 40,000 Rohingya children in western Myanmar have been deprived of rights to travel, go to school or to marry in future, because their parents had an unauthorised marriage or exceeded a two-child limit, a report said  Rights groups say the Rohingyas, a Muslim minority in predominantly Buddhist Myanmar, face some of the worst discrimination in the world, have suffered abuses and deprived of free movement, education and employment under the country's former military rulers and now under the current government. They are also denied Myanmar citizenship. 

These blacklisted children are refused birth registration, and so are not included in the family list and get hidden during the authorities’ population checks, said the report, which human rights organisation Arakan Project on Thursday submitted to the United Nations’ Committee on the Rights of the Child. 

“All Rohingya children suffer unmitigated discrimination with regard to education, health care and access to food,” the report said. 

The report say there are close to 750,000 Rohingyas in the country’s Northern Rakhine State and hundreds of thousands more scattered in Bangladesh, Malaysia and the Middle East following exoduses in the past few decades. 

Families with blacklisted children also suffer from “unending extortion” by local authorities because the parents can be arrested for hosting an unregistered guest, the report added. 

According to The Arakan Project, Rohingyas need official authorisation to marry and the authorities can take several years to grant it. Those who marry have to sign an undertaking that they will have no more than two children, and marriage or cohabitation without authorisation is punishable by up to 10 years’ imprisonment. 

The authorities have started a process of registering these children in the past two months, but some parents fear this is a ploy to prosecute them for unauthorised marriage, The Arakan Project said. Registered Rohingya children hardly fare any better, as they are denied citizenship and remain stateless, the report said. 

Rohingya children in Myanmar are exposed to preventable diseases due to chronic malnutrition and a lack of access to healthcare, while many are subjected to forced labour. 

Four in every five Rohingyas in Myanmar are illiterate, the report said. The main reason for Rohingya children not attending school is widespread poverty as children must contribute to the family income, it said. 

“Forced labour has a severe economic impact, driving down the poor already surviving hand-to-mouth into abject poverty, exposing children to hunger and malnutrition,” the report said. 

The report cites the story of a 9-year-old Rohingya boy who looked after a neighbouring farmer’s cows for the whole day for a fee. He said he was forced to carry loads, repair roads or cut grass for the local authorities and the army for free. 

“Being hungry is very painful. When I am hungry I feel like crying,” said the boy who is registered as the son of his grandmother, after his parents married without official authorisation and had to flee to Bangladesh. 

“When there is no food, my grandmother borrows rice from the neighbour but sometimes the neighbours cannot give any rice to her because they also have no rice,” he added. 

Myanmar’s nominally civilian government, which took power last March after half a century of iron-fished military rule, has surprised both its citizens and foreign countries with the speed of its reforms. 

The government has begun peace talks with ethnic rebels, relaxed its strict media censorship and allowed trade unions and protests. 

However, “deeply discriminatory policies” against the Rohingyas remain. The authorities justify these policies as illegal immigration management and population control, said Chris Lewa, coordinator of The Arakan Project. 

This discrimination is rooted in the belief, both by the government and by many in Myanmar, that the Rohingyas are a product of recent migration from Bangladesh, the report said. 

Consistently referred to as ‘illegal immigrants from Bangladesh,’ Myanmar’s Rohingyas are deprived of one of the most basic human rights – the right to an identification. 

“Rohingya children, in particular, bear the full brunt of the devastating impact of these (discriminatory) policies, which gravely impair their physical and mental development as children and will affect the long-term future of their community,” the report said. 

(Editing by Rebekah Curtis)

Source: alertnet

 ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္၏ ၾကားျဖတ္ေရြး ေကာက္ပြဲ၀င္ရန္ ဆံုးျဖတ္ခ်က္ကို ၾကိဳဆိုေထာက္ခံျပီး ၀န္းရံအားေပးသြားမည္ ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း ၈၈မ်ဳိးဆက္ေက်ာင္းသားမ်ားက ယခုလ ၂၁ ရက္က ေတာ္၀င္စင္တာတြင္ ျပဳလုပ္ခဲ့သည့္ သတင္းစာရွင္းလင္းပြဲတြင္ ထုတ္ျပန္ေၾကျငာ ခဲ့သည္။ ေတြ႕ဆံုမႈသို႔ မီဒီယာမ်ား ၀င္ေရာက္သတင္းယူခြင့္မရေၾကာင္း သိရသည္။
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ကၽြန္ေတာ္တို႔ မေတြ႔ျဖစ္တာ ၾကာၿပီ။ ကၽြန္ေတာ္တို႔ေတြ လြတ္တ့ဲအခ်ိန္မွာ အန္တီက ေနအိမ္အက်ယ္ခ်ဳပ္က်ေနတယ္။ အန္တီ လြတ္တဲ့အခ်ိန္မွာ ကၽြန္ေတာ္တို႔က အက်ဥ္းက်ေနတယ္။ ဒီေန႔ ေတြ႔ဆံုမႈဟာ တကယ့္ကို ေပ်ာ္ေပ်ာ္ပါးပါးပါပဲ။ မိသားစုပံုစံ ကၽြန္ေတာ္တို႔ ေတြ႔ဆံုၾကတာပါ။ ဒီေန႔ အန္တီေျပာတဲ့ထဲမွာ အန္တီ့မွာ ေျမး ၂ ေယာက္ရွိတယ္။ ဒါေပမဲ့ တစ္ေယာက္ကိုပဲ အန္တီေတြ႔ဖူးတယ္လို႔ ေျပာတာေလးကိုေတာ့ ကၽြန္ေတာ့စိတ္ထဲမွာ မွတ္မွတ္ရရျဖစ္မိတယ္

ကိုဂ်င္မီ ( ခ ) ကိုေက်ာ္မင္းယု
၈၈ မ်ိဳးဆက္ေက်ာင္းသားေခါင္းေဆာင္

(CNN) -- Pakistani President Asif Ali Zardari will leave for Myanmar on Tuesday to discuss economic ties with the country and to visit longtime democracy advocate Aung San Suu Kyi. 

During his two-day trip, Zardari will speak with Myanmar President Thein Sein about promoting economic and trade cooperation between the two countries, according to a statement from Zardari spokesman Farhatullah Babar.

                                              ဦးေအာင္လင္းထြဋ္  ( Photo Moe Makha)

သို႔ေသာ္ ႏွစ္ေပါင္း ၅၀ တိုင္ႏိုင္ငံ၏ အလုံးစုံအာဏာကို ထိန္းခ်ဳပ္ခ့ဲေသာ ျမန္မာ့ တပ္မေတာ္ကို ျပဳျပင္ေျပာင္းလဲေရး လမ္းေၾကာင္းသို႔ လက္တြဲေခၚယူသြားႏိုင္ေရး၊ဒီမိုကေရစီစနစ္ႏွင့္အညီျမန္မာ့တပ္မေတာ္ျဖစ္ေရးတို႔ကိုမူျပည္သူလူထုအေနျဖင့္မိသားစုစိတ္ဓာတ္ျဖင့္ ဝိုင္းဝန္းစဥ္းစားေပးရန္ လိုမည္ျဖစ္ပါသည္။

ျမန္မာ့ တပ္မေတာ္၏ ေဆာင္ပုဒ္တြင္ “ရဲေဘာ္ မေကာင္းတာ မရွိေခါင္းေဆာင္ မေကာင္းတာသာရွိ ပါသည္” ဟု ရွိသည္။ ဆိုလိုသည္မွာ တပ္မေတာ္တြင္ေခတ္ အဆက္ဆက္ စစ္အာဏာရွင္ စစ္ဦးစီးခ်ဳပ္ တဦးမွလြဲ၍ လက္ေအာက္ က်န္ရွိသူ အားလုံးသည္ ရဲေဘာ္မ်ားသာ ျဖစ္ႀကပါသည္။ တနည္းအားျဖင့္ စစ္အာဏာရွင္ စနစ္၏ ေအာက္တြင္ “ေပးတာယူ ၊ ေကြ်းတာစား ျပန္မေျပာန႔ဲ ေထာင္ထဲေရာက္သြားမည္” ဆိုသည့္ ေဆာင္ပုဒ္ေအာက္တြင္ စစ္ကြ်န္ဘဝျဖင့္ အားလုံးေနခ့ဲၾကသူမ်ား ျဖစ္ၾကသည္။ စစ္အာဏာရွင္ႀကီးက သူ႔အာဏာကိုသာ မထိပါးေစႏွင့္၊ က်န္တာလုပ္ဟု လုပ္ပိုင္ခြင့္ ေပးခ့ဲျခင္းေၾကာင့္ လည္း တပ္မေတာ္သည္ သံဃာႏွင့္ ျပည္သူမ်ား၏ မုန္းတီးနာက်ည္းမႈကို ခံေနရသည္။ ထို႔ေၾကာင့္ တပ္မေတာ္သားတို႔ အေနျဖင့္လည္း ျပည္သူႏွင့္ အတူျပဳျပင္ေျပာင္းလဲေရး လမ္းေၾကာင္းတြင္ လက္တြဲေလွ်ာက္လွမ္းႏိုင္ေရး လမ္းဖြင့္ေပးရမည္ ျဖစ္သည္။

ဒီမိုကေရစီစနစ္ႏွင့္အညီျမန္မာ့တပ္မေတာ္ျဖစ္ေရးအတြက္အဓိကအားျဖင့္တပ္မေတာ္အရာရွိအရာခံ အႀကပ္တပ္သားမ်ား၏အေတြးအေခၚ ျပဳျပင္ေျပာင္းလဲေရးသည္ အေရးအႀကီးဆုံးအခ်က္ျဖစ္ပါသည္။အေျခခံတပ္သားအဆင့္၊ ဗိုလ္ေလာင္းအဆင့္တို႔ တပ္မေတာ္ထဲ စတင္ဝင္ေရာက္လာသည့္ အခ်ိန္မွစ၍ ဝါရင့္ဗိုလ္ေလာင္း၊ ဝါရင့္စစ္သည္မ်ား၏ အျပစ္ေပးႏွိပ္စက္ျခင္း၊ အႏုနည္းျဖင့္ဆံုးမျခင္းတို႔ ခံခဲ့ရသည္။ ဤသို႔အားျဖင့္ “ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံတြင္ တပ္မေတာ္သည္သာ ျပည္သူလူထု၏ အားကိုးရာျဖစ္သည္”၊ “တိုင္းရင္းသားလက္နက္ကိုင္အဖြဲ႔မ်ားသည္ တိုင္းတပါးကို အားကိုးၿပီး ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံမွခြဲထြက္၍ သီးျခားလြတ္လပ္ေသာ ႏိုင္ငံထူေထာင္လိုသူမ်ားျဖစ္ၾကသည္”၊ “ျပည္တြင္းအတိုက္အခံ အဖြဲ႔စည္းမ်ားသည္လည္း တပ္မေတာ္ကိုၿဖိဳခြဲၿပီး ႏိုင္ငံေရးအာဏာကိုရယူကာ ႏိုင္ငံကိုေရာင္းစားမည့္သူမ်ားျဖစ္သည္” အစရွိသည္ျဖင့္ဝါဒျဖန္႔ခ်ိေရးစကားလုံး ေပါင္းစုံျဖင့္ ဦးေႏွာက္ေဆးေၾကာျခင္း (BrainWash) ကို စစ္ဗိုလ္ စစ္သားတိုင္း ခံခ့ဲရသည္။

႔ေၾကာင့္ လက္ရွိေခတ္ႏွင့္အညီ ေျပာင္းလဲရမည့္ ျပဳျပင္ေျပာင္းလဲေရးလမ္းေၾကာင္းတြင္ တပ္မေတာ္သည္ ျပည္သူလူထုႏွင့္အတူ လက္တြဲႏိုင္ေရးအတြက္ အထက္ပါ အေတြးအေခၚမ်ားကို တိုင္းရင္းသား ျပည္သူလူထုတရပ္လုံးက ျပန္လည္၍ ဦးေႏွာက္ေဆးေၾကာေပးျခင္းျပဳလုပ္ရေပမည္။

တပ္မေတာ္သည္အမိန္႔အာဏာျဖင့္ ဖြဲ႔စည္းထားေသာေၾကာင့္တပ္ကို တာဝန္ယူေသာ အရာရွိတပ္စုမႉးမွသည္စစ္ဦးစီးခ်ဳပ္ အဆင့္ဆင့္သည္တပ္မေတာ္ အေတြးအေခၚေျပာင္းလဲေရး လုပ္ငန္းစဥ္တြင္ပါဝင္ရန္ ဦးစားေပး ေဆာင္ရြက္ရမည္ျဖစ္သည္။တၿပိဳင္တည္းမွာပင္တျခားအဆင့္ စစ္သည္အားလုံးကိုလည္း“ျပည္သူသည္သာအမိ၊ ျပည္သူသည္သာအဖ”ဆိုသည့္ေဆာင္ပုဒ္ကိုနားလည္ သေဘာေပါက္ေရးတန္ျပန္လုပ္ေဆာင္သြားရမည္ျဖစ္သည္။

ယေန႔ ျမန္မာ့တပ္မေတာ္ အရာရွိႀကီးငယ္ အမ်ားစုသည္၁၉၈၈ခုႏွစ္ေနာက္ပိုင္းတြင္တ႐ုတ္၊႐ုရွား၊ အိႏိၵယႏိုင္ငံမ်ားတြင္သာ စစ္ပညာ ေလ့လာဆည္းပူးခြင့္ရရွိခ့ဲသည္။စစ္လက္နက္ပစၥည္းမ်ားကိုလည္း အဆိုပါႏိုင္ငံမ်ားႏွင့္ေျမာက္ကိုးရီးယားႏိုင္ငံမွ ေရာင္းခ်ေပးခ့ဲသည့္ လက္နက္ႏွင့္နည္းပညာမ်ားကိုသာကိုင္တြယ္သံုးစြဲေနၾကသည္။ထို႔ေၾကာင့္အေနာက္ႏိုင္ငံ တပ္မေတာ္မ်ားႏွင့္ ကင္းကြာခ့ဲၿပီးအေတြးအေခၚပိုင္းဆိုင္ရာတြင္အာဏာရွင္တပ္မေတာ္ အေတြးအေခၚကို မသိမသာသြတ္သြင္းခံထားရသူမ်ား ျဖစ္သည့္အတြက္ ဒီမိုကေရစီတပ္မေတာ္တခု၏ သိကၡာ၊ ျပည္သူလူထုအေပၚ က်င့္ႀကံဆက္ဆံရမည့္ စည္းကမ္းမ်ားကို ေမ့ေလ်ာ့ေနသည့္သေဘာ ျမင္ေတြ႔ေနရသည္။

အမွန္တကယ္တြင္ျမန္မာ့တပ္မေတာ္သည္လြတ္လပ္ေရးႏွင့္အတူေပါက္ဖြားလာေသာတပ္မေတာ္၊ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေအာင္ဆန္းစတင္ထူေထာင္ေသာ တပ္မေတာ္ျဖစ္သကဲ့သို႔တပ္မေတာ္၏ နည္းဥပေဒမ်ားသည္လည္းစည္းကမ္းစနစ္ ေကာင္းမြန္ေသာ ၿဗိတိသွ်တပ္မေတာ္ႏွင့္ တိုက္ရည္ခိုက္ရည္ ရဲစြမ္းသတိၱရွိေသာ ဂ်ပန္တပ္မေတာ္တို႔ကို အေျခခံၿပီး ေရးဆြဲျပ႒ာန္းထားျခင္းျဖစ္သည္။ယေန႔တိုင္လည္း အဆိုပါစည္းမ်ဥ္းစည္းကမ္းမ်ား တည္ရွိေနဆဲျဖစ္သည္။

ဥပေဒကို စာအုပ္အထဲတြင္သာထားၿပီးစစ္အာဏာရွင္၏ ႏႈတ္ကထြက္လာေသာအမိန္႔ျဖင့္တပ္မေတာ္ကို ေစခိုင္းေနျခင္းေၾကာင့္သာတပ္မေတာ္သည္သံဃာကို သံဃာမွန္းမသိ၊ျပည္သူကို ျပည္သူမွန္းမသိ၊တိုင္းရင္းသားအခ်င္းခ်င္းကို ရန္သူဟု သတ္မွတ္ေနၾကသည္။အကယ္၍ ႏႈတ္မိန္႔ကို အာခံခ့ဲျပန္လွ်င္လည္းက်ဴပင္ခုတ္က်ဴငုတ္မက်န္ေအာင္ အဖိုးအဖြား အေဖအေမမက်န္သားစဥ္ေျမးဆက္ ဒုကၡေရာက္ေအာင္ လုပ္ျပခ့ဲသည့္အတြက္ေၾကာင့္လည္း မည္သူမွ် မလွန္ရဲ။ဒုတိယ စစ္ဦးစီးခ်ဳပ္မွသည္ တပ္သားအထိ တပ္မေတာ္သည္အာဏာရွင္စနစ္၏ ေအာက္စစ္ကြ်န္သဖြယ္ ေနခ့ဲရသည္။ထို႔ေၾကာင့္တပ္မေတာ္ကိုလည္း စစ္ကြ်န္ဘဝမွ လြတ္ေျမာက္ေရးျပည္သူမ်ားအေနျဖင့္လည္း ကယ္တင္ရမည္ဆိုသည္ကိုသတိမေမ့ဖို႔ လိုပါသည္။

တပ္မေတာ္အား ဒီမိုကေရစီလမ္းေၾကာင္းသို႔ ေျပာင္းလဲႏိုင္ေရး လက္ရွိအေျခအေနတြင္ သမၼတ ဦးသိန္းစိန္၊ ျပည္သူလူထုႏွင့္ ႏိုင္ငံတကာ၏ ေထာက္ခံမႈကို ရရိွေနေသာေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္တို႔ႏွစ္ဦး စဥ္းစားခ်င့္ခ်ိန္ၿပီးေျပေျပလည္လည္ ပူးေပါင္းေဆာင္ရြက္ႏိုင္မွသာလမ္းမွန္ေပၚသို႔ ေရာက္ႏိုင္မည္ျဖစ္သည္။

စစ္သားမ်ား၏စိတ္ထဲတြင္ အ႐ိုးစြဲေနေသာ ယူဆခ်က္တခု ရွိသည္။ “ငါတို႔ အသက္ေတာင္ အေသခံရဲေသးတာပဲ၊ငါတို႔ကို လာမေစာ္ကားနဲ႔၊ဘယ္သူမွ ဂ႐ုမစိုက္ဘူး” ဆိုသည့္အခ်က္ျဖစ္သည္။စစ္သားကိုညင္ညင္သာသာေျပာတတ္ဆိုတတ္ စည္း႐ုံးတတ္ရန္ လိုသည္။အတိုက္အခံေရာ အစိုးရပါ စစ္သားမ်ား၏ ခံစားခ်က္ကို နားေထာင္ေပးရန္ လိုသည္။

ၿမိဳ႕ေနစစ္ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္တစုႏွင့္ မိသားစုကိုသာၾကည့္ၿပီးအမ်ားထင္သကဲ့သို႔ စစ္တပ္ႀကီးတခုလုံးေကာင္းစားေနသည္ မဟုတ္ပါ။တခ်ိဳ႕နယ္စြန္နယ္ဖ်ားမ်ားတြင္ ၿမိဳ႕ေနျပည္သူလူထုထက္ ဒုကၡေရာက္ေနသူစစ္သည္ႏွင့္ မိသားစုအမ်ားအျပား ရွိပါသည္။စစ္အာဏာရွင္စနစ္၏ ဒဏ္ကို ျပည္သူလူထုႏွင့္အတူ စစ္သားမ်ားလည္း ခံၾကရသည္။ ထို႔ေၾကာင့္ ျပည္သူလူထုကလည္း မိဘသဖြယ္သေဘာထားၿပီး စစ္ကြ်န္ဘဝေရာက္ေနေသာ တပ္မေတာ္သားမ်ားကိုအေျပာမဟုတ္လက္ေတြ႔က်က် ေႏြးေထြးစြာ လက္ကမ္းႀကိဳသင့္ပါသည္။တပ္မေတာ္သားမ်ားဘက္မွလည္းျပည္သူဘက္မွ ႀကိဳဆိုလာေသာလက္မ်ားကုိ ယံုယံုၾကည္ၾကည္ျဖင့္လက္ခံၿပီး မိဘရင္ခြင္ကို ျပန္ဝင္ရန္ အခ်ိန္တန္ၿပီဟုတိုက္တြန္းခ်င္ပါသည္။

အစိုးရအေနျဖင့္ တပ္ကို ႏိုင္ငံတကာအဆင့္မီ တပ္မေတာ္မ်ိဳးျဖစ္ရန္ ရည္ရြယ္သကဲ့သို႔ စစ္မႈထမ္းအားလုံးကိုလည္း စိတ္ဓာတ္ စည္းကမ္းႏွင့္ ရပိုင္ခြင့္မ်ား ျပည့္ျပည့္ဝဝရရွိေရးလည္း ေဆာင္ရြက္ေပးရန္ လိုမည္ျဖစ္သည္။ထို႔အျပင္ေလ်ာ့လ်ဲျပန္႔က်ဲစြာ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံ ေနရာအႏွံ႔ ဖြဲ႔စည္းထားေသာ တပ္မ်ားကိုက်စ္လစ္သိပ္သည္းစြာ ျပန္လည္စုဖြဲ႔သင့္သည္။

စစ္တပ္အင္အား အဆမတန္ခ်ဲ႕သည့္အတြက္ တပ္သားသစ္ စုေဆာင္းမရေသာအခါ အရြယ္မေရာက္ေသးေသာ ကေလးပါမက်န္ စစ္သားစုရသည့္ အျဖစ္မ်ိဳး ေနာင္မျဖစ္ေပၚလာေစရန္ ျဖစ္သည္။ စစ္သည္ႏွင့္မိသားစုတို႔၏ အေတြးအေခၚအသစ္မ်ား ဒီမိုကေရစီစနစ္ႏွင့္အညီ ျပဳျပင္ေျပာင္းလဲလာေရး တပ္တြင္းသင္တန္း၊ ေဟာေျပာပြဲမ်ားႏွင့္ ေဆြးေႏြးပြဲမ်ားတြင္ ယခင္အေတြးအေခၚေဟာင္းမ်ားကို ပစ္ပယ္ၿပီး ဒီမိုကေရစီအေတြးအေခၚ အေၾကာင္းမ်ားကို စတင္ပို႔ခ်သင့္ၿပီျဖစ္သည္။

ယခင္ စစ္အာရွင္စနစ္၏အေမြးဆိုးမ်ားေၾကာင့္ျပည္သူလူထုအေပၚ အႏိုင္က်င့္သည့္လုပ္ရပ္မ်ားကို ရပ္တန္းကရပ္သင့္ၿပီး စစ္တပ္ထဲမွ ျပစ္မႈက်ဴးလြန္သူမွန္သမွ်ကိုေက်ာသားရင္သား မခြဲျခားဘဲစစ္ဥပေဒအရ အေရးယူျပရန္ လိုသည္။လက္ရွိကခ်င္တိုင္းရင္းသားမ်ားႏွင့္ ျဖစ္ပြားေနေသာ စစ္ပြဲမ်ားႏွင့္ပတ္သက္၍လည္းသာသည္နာသည္ သေဘာမထားဘဲတပ္မေတာ္ဘက္မွစတင္၍ အပစ္ရပ္စဲေရးကို ထိေရာက္စြာ လုပ္ေဆာင္ရန္ လိုအပ္သည္။တပ္မေတာ္အေနျဖင့္ ျပည္တြင္းစစ္ကိုရပ္စဲၿပီးျပည္ပရန္ကို ကာကြယ္သည့္ တခုတည္းေသာ တပ္မေတာ္ျဖစ္ေရးဦးတည္ေဆာင္ရြက္သြားသင့္သည္။

အတိုက္အခံႏွင့္ ျပည္သူလူထုအေနျဖင့္တပ္မေတာ္အေပၚ နားလည္လက္ခံေပးရန္လိုသည္။ သို႔မွလည္း ဒီမိုကေရစီစနစ္ႏွင့္ ေလွ်ာက္လွမ္းရမည့္ တပ္မေတာ္၏ ေျခလွမ္းမ်ားသည္ ရဲရဲဝံ့ဝံ့ ေျဖာင့္ေျဖာင့္မတ္မတ္ျဖစ္ႏိုင္ပါသည္။၁၉၉၀ခုႏွစ္ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲအၿပီးအႏိုင္ရပါတီႀကီး၏ အမတ္တစ္ဦးက အမွတ္မထင္ ေျပာလိုက္ေသာ “ငါတို႔ အာဏာရလွ်င္ စစ္တပ္ဗိုလ္မႉးႀကီးႏွင့္အထက္အားလံုးကို အေရးယူရမည္” ဆိုေသာစကားလုံးသည္ ေျပာသူအေနျဖင့္ေမ့ေကာင္းေမ့ႏိုင္ေပေသာ္လည္းခံရသူအေနျဖင့္မေမ့ႏိုင္ဘဲ “အာဏာလႊဲမေပးေတာ့လည္း ဘာျဖစ္လဲ၊ ေနာင္အႏွစ္ ၂၀ ဆက္အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္မယ္” ဆိုသည့္အေတြးအေခၚမ်ိဳး ဝင္ရန္ အခ်က္တခ်က္ျဖစ္ခ့ဲသည္။

When the Panglong Agreement was signed in 1947 the Shan, Chin and Kachin want to speed up their own search for freedom together with the Myanmar brothers based on the principle of equality mutual trans and recognition and not to integrate their societies and their lands into the Myanmar Buddhist society or the Myanmar kingdom.

Here the concept of coming together means coming in difference and not one being merge into another. The idea of Bogoke Aung San was to build a Union of Burma, an entirely new country through a state building and not to create a nation through nation-building. In the submission of the Union constitution to the AFPFL at Jubilee Hall on May 1947, Bogyoke Aung San himself has said, “When we build our new Burma, shall we build it as a Union or a Unitary State? In my opinion it will not be feasible to set up a Unitary State. We must set up a Union with a properly regulated provision to set up the rights of the ethnic nationalities.”

However Myanmar contemporary historians never emphasized this phrase and wish that the people of Burma especially the ethnic nationalities would forget it. Even the arch supporter of the Burmese Junta Dr Maung Maung points out that,

“The Union States should have their own separate constitutions, their own organ of states, viz parliament, government and Judiciary.”

It should be recollected that on the eve on the historic Panglong Conference to be exact on 11th Frb.1947 Bogyoke Aung San said, “The dreams of a unified and free Burma has always haunted me...We who are gathered here tonight are engaged in the pursuit of the same dream. We have in Burma many indigenous peoples, the Karen, the Kachin, the Shan, the Chin, the Burman and others. In other countries too there are many indigenous peoples, many races. Thus races do not have rigid boundaries. Religion is no barrier either for it is a matter of individual conscience...If we want the nation to prosper; we must pool our resources, manpower, wealth, skills and work together. If we are divided, the Karen, the Shan, the Kachin, the Chin, the Barman, the Mon and the Arakanese, each pulling in a different direction, the Union will be torn, and we will come to grief. Let us come and work together.”

Bogyoke Aung San has a clear idea of nation building and see the writing on the wall that the old concept of one religion, one race and one language had gone obsolete. He rejected the religiously orientated ethno-nationalism that misled religion with politics. He thus declared,“Religion is a matter of individual conscience, while politics is social science. We must see to it that the individual enjoys his rights, including the rights to freedom of religious beliefs and worship. We must draw clear lines between politics and religion because the two are not the same thing. If we mix religion and politics then we offend the spirit of religion itself.”

Myanmar Chauvinism

This is the essence of coming together but as everybody knows it Bogyoke Aung San and his key leaders were assassinated on 9th July 1948 and it was U Chan Htun the only proficient person whom the leaders had put their trust on him shows his Mahar Bamar mentality by betraying Bogyoke Aung San and the ethnic nationalities of Burma by completely changing his vision made it a unitary state. According to U Chan Htun’s interpretation was that the Myanmar did not form their own ethnic state, instead they combine the power of the Myanmar national State with the whole sovereign state of the Union of Burma. Thus while one ethnic group; the Myanmar control the sovereign power of the Union, that is, the administrative, legislative and judiciary of the Union of Burma, the other ethnic nationalities automatically became a vassal state of the Myanmar race. And this is exactly of what is happening today.

In order to control these ethnic nationalities it first set up the military base in Ba Htoo near Lawk Sauk in Southern Shan State, then it slowly expanded it to Nam Sang, Liang Khio, Mong Hsat in Shan states and now they have several military bases in Chin, Kachin and Karen states. Since that time the various Burmese administrations have treated the ethnic nationalities as a colonial power instead of the Union of Burma.

The government use religion as an integration process which gives rise to the resentment of the non Buddhist especially among the ethnic nationalities. This spoil the theory of unity in diversity itself Although Buddhism has been a powerful integrative force in the traditional Myanmar society and is used to start as a rallying point against the British colonialist it was of little use in the settings of a multi cultural and multi religious context especially for a multi ethnic plural society. U Nu made an attempt to achieve homogeneity by imposing religious and cultural assimilation. In 1953 the ministry of Religious and Culture was created to promote the process of assimilation and eventually in 1961 Buddhism was declared a state religion.

General Ne Win came to power in 1962 he went a step further by removing the rights and culture of the ethnic nationalities as a means of creating homogeneous unitary state. This he made it by declaring the Burmese language as the only official language to be used in the country and making Burmese as the medium of teaching in all levels of education from primary to University. No doubt the standard of education fell. He also prohibited the right for the ethnic peoples to learn their own languages. Hence national building both for U Nu and Ne Win was based on the notion of one language, one language and one religion. While U Nu opted for cultural and religious assimilation in Buddhism as a means of integration Ne Win used the national language policy and denied the rights of the ethnic nationalities as a means of creating a homogeneous society.

Hence the changing of the country’s name from Burma to Myanmar was an important step in assimilating the ethnic nationalities and it was done by force, and for the last half a century the Burmese Tatmadaw had implemented by killing the ethnic nationalities, destroying their livelihood, using rape as a weapon, waging war on ethic nationalities religion and culture by means of various persecution, destroying the identity of the ethnic nationalities.

Under the pretext of nation building, successive administrations have not only violated the basic human rights but also all categories of collective rights. Under cover of national sovereignty, the rights of self determination are rejected and in the name of national integration the right to follow different religions to practice different cultures, and to speak different languages are deprived and in the name of national assimilation the rights to uphold different identities and traditions are denied. In other words ethnic cleansing and cultural genocide has been going on for more than half a century. Either the ethnic nationalities must be integrated within the majority culture destroying their original cultural roots, or they must be denied the opportunity to enhance their cultural identity through political means. They seem to be inspired by Pakistan and Malaysia that make Muslim and Nepal that make Hindu as the state religion. Hence this is the basic philosophy of the Mahar Myanmar mentality which is the crux of the Burmese problem.

Currently there are two types of Myanmar, Democracy loving Myanmar who really believes in the Union of Burma and those Mahar Myanmar who still believe and interpret history only from their narrow nationalistic Myanmar perspective. The latter is hegemonic and myopically nationalistic believe that linear progression of Myanmar, save the colonial interlude of a century from a Buddhist kingdom originating in Pagan to today's modern nation-state are considered as a Mahar Myanmar is somewhat akin to Adolf Hitler’s Nazi theory of the superiority of the Aryan race. Hence these Mahar Myanmar did not have an ounce of the Union Spirit and is unable to accept any ethnic nationality as an equal. They construe that they are imbue with a special quality far superior than others and that they must always be leaders in every aspect of society.

On the other hand the Pyidaungsu Myanmar are those genuine Burma especially from upper Burma known as Ah Nyar of our beloved Bogyoke Aung San’s lineage that want to share equally their weal and woe with the ethnic nationalities. They are the real followers of Bogyoke Aung Sau and are desirous to build the country in a modern way, humane and want to take a place in the hall of civilized nations. They did not want to be a pariah nation.

The Burmese administrations never teach the tolerance of other religion such as the minority religions adherence of Christians, Muslims, and Hindus etc. They never mentioned that some of the heroes of Pagan dynasty such as Byatwi and Byattawere Muslim brothers. Every historian on Burma will agree that in the Pagan temples all are not dedicated to Theravada type of Buddhism only but also there are temples of Mahayana type and Hindu temples dedicated to Lord Vishnu. Again the Pagan temples were built by the Greeks and Roman architect whom the Burmese kings invited them and in many temples of Pagan the Christian cross were painted which shows that Christianity have reached the first Burmese dynasty. The first Church was built in Pagan and when the Irrawaddy River changed course it was swept away. The first Burmese Christian king was Natshinnaug, the famous poet and so on. This clearly indicates that tolerance of religion existed since that days and now with the Myanmarnization of the military Junta, no such minority religion or ethnic nationalities language were tolerated.

The idea that Myanmar are a superior race and that they have vanquished not only the ethnic nationalities but also the neighbouring countries were ingrain in them wittingly or unwittingly.

This is exactly the Mahar Myanmar spirit. Hence, the conclusion seems to be that all the ethnic nationalities must follow their lead and like it or not must agree with them, there is no such thing as consensus or self determination. They could not comprehend the Union Spirit Not only these Mahar Myanmar believe in this approach but also propagate and interpreted in such a way that the majority of the international community who scarcely know where Burma is came to have a vague idea on this approach. Unless one is a scholar in the study of Burmese history, one could not comprehend the general outline of the Burmese problem and the current crisis. In the Myanmar mindset they construe the other ethnic nationalities especially those who are residing on the hills such as Shan, Chin, Kachin, Karenni are wild heathen and such a categorization did not exclude their eventual incorporation into civilization by acculturations.

So it was not ethnic diversity but cultural practice which divided people socially not necessarily politically. The Myanmar also looks down on the Arakanese and Mon. They are not categorize as hill people as they worship the same Theravada Buddhism but the Myanmar view that these Arakanese are Mon are the conquered race and people and is not worth the political thought. What more prove is wanted when both the Arakanese and Mon were not invited to the 1947 Panglong Conference and was taken for granted as part of Myanmar. This is the essence if not crux of the Mahar Myanmar mentality.

Hence in the case of the Union of Burma, firstly it can be explained as the capture of the state by the majority Myanmar ethnic group as arising out of the impact of the introduction of the modern state system upon which the authority structure of the Myanmar society stands. This definitely, dispels and dislocated the elites and the masses of the existing system many of who belong to the ethnic nationalities.

Secondly the domination of the state by one ethnic group the Myanmar ethnic group that give rises to the “Ethnocratic Tendencies” in which the state act as an agency for that community in promoting its ethnic values as the core component of the nationalist ideology.

Thirdly, ethnic struggles are explainable as the reaction to this disruptive penetration of the peripheral communities by the weak ethnocratic state. This penetration provoked the collapse of the old authority structure existing before the 2nd world war in the British era and dislocated the old societal cohesion. It was replaced by the new emergent elites with new levels and forms. This is the apex of the ethnic nationalities struggle against the Myanmar ethnic dominate state.

Does history treat dictatorships with kindness and understanding? Will the future hold sympathy, garlands and accolades for the Junta? A military dictatorship is best viewed as a transitory phenomenon, in the manner that certain weeds flourish briefly when the topsoil is freshly disturbed. But there is a limit to how long topsoil is freshly disturbed, as against being cultivated. Sturdy plants inevitably displace the transient species. This order of succession of plant communities is immutable in nature. Ecosystem analogies are appropriate to understand the phenomena of the Junta, as its fate is also tied to the futures of disturbed conditions. The Junta is ruthlessly repressive on people and exploitative on resources. It has uncontrolled growth. If the Junta machine were compared to the thermodynamic phenomena, the primary characteristic would be that it is extremely energy intense. The generals rule is that the more energy intense. An occurrence is, the greater the problems of sustaining it will become, and the shorter the expected life-span will tend to be. The Junta’s phenomenon is a turbulence or conflagration that is doomed to burn out and to completely collapse on it. This is absolutely inevitable.

The inviolable laws of nature remind us that the Junta will implode and it is certain to leave behind unspeakable destruction and debris. That will be the challenge for the coming up nation-builders after the quasi civilian government is gone.

Studying the contemporary history of the world, country after country, there are few examples where a single ethnic group has taken control over the state and used its powers to exercise control over others. In retrospect there has been far less national building than many analysts had expected or hoped, for the process of state building has rendered many ethnic groups devoid of power or influence. The Myanmar Ethnocratic state is the current situation where the state acts as the agency of the dominant Myanmar/Burma ethnic community in term of ideologies, its policies and its resources distribution. This is because it involves three propositions.

First the Myanmar dominated ethnocratic state, is one in which recruitment to the state élite positions in the Tatmadaw, civil services and government is disproportionately and overwhelmingly from the majority Myanmar ethnic group only. Even if there is recruitment from other ethnic groups like Shan, Mon or Karen or any other ethnic race it is only after their assimilation into the dominant ethnic culture. Moreover the state elites use their positions to promote their Myanmar interest, rather than acting as either as an autonomous state bureaucracy or as representative of the socio economic class strata from where they originate.

Second, the Myanmar employs the cultural attributes and values as the core elements for the elaboration of national ideology, and the state’s choice of national symbols all derived primarily from the culture of the Myanmar ethnic majority. Thus the national identity which is employed to define the multi ethnic society is neither ethnically neutral nor multiethnic but is rather a Myanmar mono ethnic. Lucien Pye wrote, “In reflecting the communal base of political parties it tend to represent total ways of life….Nationalist movements in particular have tended to represent total ways of life because such parties are inclined to feel they have a mission to change all aspects of life within their society, even conceiving themselves as a prototype of what their entire country will become in time. Members of such movements frequently believe that their attitudes and views on all subjects will become the commonly shared attitudes and views of the entire population.”

The third attribute to the Myanmar Ethnocratic state is that the state’s institutions-its constitution its laws and its political structures- serve to maintain and reinforce the monopolization of power by the ethnic segment. Thus the channels which the state provides for participation are such as to either restrict all avenues for politics or to secure the disproportionate representation of the ethnic segment.

Whatever the part played by colonial and post-colonial history and politics, it is a fact that now ethnicity is now a serious matter. The Mahar/Myanmar and some foreign scholars endeavour to prove that monarchy as an example of central authority able to unite across ethnic and cultural divides. Incidentally this is the theory which the Burmese military dictatorship tries to impose. They try to find the abstract idea of ethnic community, that commanded primary loyalty and that a Myanmar king could act as the patron of ethnic e.g. Mon princely clients, and vice versa. That the vacuum of central authority, after the fall of the monarchy, was further exposed through British colonial policy of administering the regions in a fractured model, as contrasted with the central control that the Dutch used in governing colonial Indonesia.

"Not all Myanmar are Buddhists and yet all recognize and acknowledge the centrality of Theravada Buddhism for their Burman identity," Writes F.K.L. Chit Hlaing;

Regarding Christianity, Gravers conjectures that conversion implies political identification, and that Christianity is subsequently identified with modernity and the right to a homeland. Yet religion need not serve a unifying role, as a means of identification it can prove equally divisive.

The most prominent example of religion proving destructive within an ethnic group revolves around the 1994 split of the Democratic Karen Buddhist Organization from the Karen National Union. Though both groups go to lengths to state and show that both religions are represented and respected in their ranks, the truth remains that a significant number of Karen saw identification as Buddhist, or Christian, as conceivably more advantageous than maintaining a strict adherence to the precept of pan-Karen identity.

As the architects of modern Burma including several ethnic leaders were assassinated their vision of modern union of Burma on a just and equal state for every ethnic nationality residing in the Union of Burma was smashed. The vision and dream of the assassinated leaders were explicitly written in the first 1947 constitution where each ethnic state has its own constitution and have been enshrined in the right of the ethnic minorities to practise their culture. This was proven in the State flag where the five stars clustered around the larger star which represents the Myanmar ethnic group. This symbolizes the unity in diversity rather than assimilation and Buddhism was never been employed as a state ideology.However it should be remember that the development of a state structure dominated by the ethnic Myanmar personnel and values did not by itself precipitated the other ethnic rebellion. It was only when the state began to try to expand its control beyond the core areas of the colonial constituted a threat and launched vigorously couple with political centralization then it started the unrest.

Given the fundamental differences of belief, value and organization that connote pluralism, the monopoly of power by one cultural section is the essential precondition for the maintenance of the total society in its current form. Until and unless the new leaders have a wide vision and stop this forced Myanmarnization then there will be little or no peace in my beloved country.

Footnotes

David C William & Lian h Sakkhong; “Designing Federal Union in Burma. p20

See Bogyoke Aung San’s speech pp 306-307

U Maung Maung Burmese National Minorities 1940-1989- p170

See the speeches of Aung San also reprinted by Chao Tzang and LH Sakhong in The New Panglong Initiative, Rebuilding the Union of Burma p 13

See the speech of Aung San delivered on 20th Jan. 1946

Speeches of Bogyoke Aung San especially on 20th Jan. 1946

David C William & Lian h Sakkhong; “Designing Federal Union in Burma”. p17

Pe: Tin (Shan State) In Burmese 0d'l&ocifcspfarmif. &Srf;rlWSifhjynfaxmifpkawmifa&; p 16

Cady; John F -A History of Modern Burma p 636

Read the Temples of Pagan in any Burmese history books

Brown, David: The State and Ethnic Politics in Southeast Asia, London school of Economics p36

For example displacing of all the ethnic commanders and replace with the Myanmar ethnic group

La Raw Dr.Maran:>b> The Nation-State of Burma and the Victimization of Its Co-founders in Burma Debate Nov./Dec 1996

La Raw Dr.Maran: The Nation-State of Burma and the Victimization of Its Co-founders in Burma Debate Nov./Dec 1996

Myron; Weiner in “Political change in Asia, Africa and the Middle East.”

e.g. It change the country`s flag without telling or consent of the people.

Lucian W Pye Politics, personality and nation Building: Burma search for identity. New Haven London pp 17 18 Yale University Press

Smith: Christopher. Exploring Ethnicity in Mizzima News

Source:  Asian Tribune

Credit here

(Editing by Justyna Pawlak and Philippa Fletcher)

Source here

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ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံ၏ ျပဳျပင္ေျပာင္းလဲမႈေကာင္းမ်ား ပိုမို အားေကာင္းလာေရး အားေပးသည့္အေနျဖင္႔ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံအေပၚ ဥေရာပသမဂၢက ပိတ္ဆို႔အေရးယူထားမႈ အခ်ဳိ႕ကို ေျဖေလွ်ာ႔ေပးသြားမည္ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း ဥေရာပသမဂၢအဖြဲ႕ဝင္ႏိုင္ငံမ်ား၏ ႏိုင္ငံျခားေရး ဝန္ႀကီးမ်ားက ယေန႔ သေဘာတူဆံုးျဖတ္ခ်က္ ခ်လိုက္ေၾကာင္း သိရသည္။ 

ျပဳျပင္ေျပာင္းလဲေရးေကာင္းမ်ား ေဖာ္ေဆာင္မႈ အတို္င္းအတာကို ၾကည့္၍ ပိတ္ဆို႔အေရးယူထားမႈ အလံုးစံုကို ႐ုပ္သိမ္းေပးသင္႔ မေပးသင္႔ ဆက္လက္ စဥ္းစားသြားမည္ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္းလည္း ဘရပ္ဆဲလ္ၿမိဳ႕တြင္ က်င္းပေသာ အစည္းအေဝး ေၾကညာခ်က္အရ သိရသည္။

ခုိင္လင္းေက်ာ္ ( Ref; Washington Post.) နုိင္ငံပုိင္သတင္းစာမ်ား

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•                  Download the full report here

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Human Rights Watch (HRW) လူ႔အခြင့္အေရး ေစာင့္ၾကည့္ေရး အဖြဲ႔နဲ႔ Karen Human Rights Group (KHRG) ကရင္ လူ႕အခြင့္အေရး အဖြဲ႕တို႔က ပူးေပါင္း ျပဳစုထားေသာ Dead Men Walking: Convict Porters on the Front Lines in Eastern Burma "ေသလူေတြ လမ္းေလွ်ာက္ျခင္း- ျမန္မာနိုင္ငံ အေရွ႕ျခမ္းက ေရွ႕တန္း စစ္မ်က္ႏွာေတြက အက်ဥ္းသား ေပၚတာမ်ား" အစီရင္ခံစာ မ်က္ႏွာဖုံးပုံ ျဖစ္ပါသည္။


ကမၻာ့ ႏုိင္ငံအေတာ္မ်ားမ်ားက အစိုးရေတြနဲ႔ အဖဲြ႔အစည္းေတြရဲ႕ လူ႔အခြင့္အေရး ခ်ိဳးေဖာက္မႈေတြအေၾကာင္း ဒီကေန႔ ထုတ္ျပန္လိုက္တဲ့ HRW ရဲ႕ ၂ဝ၁၁ ခုႏွစ္ အစီရင္ခံစာမွာ အခုလို ေဖာ္ျပထားတာပါ။

ၿပီးခဲ့တဲ့ႏွစ္ ဇြန္လကတည္းက ျပန္လည္ ျဖစ္ပြားခဲ့တဲ့ ကခ်င္ျပည္နယ္က စစ္ပဲြေတြအတြင္း ျမန္မာ အစိုးရတပ္ေတြက ေဒသခံ အမ်ိဳးသမီးေတြကို အဓမၼျပဳက်င့္တာ၊ ေဒသခံေတြကို ညႇဥ္းပန္းႏိွပ္စက္တာ၊ သတ္ျဖတ္တာ ေတြ က်ဴးလြန္ခဲ့တယ္လို႔ HRW အစီရင္ခံစာက ဆုိပါတယ္။

ဒါ့ျပင္ ကခ်င္ျပည္နယ္က စစ္ပဲြေတြေၾကာင့္ ေဒသခံလူထု ၅ ေသာင္း ေလာက္ ထြက္ေျပး ပုန္းေရွာင္ေနရတယ္လို႔ အစီရင္ခံစာမွာ ေဖာ္ျပ ထားပါတယ္။

အစိုးရတပ္ေတြ အျပင္ တုိင္းရင္းသား လက္နက္ကိုင္ အဖဲြ႔အစည္းေတြ ဟာ ေဒသခံ ေက်းရြာေတြအနီးမွာ ေျမျမဳပ္မိုင္းေထာင္ တိုက္ခိုက္တာ ေတြ ရိွတဲ့အတြက္ ဒီလို အခ်က္အားလံုးဟာ ႏိုင္ငံတကာ လူ႔အခြင့္အေရး ဆိုင္ရာ ဥပေဒေတြကို ခ်ိဳးေဖာက္တာ ျဖစ္တယ္လို႔ အစီရင္ခံစာက ေထာက္ျပထားပါတယ္။

Read the Report here

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Dead Men Walking
Convict Porters on the Front Lines in Eastern Burma
JULY 12, 2011


This 70-page report details abuses against convict porters including summary executions, torture, and the use of the convicts as “human shields.” The military should stop forcibly recruiting prisoners as porters and mistreating them, and those responsible for ordering or participating in such treatment should be prosecuted, Human Rights Watch and the Karen Human Rights Group said.