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Rohingya women sit in front of their relief tent at the Mansi Internally Displaced Persons (IDP) camp on the outskirts of Sittwe. (Photo: Soe Than Win/AFP)


By International Crisis Group
October 22, 2014

The highly volatile situation in Myanmar’s Rakhine State adds dangerously to the country’s political and religious tensions. Long-term, incremental solutions are critical for the future of Rakhine State and the country as a whole.

The International Crisis Group’s latest report, Myanmar: The Politics of Rakhine State, looks at how the legacy of colonial history, decades of authoritarian rule and state-society conflict have laid the foundation for today’s complex mix of intercommunal and inter-religious tensions. Rakhine State, whose majority ethnic Rakhine population perceive themselves to be – with some justification – victims of discrimination by the political centre, has experienced a violent surge of Buddhist nationalism against minority Muslim communities, themselves also victims of discrimination. The government has taken steps to respond: by restoring security, starting a pilot citizenship verification process and developing a comprehensive action plan. However, parts of this plan are highly problematic, and risk deepening segregation and fuelling tensions further, particularly in the lead-up to the 2015 elections.

The report’s major findings and recommendations are:
  • Rakhine Buddhists have tended to be cast as violent extremists, which ignores the diversity of opinions that exists and the fact that they themselves are a long-oppressed minority. They are concerned that their culture is under threat and that they could soon become a minority in their state. These fears, whether well-founded or not, need to be acknowledged if solutions are to be developed. The desperate situation of Muslim communities including the Rohingya, who have been progressively marginalised, must also be frankly recognised and resolutely addressed.
  • The government faces a difficult challenge: the demands and expectations of Rakhine and Rohingya communities will be very difficult to reconcile. Ways must be found to allay Rakhine fears, while ensuring the fundamental rights of Muslim communities are respected. To end the climate of impunity, the government must bring to justice those who organised and participated in violence.
  • Clarifying the legal status of those without citizenship is important. But many Muslims will likely refuse to identify as “Bengali”, fearing this is a precursor to denial of citizenship. A negotiated solution should be pursued, or the citizenship process may stall. Coercion is likely to spark violence.
  • The international community – especially UN agencies on the ground – have a critical role in supporting the humanitarian and protection needs of vulnerable communities, which are likely to persist for years. The government itself must do more in this regard.
  • Unless Myanmar is successful in creating a new sense of national identity that embraces the country’s cultural, ethnic and religious diversity, peace and stability will remain elusive nationwide.

“Any policy approach to the problem must start from the recognition that there will be no easy fixes and that reconciliation will take a long time” says says Jonathan Prentice, Chief Policy Officer and Acting Asia Program Director. “Halting extremist violence requires starting a credible process now that can demonstrate to the Rakhine and Muslim communities that political avenues exist in which their legitimate aspirations might be realised”.



Photo: David Swanson/IRIN
Despite promises "Rohingya" was not included on the 2014 census

By IRIN
September 15, 2014

BANGKOK - Already widely reduced to statelessness and in many cases forced into camps for displaced people, an 800,000-strong population of Muslims in western Myanmar now faces increasing efforts to eradicate the very word they use to identify themselves as a group. Under pressure from Myanmar’s nominally-civilian government, the international community sometimes appears complicit in the airbrushing of “Rohingya” from official discourse.

In this briefing, IRIN breaks down some of the questions about a group of people that has been called one of the most persecuted minorities in the world.

Who are the Rohingya?

Approximately 800,000 Rohingyas live in Myanmar. Tens of thousands have fled in recent decades to Malaysia, up to half a million to neighbouring Bangladesh, and an unknown number are scattered from Thailand, to India, to Saudi Arabia.

A 1799 study lists an identity called “Rooinga” in what is now Myanmar’s Rakhine State. However, a historian in March 2014 argued that “this term has only become popular since the late 1990s”. 

Some Muslims were brought to Myanmar territory under British rule in the 19th and 20th centuries, fuelling a popular claim that more continue to pour over the border from Bangladesh, which has been refuted by economists.

Why are they so marginalized?

For years, Rohingyas have had their rights - from movement to reproduction to citizenship - restricted by what a Bangkok-based human rights organizationcalled deliberate state-designed "policies of persecution".

In July and October 2012, violence erupted between ethnic Rakhine Buddhists and Rohingyas. The outbursts and ensuing round-ups by security forces resulted in 140,000 people, mostly Rohingyas, being held in government-built camps.

Meanwhile, government officials openly promised to tighten regulations on Rohingya movement and other rights.

Nearly two years later, the outgoing UN special rapporteur on human rights in Myanmar said: “The pattern of widespread and systematic human rights violations in Rakhine State may constitute crimes against humanity.”

What does the Burmese government say?

When Myanmar’s reform-minded president, Thein Sein, addressed the UN General Assembly in 2012, he referenced the Rakhine violence without naming parties to the conflict.

U Shwe Maung, a Rohingya member of parliament, told IRIN: “When I talk about the Rohingyas with government officials, they just go silent. They know their silence is extremely powerful.” 

The politician argues that the term appeared in a government-published geography textbook as recently as 2008.

However, in response to a September 2014 announcement that Bangladesh would repatriate some of the verified Myanmar citizens it hosts, the Burmese government rejected the name of the group itself, saying: “We have never had ethnic nationals called ‘Rohingya’”.

What happened on the 2014 census?

Myanmar had not conducted a census in 30 years, and partnered with the UN Population Fund (UNFPA) for its 2014 survey.

Despite warnings from local leaders, the Transnational Institute (TNI), theInternational Crisis Group (ICG) and Human Rights Watch (HRW), the questionnaire included a particularly contentious item: a question about ethnicity for which a 1982 list of 135 ethnic groups, which does not include “Rohingya,” would be used.

The government initially promised they would allow Rohingyas to self identify on an open-ended “other” option. But two days before the start of enumeration in March 2014, international aid workers fled western Myanmar after being targeted by Buddhist mobs who attacked their offices over perceived humanitarian bias towards Rohingyas. The government reneged on its promise to record “Rohingya” on security grounds.

Anyone who asked to be recorded as “Rohingya” went uncounted; some were allowed to be listed as “Bengali”. “Both options entailed denial of the ethnic group's existence,” prominent international lawyer Geoffrey Nice and analyst Francis Wade wrote in a May 2014 article, which warned that the Rohingya were likely to fall victim to more organized violence.

“The census team asked me ‘what is your ethnicity?’ When I answered ‘Rohingya’, they walked away. They didn’t even ask me any of the other questions,” Nor Mohammed, 60, who lives in the Dar Paign camp in Rakhine State, told IRIN. “Now if we don’t appear in the census, are we really here?”

Photo: David Swanson/IRIN
Even humanitarians providing aid, such as this UNICEF-funded school, are shying away from the "R-word"

UNFPA’s country representative Janet Jackson explained: “In Rakhine State before enumeration, opposition to any use of the term Rohingya proved far more serious than anticipated” and that “UNFPA voiced regret that people could not self-identify and were consequently not included in the census.” In a statement the agency said the move “could heighten tensions in Rakhine State.”

In the wake of the census, David Matheison, HRW’s senior Burma researcher lamented “the failure of the government, the UN and international donors to take action to effectively address the ethnic and religious divides that help fuel instability, violence and disenfranchisement”.

An international observer report called the census process in Rohingya areas “a complete failure”, explaining that Rohingyas “very much wanted to participate in the census but were prevented from doing so by the census field staff and the Department of Population officials.”

Why does exclusion from the census matter?

Srdjan Mrkic, chief of demographic statistics at the UN Statistics Division, explained that while an ethnicity question (along with religion and language) is not mandatory on a census, about 85 percent of countries do include it.

However, he explained, if ethnicity is included, there are guidelines for asking the question: “Ethnicity should be a completely blank line. Even if you list five options for ethnicity and have a line marked 'other', you are in a certain way appearing to limit the choice of responses. The enumerator must not guide responses in any way.” 

In September the government released provisional results from the census, but said ethnicity data would not be published until 2015 on the grounds that such data could enflame intercommunal tensions.

Nonetheless, census information, with a zero count for Rohingya and an unknown number of people registered as “Bengali”, appears to be informing citizenship verification programmes, designed to determine who is eligible for documents based on how long their families have lived in Myanmar. 

However, for those who qualify, documents will come without the label “Rohingya,” and probably with “Bengali” instead. According to HRW, “the stipulations of the Burma Citizenship Law governing the right to one of the three types of Burmese citizenship effectively deny to the Rohingya the possibility of acquiring a nationality.”

The government is running verification programmes in several locations, including Rakhine’s Myebon Township, which was razed in the 2012 violence, and where a high percentage of people reportedly accepted “Bengali” as their ethnicity on the 2014 census. 

Some cling intensely to the identity term. 

“I am Rohingya, I am not Bengali,” said Muhammad Uslan, 58. “I’m holding onto the name no matter what. In 2012 the Rakhines attacked us for our ethnicity, and today if they want to try to kill me again, they can - I’m not changing it.”

Others are open to the idea of shedding the Rohingya label in exchange for more rights.

“If we get equal rights with other ethnic groups by calling ourselves Bengalis, then we should accept that name,” said Hamid Huq, a 36-year-old living in a camp outside Sittwe.

However, even in his assertions, Huq retains distrust of the government and acknowledges pressure to change identity terms has been increasing.

“At every meeting we have with government officials, they always tell us we are going to have to register as Bengalis. But the government must declare it genuinely equal citizenship. I don’t trust this government so they must say this specifically or I won’t believe them,” he said.

“Even when foreign missions come to meet with us, Western government officials take us to the side and tell us that we should accept Bengali so we can leave the camps.”

What do international actors say?

In June 2014 after local media reported that the government had asked the UN Children’s Fund (UNICEF) to apologize for using “Rohingya” in a presentation, UNICEF called the incident “an oversight”, asserting that the agency “had no intention of engaging in a discussion on [the] sensitive issue of ethnicity at that forum”.

UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon continues to use the term in his speeches about Myanmar.

In July, the UN special rapporteur on human rights in Myanmar explained at the conclusion of her mission to the country: “I was repeatedly told not to use the term ‘Rohingya’ as this was not recognized by the government.”

A joint OCHA/UNDP mission to Rakhine ending on 11 September mentioned “ethnic Rakhine” and “Muslim” communities, but not “Rohingya”. An ICRC statement one day earlier used the same terms. 

Rohingya people on a boat cross the river Naf, from Myanmar into Bangladesh, in Teknaf June 11, 2012. (Photo: REUTERS)

By UNHCR
August 22, 2014

This is a summary of what was said by UNHCR spokesperson Adrian Edwards – to whom quoted text may be attributed – at the press briefing, on 22 August 2014, at the Palais des Nations in Geneva.

A new UNHCR report on irregular maritime movements in South East Asia estimates that 20,000 people risked their lives in sea crossings in the first half of this year. Many were Rohingya who fled Myanmar and arrived in the region suffering the effects of malnutrition and abuse during the journey. Several hundred people were also intercepted on boats heading to Australia.

The report has been produced by a newly-established Maritime Movements Monitoring Unit at UNHCR's Regional Office in Bangkok which collates information through direct interviews, and from media reports, partners and governments. It focuses on departures from the Bay of Bengal and elsewhere passing through South-East Asia, and highlights the abuses people are facing on their journeys, and developments related to Australia's Operation Sovereign Borders policy. It also shows that more than 7,000 asylum seekers and refugees who have travelled by sea are at present held in detention facilities in the region, including over 5,000 in Australia or its offshore processing centres in Nauru and Papua New Guinea.

Because of its clandestine nature, the full extent of people smuggling remains hard to determine. But in-depth interviews with survivors have offered insights into what goes on during the long and arduous journey from Myanmar and Bangladesh to Thailand, Malaysia, Indonesia, and beyond.

These developments take place in the context of a very challenging protection environment for refugees in the region. States including Thailand, Malaysia, and Indonesia are not signatory to the refugee convention and lack formal legal frameworks for dealing with refugees. Without a legal status they are often at risk of arrest, detention, and deportation under immigration laws. It also makes legal employment impossible and drives many people, including women and children, into exploitative and vulnerable situations.

Myanmar/Bangladesh

The report estimates that 53,000 people departed irregularly by sea from the Bay of Bengal in the 12 months ending June 2014 – a 61 per cent increase over the previous 12 months. In the two years following the June 2012 outbreak of inter-communal violence in Myanmar's Rakhine state, some 87,000 people – mostly Rohingya but also Bangladeshis among them – embarked on the dangerous journey in search of safety and stability.

The main sailing season has continued to be between October and the first quarter of the year when seas are calmer. Departures were mostly from Teknaf in Bangladesh and Maungdaw in Myanmar, with smaller numbers from Sittwe. Typically, passengers were ferried on small boats to larger fishing or cargo boats that could each hold up to 700 people. Most were men, but there were also rising numbers of women and children who were usually kept in separate quarters.

Most passengers our staff interviewed said they paid between US$50 and US$300 to board the boats and were at sea for an average of one to two weeks. Some waited for up to two months for their boat to take on more passengers. Many said they fell sick along the way. There are also unconfirmed reports of deaths due to illness, heat, a lack of food and water and severe beatings when people tried to move. Some passengers reportedly jumped off boats in desperation. Others went missing when, in one example, they were forced to swim ashore after nearing the coast off Thailand.

Thailand

In Thailand, the survivors of sea journeys said they were packed into pick-up trucks at night, and forced to sit or lie on top of up to 20 other people. They were taken to smugglers' camps in or around hills, jungles or plantations. Hundreds were confined, for up to six months, behind wooden fences with only plastic sheets to sleep on.

Many were unaware that they would need to pay more money, usually US$1,500-US$2,200, to be released. They were made to call relatives in Myanmar, Bangladesh or Malaysia to send money through hard currency, bank transfers or mobile payment systems. Those who could not pay would be beaten and detained for long periods of time.

Survivors of this ordeal told our staff about people dying in these smugglers' camps due to illness or physical injuries. Some lost sensory abilities and mobility from beriberi due to malnutrition, specifically Vitamin B1 deficiency. Three people were effectively paralyzed and abandoned by the smugglers when their camps were raided by the Thai authorities. The camps in question no longer exist, although others are believed to still be running.

As of early July, 233 Rohingya remained in Thai immigration detention centres or shelters. UNHCR is discussing different alternatives to detention with our government counterparts and other stakeholders. In the meantime we are providing the group with material assistance and counselling them on the risks of using smuggling networks. Our staff are also working with the authorities and UNICEF to enable the children to attend local schools after intensive Thai language lessons. Vulnerable individuals, including unaccompanied children, are being given particular attention to meet their specific needs.

Malaysia

In Malaysia, UNHCR has had access to 230 people who arrived directly by boat between January and June, as well as to others who landed by boat in Thailand and made their way across the land border into Malaysia. In total, more than 4,700 Rohingya were registered during this period, including 375 unaccompanied and separated children. By the end of June, more than 38,000 Rohingya had registered with UNHCR Malaysia cumulatively since the late 1990s.

The physical health and protection needs of recent arrivals remain a major concern. In the first half of the year, we saw 144 Rohingya with symptoms of beriberi. UNHCR has provided vitamin supplements for immediate treatment, and is referring cases to healthcare providers. Two Rohingya have died in hospital within a week of approaching UNHCR.

Indonesia

Sixty Rohingya approached UNHCR in Indonesia between January and June – a drop of almost 90 per cent compared to the same period last year. By the end of June 2014, there were 951 Rohingya registered with UNHCR, mainly people who arrived in previous years. Most are believed to have arrived by boat from Malaysia, together with other nationalities of arrivals to Indonesia.

Australia

In the first half of the year, nine boats travelling towards Australia with more than 400 people were intercepted by the Australian authorities under the government's Operation Sovereign Borders. Seven boats were returned to Indonesia. One boat with 41 passengers was returned to Sri Lanka following accelerated screening procedures by the government. The 157 people on board another boat that left from India were transferred to Nauru, pending a decision by the Australian High Court on how to process them.

For more information on this topic, please contact:

- In Bangkok, Vivian Tan on mobile +66 818 270 280
- In Geneva, Adrian Edwards on mobile +41 79 557 9120
- In Geneva, Dan McNorton on mobile +41 79 217 3011

The report "South-East Asia: Irregular Maritime Movements January-June 2014" is available at www.unhcr.org/53f1c5fc9.html

In this March 11, 2014 photo, Burmese trafficking victims Min Min Chan, right, watches as his friend Kya Wue shoots video with his mobile phone on a bus that takes them to their transit hotel wait for their bus before returning to their country at Soekarno-Hatta International Airport in Jakarta, Indonesia. Tens of thousands of invisible migrants are trafficked annually through Thailand, Southeast Asia's second-largest economy. (AP Photo/Dita Alangkara)



By Margie Mason
June 13, 2014

AMBON, Indonesia — He was too sick to eat, and Min Min Chan's chest ached with each breath he sucked. It didn't matter: The Thai captain warned him to get back on deck and start hauling fish onto the trawler or be tossed overboard. As a 17-year-old slave stuck in the middle of the sea, he knew no one would come looking if he simply vanished.

Less than a month earlier, Chan had left Myanmar for neighboring Thailand, looking for work. Instead, he said a broker tricked and sold him onto the fishing boat for $616. He ended up far away in Indonesian waters before even realizing what was happening.

Tens of thousands of invisible migrants like Chan stream into Thailand, Southeast Asia's second-largest economy, every year. Many are used as forced labor in various industries, especially on long-haul fishing boats that catch seafood eaten in the U.S. and around the world. Others are dragged into the country's booming sex industry. Ethnic Rohingya asylum seekers from neighboring Myanmar are also held for ransom in abysmal jungle camps.

Next week, when a U.S. report on human trafficking comes out, Thailand may be punished for allowing that exploitation. The country has been on a U.S. State Department human trafficking watch list for the past four years. Washington warned in last year's report that without major improvements, it would be dropped to the lowest rung, Tier 3, joining the ranks of North Korea, Syria, Iran and Zimbabwe.

Though Thailand says it is trying to prevent such abuses and punish traffickers, its authorities have been part of the problem. The U.S. has said the involvement of corrupt officials appears to be widespread, from protecting brothels and workplaces to cooperating directly with traffickers.

In this March 11, 2014 photo, Burmese migrants who were trafficked wait for their bus as they are about to return to their country, at Soekarno-Hatta International Airport in Jakarta, Indonesia. Tens of thousands of invisible migrants are trafficked annually through Thailand, Southeast Asia's second-largest economy. (AP Photo/Dita Alangkara)

A downgrade could lead the U.S. to pull back certain forms of foreign support and exchange programs as well as oppose assistance from international financial institutions such as the World Bank. Washington has already cut some assistance to Bangkok following last month's Thai military coup.

Thailand is paying a U.S. public relations company $51,000 a month to help in its push for better standing. The government issued a progress report for 2013, noting that investigations, prosecutions and the budget for anti-trafficking work all are on the rise.

"We recognize that it's a very serious, very significant problem, and we've been building a legal and bureaucratic framework to try to address these issues," said Vijavat Isarabhakdi, Thailand's ambassador to the U.S. "We feel that we have turned a corner and are making great progress in this area."

At least 38 Thai police were punished last year or are being investigated for alleged involvement in trafficking, but none has stood trial yet. Four companies have been fined, and criminal charges against five others are pending. But the government pulled the licenses of only two of the country's numerous labor recruitment agencies.

In this March 11, 2014 photo, Burmese migrants who were trafficked wait for their bus as they are about to return to their country, at Soekarno-Hatta International Airport in Jakarta, Indonesia. Tens of thousands of invisible migrants are trafficked annually through Thailand, Southeast Asia's second-largest economy. (AP Photo/Dita Alangkara)

In Geneva on Wednesday, Thailand was the only government in the world to vote against a new U.N. international treaty that combats forced labor by, among other things, strengthening victims' access to compensation. Several countries abstained.

"Thailand tries to portray itself as the victim while, at the same time, it's busy taking advantage of everybody it can who's coming through the country," said Phil Robertson, deputy director of Human Rights Watch's Asia division. "The exploitation of migrants, the trafficking, it comes through Thailand because people know they can pay people in the government and in the police to look the other way."
____

Chan's story is a common nightmare. A recruiter showed up in his village in Myanmar, also known as Burma, offering good money to work on a fishing boat in Thailand. Chan said after sneaking across the border by foot, he was sold onto a boat by the broker and told to hide inside to avoid being seen by Thai authorities.

"'You have to work at least six months. After that, you can go back home,'" Chan said the captain told him. "I decided, 'I can work for six months on this boat.'"

In this Thursday, April 3, 2014 photo, workers unload frozen fish from a Thai fishing boat at a port in Ambon, Indonesia. Tens of thousands of invisible migrants are trafficked annually through Thailand, Southeast Asia's second-largest economy. (AP Photo/Dita Alangkara)

But after the ship docked 17 days later on eastern Indonesia's Ambon island, Chan met other Burmese workers who told a very different story: There was no six-month contract and no escape. Now thousands of miles from home, he realized he no longer owned his life — it had become a debt that must be paid.

Ambon, in the Banda Sea, is peppered with churches and pristine dive sites. At the port, deep-sea fishermen in tattered T-shirts and rubber boots form human chains on boats, tossing bag after bag of frozen snapper and other fish into pickup trucks bound for cold storage. Much of it will later be shipped to Thailand for export.

They speak Burmese, Thai and other languages. Their skin is dark from the sun, and some faces look far older than their ropey bodies.

On the cramped boat, Chan said he slept only about three hours a night alongside 17 other men, mostly Burmese, sometimes working on just one meal of rice and fish a day. There was no fresh water for drinking or bathing, only boiled sea water with a briny taste.

In this Thursday, April 3, 2014 photo, workers unload frozen fish from a Thai fishing boat at a port in Ambon, Indonesia. Tens of thousands of invisible migrants are trafficked annually through Thailand, Southeast Asia's second-largest economy. (AP Photo/Dita Alangkara)

In his first month at sea, he got sick and didn't eat for three days. He was sleeping when the captain threatened him.

"Why are you not working? Why are you taking a rest?" Chan recalled him saying. "Do we have to throw you off into the water?"

Some of Chan's friends carried him onto the deck, where he was given medicine before getting back to work.

For the next year, he labored, hauling up thousands of kilograms (pounds) of fish as he tried to shake a stubborn cough. He saw land every couple of months, but there was no way to leave the port.

He said he was given occasional packs of cigarettes, noodles and coffee, but he never got paid.
___

Thailand shipped some $7 billion worth of seafood abroad last year, making it the world's third-largest exporter. Most went to Japan and the U.S., where it ranks as the No. 3 foreign supplier.

The United Nations estimates the industry employs 2 million people, but it still faces a massive worker shortage. Many Thais are unwilling to take the low-paid, dangerous jobs that can require fishermen to be at sea for months or even years at a time.

In this Thursday, April 3, 2014 photo, workers transport frozen fish to be loaded into a Thai ship at a port in Ambon, Indonesia. Tens of thousands of invisible migrants are trafficked annually through Thailand, Southeast Asia's second-largest economy. (AP Photo/Dita Alangkara)

An estimated 200,000 migrants, mostly from neighboring Myanmar and Cambodia, are laboring on Thai boats, according to the Bangkok-based nonprofit Raks Thai Foundation. Some go voluntarily, but a U.N. survey last year of nearly 600 workers in the fishing industry found that almost none had a signed contract, and about 40 percent had wages cut without explanation. Children were also found on board.

Forced or coerced work is more common in certain sectors, including deep-sea fishing and seafood processing plants where some workers have reported being drugged and kidnapped.

Long-haul fishermen like Chan have it the worst. They are worked around the clock seven days a week with very little food and often no clean water. They risk getting fouled in lines, being swept overboard during storms or losing fingers cleaning fish.

But often the biggest threat is their captain. A 2009 U.N. report found that about six out of 10 migrant workers on Thai fishing boats reported seeing a co-worker killed. Chan faced abuse himself and saw one sick Burmese fisherman die. The captain simply dumped the body overboard.

Thailand's progress report highlighted increased boat and workplace inspections, but the U.S. has said those do not combat trafficking in an industry where "overall impunity for exploitative labor practices" is seen. The U.S. recommends increased prosecutions of employers involved in human trafficking.

The problem is also rampant in the country's notorious sex industry. More than three-quarters of trafficking investigations launched last year in Thailand involved sexual exploitation. Thai girls and women were abused along with those from neighboring countries.

Another challenge surrounds the recent influx of Rohingya Muslims. An estimated 75,000 have fled Myanmar since communal violence exploded there two years ago, according to Chris Lewa of the nonprofit Arakan Project. The Buddhist-dominated country considers Rohingya to be noncitizens from Bangladesh, though many were born in Myanmar.

Many Rohingya brought to Thailand are held at rubber plantations or forest camps by armed guards until they can find a way to pay the typical asking price of $2,000 for their release, according to victims and rights groups. Those who get the money often cross the border into Malaysia, where tens of thousands of Rohingya have found refuge. Those who don't are sometimes sold for sex, forced labor, or they are simply left to die.

The Thai government, however, does not address these asylum seekers as trafficking victims in its report. It said fleeing Rohingya enter Thailand willingly, even though "most of them fall prey to smugglers and illegal middlemen." However, Vijavat, the Thai ambassador, said some cases are now being treated as trafficking.

Rights groups allege corrupt Thai officials are sometimes involved, including deporting Rohingya straight back into traffickers' hands.

"I believe we have more good officers than bad ones," said police Col. Paisith Sungkahapong, director of the government's Anti-Human Trafficking Center. He said migrants in the country illegally "are pushed back through proper channels. Immigration will contact their counterpart in Myanmar or whichever country, and make sure they return there safely."

In a letter last month to U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry, a group of 18 human rights groups and labor organizations highlighted the Rohingya issue, while urging the U.S. government to put more pressure on Bangkok to crack down on the seafood industry and keep fish caught by slaves from ending up on American dinner tables.

"The (Thai) government continues to be at best complacent, at worst complicit, in the trafficking of migrant workers from neighboring countries to provide inexpensive labor for export industries," they wrote.
___

After a year on the boat, Chan finally started getting paid: about $87 every two months. He continued working for a total of three and a half years, until he started coughing blood and became too weak to continue.

When he asked the captain if he could go home, he was told to get back to work.

"I thought it was better to die by jumping into the water than to die by being tortured by these people," he said. "When I was about to jump, my friend grabbed me from the back and saved me."

His crew members instead convinced him to slip away the next time they made land, and he eventually escaped into Ambon where a local woman helped him get treatment for tuberculosis. After recovering, he decided to stay with her, and she treated him like a son. He worked odd jobs for the next four years, but never stopped dreaming of home.

Finally, at age 24, he found someone at Indonesia's immigration office willing to help. And in March, the International Organization for Migration arranged for him and 21 other trafficked Burmese fishermen to fly home.

Hours before boarding the plane, Chan wondered what would be left of his old life when he landed. More than seven years had passed without a letter or a phone call. He had no idea if he would be able to find his family, or even if they were still alive.

"After I knew the broker sold me into slavery ... I felt so sad," he said. "When I left Myanmar, I had a great life."
___

Associated Press writers Robin McDowell in Yangon, Myanmar and Matthew Pennington in Washington contributed to this report.

By European Commission Humanitarian Aid department
May 23, 2014

The Rohingya crisis is fundamentally a human rights crisis with serious humanitarian consequences.

In Myanmar/Burma, the Rohingya have very limited access to basic services and viable livelihood opportunities. Their legal status and the discrimination that this stateless people faces must be addressed.

The crisis has a wider regional dimension, with large number of Rohingya fleeing to neighbouring countries on precarious boat journeys every month (Bangladesh, Thailand, Malaysia, India, Indonesia and Australia as final destination or transit countries). Monitoring of the situation is vital.

The European Commission, through its Humanitarian Aid and Civil Protection department (ECHO), has been funding relief programmes in Rakhine State of Myanmar/Burma and in Bangladesh since 1994. Additional support was also provided in Thailand in 2013.



A photo on a Buddhist monk's phone shows the monk fatally injured after a dispute in a gold shop in Meikhtila's main market on March 21st, 2013. The incident triggered riots that cost 40 lives and eventually spread across Myanmar. (Ruben Salgado Escudero/GlobalPost)
A man poses where his house was burnt down on March 20th, 2013, during Muslim-Buddhist riots. Authorities are demanding huge fees before allowing survivors to rebuild. (Ruben Salgado Escudero/GlobalPost)
A Meikhtila man shows off an anti-muslim 969 Movement tatoo. The movement opposes what it sees as Islamâs expansion in Myanmar, and urges Buddhists to boycott Muslim merchants. (The numbers 969, in Myanmarâs local script, appear above the hand.) (Ruben Salgado Escudero/GlobalPost)
A buddhist flag stands in Meikhtila, at the spot where a school and homes were burnt on March 21st, 2013, killing dozens of muslims. Over one year later, many Muslims still fear a new wave of violence. (Ruben Salgado Escudero/GlobalPost)
Monks walk past a bus burnt on 21st of March 2013. It remains in place one year later. (Ruben Salgado Escudero/GlobalPost)
The remains of a house burnt during Buddhist-Muslim violence on March 21st, 2013. (Ruben Salgado Escudero/GlobalPost)


May 9, 2014

For three days, Meikhtila was a bloody hell. Now it’s in seething limbo.

MEIKHTILA, Myanmar — “For three days,” Khine recalls, “our town was hell.”

As the 32-year-old waitress tells it, the nightmare began with masked men waving Buddhist banners. Then came vigilantes, with torches and blades, butchering families and setting neighborhoods alight.

When the smoke cleared, Khine’s once-sleepy town was a disaster zone. Homes were reduced to cinders. Shops were smashed to rubble. And then there were the killings: 44 lives lost, many in gruesome ways.

Among the dead: Khine’s father, murdered by unknown killers. So were her half-brother and his two young children — all three hacked up by machetes, doused in gasoline and burned alive.

“It could only be called hell,” she said.

The killing in Meikhtila in March last year unleashed violence across Myanmar, in scenes reminiscent of Rwanda in 1994 but on a far smaller scale.

Following Meikhtila’s carnage, deadly riots spread across the country and left scores dead and thousands wounded. It has been a horrific development for a country enjoying its first years of relative freedom, after five decades of totalitarian rule.

Here in Meikhtila, the situation remains tense. The killing may have stopped, but survivors’ lives remain in limbo. And shockingly, the local authorities appear to be stoking the embers of conflict rather than calming the fury and repairing relations between Buddhists and Muslims.

Government complicity in the suffering isn’t unique to Meikhtila. In coastal Rakhine State, where Muslims have been purged into bleak camps, the government has even shut down life-saving Doctors Without Borders clinics that tend to besieged Muslims.

Insult to injury

One year on, many of the families who fled the killing are huddled in temporary camps divided by faith. Roughly 4,000 people live in makeshift shelters — a few monasteries for Buddhists, a sports stadium for Muslims — and await permission to return and rebuild.

They are refugees in their own town.

There are many men like Win Myint, a Muslim father crammed into an allotted 8-by-10-foot space at a stadium with his wife and three children. They share the small building with nearly 900 others.

He is desperate to return to his home district and rebuild in the rubble where his home once stood. But, as if fleeing for his life from masked vigilantes wasn’t punishing enough, Win Myint’s purgatory is prolonged by the city government.

Interviews with multiple residents reveal that local authorities demand a “rebuilding permit” worth $300 to $500 from families who’ve lost their homes. In Myanmar, this amounts to between 25 and 40 percent of the average earner’s annual wages, according to United Nations stats on per capita GDP. 

It is a staggering fee. In the US, the equivalent price (based on per capita GDP) would be $13,000 to $22,000.

But those able to scrape together the payment are rebuilding and trying to move on from the horror that erupted with such suddenness and savagery. Though Muslims bore the brunt of the violence — as in most of Myanmar, they are vastly outnumbered — the wave of violence also swept up the lives of Buddhists and even Christians. 

Ground zero

Before March 2013, Meikhtila was regarded as just another small town in the dusty central plains. 

One year later, the town’s name has become a byword for religious bloodshed. 

Before the Meikhtila incident, organized anti-Muslim violence was largely contained to Myanmar’s west coast, in a state called Rakhine, home to historical enmity between Buddhists and the nation’s largest Muslim population. 

But Meikhtila showed the nation that the hatred could ignite a firestorm anywhere.

The town’s violence began on March 20, 2013, with a petty quarrel in a Muslim-owned gold shop. Word of a perceived slight against a Buddhist customer spread. Within hours, a Buddhist mob had destroyed the store. In retaliation, a gang of Muslim men brutally murdered a monk that same day.

This unleashed a wave of Buddhist vs. Muslim bloodletting. Many Muslims were ousted from their homes. The lucky were able to flee. The unlucky were chopped up on the streets. Arson sprees reduced whole neighborhoods to ash.

From Meikhtila, the riots spread across the nation in fits and starts. Anti-Muslim mob killings sporadically erupted in the hilly north, the lush south and points in between. 

The known death toll has topped 250 in two years. The division is so dire that even US President Barack Obama recently warned that “Myanmar won’t succeed if the Muslim population is oppressed.”

It wasn’t always so divided, Khine said. (Her name has been altered to protect her from future retribution.) 

As in most of Myanmar, Meikhtila’s dominant faith is Buddhism, which places revered monks near the top of the social hierarchy and inspires intense devotion among followers. 

Islam has far fewer followers. But Khine has a foot in each world. “I’m a Buddhist,” she said. Her slain relatives, however, were Muslim.

In Meikhtila — as in Yangon, Myanmar’s largest city — Buddhists and Muslims will part ways to pray but come together in neighborhoods and shops. 

What forces proved powerful enough to tear them apart?

Three numbers, said Khine. 9-6-9.

Gospel of conflict

The 969 movement is an ultra-nationalist faction led by monks. Its gospel is a twisted call to arms that forewarns of Muslim takeover plots and urges Buddhists to band together and resist by boycotting Muslim merchants.

Its name is an allusion to Buddhist numerology. Its de facto leader is Wirathu, a controversial monk who lives in the nearby city of Mandalay. 

His gospel is flecked with disdain for Islam. In a 2013 GlobalPost interview, he said Muslims are “like the African carp. They breed quickly and they are very violent and they eat their own kind.”

Wirathu’s adherents urge Buddhists to mark their turf with rainbow-colored stickers bearing the 969 logo. In some districts in Myanmar, these stickers are more common than the national flag. 

"When I see the 969 sticker, I shudder," Khine said. "Some people don't understand what that 969 represents. No one has ever apologized to me for what happened."

During the riots, downtown Meikhtila was a no-go zone. Today, it is bustling. Trucks hauling massive teak logs whip up clouds of dust on the main drag. Townsfolk shout greetings as they pass. A sense of normalcy has returned.

But the zone where most of the killing occurred, a ward called Mingalar Zayyone, remains devastated. A prominent local school is half-collapsed. Nearby, there is the blackened shell of a burned-out school bus. 

This is where more than 20 children and teachers were burned alive inside the school walls.

It is an eerie place. And it is now under 969 control.

Kathala, a monk from a nearby monastery, is among the neighborhood 969 campaigners. Having studied the Koran to discern why others follow Islam, he has since declared the scripture flawed.

The 969 movement is sensitive to its reputation for stoking apartheid-style religious division, and Kathala insists he wishes no harm upon Muslims. “My monastery helped many people [during the riots], including Muslims,” he said. “We had at least four truckloads of people who are Muslim and I allowed them to take shelter here.”

“The 969 movement just follows Buddhist scripture,” he said. He turned to a driver hired to tour GlobalPost through the ruins, and asked, “Don’t you agree?” The driver tugged at his shirt to proudly reveal his arm, tattooed with the 969 symbol: four lions of Theravada Buddhism upholding the nation of Myanmar as a Buddhist state.

The menacing monk 

U Myint Oo, 66, is among the Buddhists who lost homes in the arson spree. The savagery, waged by a wild-eyed minority, has shocked a town that he views as largely tolerant.

“I grew up with everybody on this street,” U Myint Oo said. “I’ve known them long before any of this happened. We all lived together like relatives.” 

But Meikhitla is now a town of stark divisions. Khine is still reeling from those three hellish days. 

She lost more than her father and relatives to the chaos. She also lost a bit of her Buddhist faith. She blames a so-called holy man — Wirathu, the loudest voice of 969— for filling her life with grief instead of peace.

“Perhaps I’m not as deeply devoted and I don’t know every single thing that was taught by the Buddha,” she said. “What I know is this monk, Wirathu, what he’s been spreading and teaching has impacted me and made me suffer.”

“He may be a monk,” Khine said. “But I am scared of him.”

Manny Maung reported from Meikhtila, Myanmar and Patrick Winn from Bangkok, Thailand.




The Plight of the Rohingya Muslim Minority 

Muslims in Rakhine (Arakan) state, and particularly those of the Rohingya minority group, continue to experience the most severe forms of legal, economic, religious, educational, and social restrictions and discrimination. The government denies citizenship to Rohingyas. Without citizenship, Rohingyas lack access to secondary education in state-run schools, cannot be issued government identification cards (essential to receiving government benefits), and face restrictions on freedoms of religion, association, and movement. In some areas, Muslims were allowed to gather for worship and religious training only during major Muslim holidays. The government recently ordered the destruction of mosques, religious centers, and schools. In his 2013 report, the UN Special Rapporteur on Human Rights in Burma again reported to the UN Human Rights Council on the systematic and endemic discrimination against the Muslim community. 

In the past year, Rohingya asylum seekers have been turned away from Bangladesh and Thailand, including being forcibly pushed back to sea by Thai military forces. Untold numbers have died attempting to seek refuge in third countries. About 300,000 Muslim Rohingya live, often in squalid conditions, in refugee camps in Bangladesh, Thailand, and other Southeast Asian countries, and face discrimination, trafficking, and other hardships.



By Aubrey Belford
Reuters
April 29, 2014

KYEIN NI PYIN CAMP, Myanmar

As three-month-old Asoma Khatu approached her final, labored breaths, her neighbor Elia, a 50-year-old former farmer, dug through the strongbox holding some of the last medicines in this camp for Myanmar's displaced Rohingya. 

First, some paracetamol for the severely malnourished girl's fever and a wet towel for her forehead. Then some rehydration salts for her diarrhea. There was nothing else left.

The death of Asoma in a dusty, stifling hot camp a two-hour boat ride from Sittwe, capital of Rakhine State in west Myanmar, is part of a growing health crisis for stateless Muslim Rohingya that has been exacerbated by restrictions on international aid.

"I think my child would have made it if someone was here to help," Asoma's mother, Gorima, told Reuters, as she cradled the girl's shrouded, almost weightless body in her arms.

In February, Myanmar's government expelled the main aid group providing health to more than half a million Rohingya in Rakhine State - Medecins Sans Frontieres-Holland (MSF-H) - after the group said it had treated people believed to have been victims of violence in southern Maungdaw township, near the Bangladesh border, in January.

The United Nations says at least 40 Rohingya were killed there by Buddhist Rakhine villagers. The government denies any killings occurred.

Attacks on March 26 and 27 on NGO and U.N. offices by a Rakhine mob angered by rumors a foreign staffer for another group, Malteser International, had desecrated a Buddhist flag led to the withdrawal of aid groups providing healthcare and other essential help to another 140,000 Rohingya living in camps after being displaced by Buddhist-Muslim violence since 2012.

The government had pledged to allow most NGOs to return to full operation after the end of Buddhist New Year celebrations this month.

But so far only food distribution by the World Food Programme has returned to normal, and Rakhine community leaders in the state government's Emergency Coordination Centre have imposed conditions on others wanting to go back.

NGOs will only be allowed to operate if they show "complete transparency" in disclosing their travel plans and projects and are not seen to favor Rohingya, said Than Tun, a Rakhine elder who is part of the center. Neither MSF-H nor Malteser are being allowed back in, he said.

"CONCENTRATION CAMP"

With foreign aid largely absent, every day of delay is measured in preventable deaths.

No one is there to count them accurately, but the average of 10 daily emergency medical referrals before aid groups left are no longer happening, said Liviu Vedrasco, a coordinator with the World Health Organisation.

Extrapolating from that how many people could be saved is impossible, Vedrasco said. "It was not ideal before March 27. NGOs were not providing five-star medical care. But they were filling a gap."

Government medical teams have been making limited visits to Rohingya areas, but foreign aid groups say they are inadequate. Most of the slack has fallen to under-qualified Rohingya using whatever is at their disposal.

In Kyein Ni Pyin, nearly 4,600 Rohingya live under police guard and their movements are restricted. They are classified by the government as illegal Bengali immigrants. One foreign aid worker described the area to Reuters as "a concentration camp".

Elia is one of eight people given seven days' training to assist in an MSF-H clinic, which now sits empty. The only medicines he has are those he used on little Asoma and some iodine. Government doctors have made three visits of about two to three hours each, he said.

Eight people, including six infants, have died since the aid group left, he said. The night before a recent Reuters visit, one woman lost her baby during delivery.

"THEY REFUSE TREATMENT"

Win Myaing, a spokesman for the Rakhine State government, dismissed the notion that there is a health crisis in the camps.

"There is a group of people in one of these camps that shows the same sick children to anyone who visits. Even when the government arranges for treatment they refuse it," he said.

The United States, Britain and other countries have called on the government to allow aid groups to return to Rakhine State, to little effect so far [ID:nL6N0MZ4K1].

Appeals by the international community for Myanmar to do more to end persecution of the Rohingya have similarly made little impression on a government that sees them as illegal immigrants and denies them citizenship.

U.S. President Barack Obama, speaking during a visit to Malaysia, said on Sunday that Myanmar would not succeed if its minority Muslim population was oppressed.

He may visit Myanmar towards the end of this year, when it is due to host a regional summit, and he could come under pressure from lobby groups to restore sanctions that have been softened since the end of military rule in 2011.

Opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi, who led the fight for democracy while the military ran the country and now sits in parliament, has faced rare criticism abroad for her failure to defend the Rohingya.

GETTING WORSE

Visits by Reuters to the remote Kyein Ni Pyin camp, as well as several camps near Sittwe, reveal a widespread struggle with illness. In low-slung huts, dozens of mothers showed their emaciated children. There is no data to compare malnutrition rates to when NGOs were forced to leave.

Along the bustling main street of the Thae Chaung camp outside Sittwe town, thatched bamboo stalls that sell a limited selection of drugs have become makeshift clinics.

Mohammad Elyas, a 30-year-old who sold medicine in Sittwe's market before he was driven out by marauding mobs in 2012, displays his laminated qualifications near the front, including a degree in geology and a certificate in traditional medicine.

Medicine is sporadically supplied by sympathetic Rakhine Buddhists in Sittwe, but they run the risk of retribution from their own community for doing so.

At least 20 to 30 people come each day seeking treatment, Elyas said. "Week by week it's getting worse."

"I'm just trying to save as many lives as possible. Even though I don't have the proper qualifications, if I don't do this work, people will die," he said.

(Additional Reporting by Min Zayar Oo and Aye Win Myint; Editing by Mike Collett-White)

A Rohingya woman walks at the Kyein Ni Pyin camp for internally displaced people in Pauk Taw, Rakhine state, April 23, 2014. (Photo: REUTERS/Minzayar)
Rohingya women are pictured as a child runs in the background inside the Kyein Ni Pyin camp for internally displaced people in Pauk Taw, Rakhine state, April 23, 2014. (Photo: REUTERS/Minzayar)
Rohingya women and their children wait to receive treatment at a makeshift clinic in the Thet Kae Pyin camp for internally displaced people in Sittwe, Rakhine state, April 24, 2014. (Photo: REUTERS/Minzayar)
A Rohingya woman shows her baby, who is suffering from a skin infection, at the Thet Kae Pyin camp for internally displaced people in Sittwe, Rakhine state, April 24, 2014. (Photo: REUTERS/Minzayar)
A displaced Rohingya girl is pictured at the Kyein Ni Pyin camp for internally displaced people in Pauk Taw, Rakhine state, April 23, 2014. (Photo: REUTERS/Minzayar)
A boy holds his severely malnourished sibling in his room at the Dar Paing camp for internally displaced people in Sittwe, Rakhine state, April 24, 2014. (Photo: REUTERS/Minzayar)
Tin Aung Zin, a nine-year-old Rohingya boy in a coma which his mother says was caused by shock during the communal violence in their former neighbourhood Nahzi village in Sittwe, lies on the floor inside their new home at a village near the Thet Kae Pyin camp for internally displaced people in Sittwe, Rakhine state, April 23, 2014. (Photo: REUTERS/Minzayar)
Severely malnourished 25-day-old twins are held by her mother Norbagoun, a displaced Rohingya woman, in their house at the Dar Paing camp for internally displaced people in Sittwe, Rakhine state, April 24, 2014.
(Photo: REUTERS/Minzayar)
Rohingya people wait to receive their share of food aid from the World Food Program (WFP) at the Thae Chaung camp for internally displaced people in Sittwe, Rakhine state, April 24, 2014.
(Photo: REUTERS/Minzayar)
Displaced Rohingya woman Norbagoun carries her severely malnourished 25-day-old twins in her lap in their house at the Dar Paing camp for internally displaced people in Sittwe, Rakhine state, April 24, 2014. (Photo: REUTERS/Minzayar)
Muhammad Ali, a 54-year-old Rohingya man suffering from tuberculosis for over a year, lies inside his room at the Thet Kae Pyin camp for internally displaced people in Sittwe, Rakhine state, April 24, 2014. (Photo: REUTERS/Minzayar)
A sick Rohingya boy waits to receive medical treatment at a makeshift clinic at the Thet Kae Pyin camp for internally displaced people in Sittwe, Rakhine state, April 24, 2014. (Photo: REUTERS/Minzayar)
Muhammad Alam, who is suffering from a diarrhoea for over a week, lies on a mat in front of his room at the Dar Paing camp for internally displaced people in Sittwe, Rakhine state, April 24, 2014. (Photo: REUTERS/Minzayar)
A Rohingya woman shows her baby to a nurse as another woman is examined by a doctor from the Ministry of Health at a hospital near the Dar Paing camp for internally displaced people in Sittwe, Rakhine state, April 24, 2014. (Photo: REUTERS/Minzayar)
Medicine are seen in a pharmacy which also serves as a makeshift clinic at the Thae Chaung camp for internally displaced people in Sittwe, Rakhine state, April 22, 2014. (Photo: REUTERS/Minzayar)
Kyein Ni Pyin camp for internally displaced people is pictured through the windows of an empty building at the camp in Pauk Taw, Rakhine state, April 23, 2014. (Photo: REUTERS/Minzayar)
Rohingya women hold their children at the Khaung Dokkha camp for internally displaced people in Sittwe, Rakhine state, April 22, 2014. (Photo: REUTERS/Minzayar)
Rohingya people receive their share of food aid from the World Food Program (WFP) at the Thae Chaung camp for internally displaced people in Sittwe, Rakhine state, April 24, 2014. (Photo: REUTERS/Minzayar)
Musana Khatu, a 22-month-old Rohingya girl suffering from diarrhoea for 13 days, undergoes examination after her mother brought her from the Baw Dupa camp for internally displaced people to a makeshift clinic at the Thet Kae Pyin camp in Sittwe, Rakhine state, April 23, 2014. (Photo: REUTERS/Minzayar)
Musana Khatu, a 22-month-old Rohingya girl suffering from diarrhoea for 13 days, receives treatment after her mother brought her from the Baw Dupa camp for internally displaced people to a makeshift clinic at the Thet Kae Pyin camp in Sittwe, Rakhine state, April 23, 2014. (Photo: REUTERS/Minzayar)
Children play in the fields near the Dar Paing camp for internally displaced people in Sittwe, Rakhine state, April 24, 2014. (Photo: REUTERS/Minzayar)
Rohingya children walk past shelters inside the Kyein Ni Pyin camp for internally displaced people in Pauk Taw, Rakhine state, April 23, 2014. (Photo: REUTERS/Minzayar)

Rohingya Exodus