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Ambassador U Kyaw Myo Htut talks to Chairman of Network Myanmar and former UK Ambassador to Vietnam, Thailand and Laos Mr Derek Tonkin (Photo: Embassy Magazine)

51 page window into a racist colonial mind of Derek Tonkin - https://www.chu.cam.ac.uk/media/uploads/files/Tonkin.pdf
Sent: Saturday, 23 April 2016 11:51 PM
Subject: [Democracy_forBurma] Oxford Conference on the Rohingya - 11 May 2016

The paper below has been proposed for circulation to participants at the Conference on the Rohingya at Oxford on 11 May. I wonder what excuse will be given for blocking its circulation.

Derek Tonkin

A critique of “The Slow Burning Genocide of Myanmar’s Rohingya”

Derek Tonkin – 21 April 2016

In my two messages of 18 April 2016, I responded to Maung Zarni’s solicitous enquiries about my "vested interests" in Myanmar, which are and always have been non-existent, and his belief that the previous administration made use of my "arguments" to support their wrongdoings, though there is no evidence that they have ever done so.

In this commentary, might I refer to such criticisms as I may have made on what Maung Zarni describes as "research conferences" in London, Harvard and Oslo in which he was engaged? I am not aware that I have said anything of substance on either London or Harvard, but I have indeed done so on what I described as the"Shenanigans in Oslo" in May 2015.

What intrigued me in this context was the connection which he made to the mass flight of Arakan’s Muskims to Bangladesh in the year 1978 as the supposed start of the persecution and discrimination against Muslims. Their woes have however been a problem since well before independence in 1948. There was the slaughter of many thousands of Arakanese, Buddhist as well as Muslim, in 1942. After independence in 1948, as early as 1951 there were appeals from Arakan Muslims to "Stop Genocide". Indeed, his article would have been all the more powerful if he had taken into account the action taken against Arakan Muslims during the three decades 1948-1978 instead of giving the impression that everything during that period was hunky-dory.

The Mujahid rebellion, after all, lasted from 1948 to 1961 and both the Tatmadaw and the rebels made life pretty miserable for both Muslims and Buddhists in Arakan during that period. In a despatch to the Foreign Office in January 1964, the British Ambassador in Rangoon spoke of the “extremely oppressive measures” being used to root out illegal immigrants, whose number might be in the region of 250,000 (German Ambassador in Karachi in February 1965 ) or even 500,000(Bangladeshi Ambassador in Rangoon a decade later in December 1975). Wrote Sir Gordon Whitteridge:

“The Moslems in that portion of Arakan which adjoins the border with East Pakistan number about 400,000 and have lived there for generations and have acquired Burmese nationality. But they are patently of Pakistani origin and occasionally some Pakistanis cross into Arakan illegally and mingle with the local population. As part of a drive to detect these illegal immigrants the local Burmese authorities have for some time employed extremely oppressive measures. The Pakistan Government are anxious that these Arakanese Moslems should not be goaded into leaving Burma and taking refuge in East Pakistan which cannot support them. Mr. Bhutto therefore urged the Burmese to modify their attitude towards these people and offered the maximum cooperation in dealing with any genuine illegal immigrants.”

Maung Zarni’s interest in 1978 is set out in the article “The Slow-burning Genocide of Myanmar’s Rohingya” which he wrote in June 2014 with Alice Cowley, which is I understand a pseudonym for Natalie Brinham. While I have no reason to doubt the authenticity of the evidence which they present in the latter part of their article and which has lead them to conclude that “genocide” is taking place, the basis on which their arguments are founded is the alleged launching by General Ne Win in 1978 of what is described as “the first large-scale campaign against the Rohingya in Rakhine State with the intent first of expelling them en masse from Western Burma and subsequently legalizing the systematic erasure of Rohingya group identity and legitimizing their physical destruction”. I suspect that version of events is entirely the interpretation of Maung Zarni and that Natalie Brinham was in no way responsible. My remarks are accordingly addressed to him, and not to Natalie Brinham.

The bulk of evidence which I have seen from contemporary diplomatic and United Nations archives as well as from press reports, other than Bangladeshi, is that no such intent was ever contemplated during what was after all only part of a nation-wide campaign in the border regions to verify citizenship documents under the, for Arakan unfortunately named (because of its historical Buddhist connotations) Operation Naga Min or Dragon King.

Many of these original reports are archived at this link, none more illustrative than a US Embassy report from Rangoon dated 14 June 1978 entitled “Chittagonian Refugees from Arakan” and from which I now quote:

“At dinner on June 13, the Ambassador discussed Burmese-Bangladeshi issues with the British, Australian, West German and Malaysian Ambassadors. To a man the other diplomats agreed that on the basis of their information the Bangladesh charges [of deliberate expulsion] appeared to be considerably exaggerated and inconsistent. They also noted that journalists……saw normally functioning Muslim villages in the Arakan which were not being harassed by GUB [Government of Burma] authorities…..We remain sceptical that the GUB [Government of Burma] has embarked on a systematic campaign to drive Muslims of Chittagonian ancestry from the Arakan or that the refugee-alleged atrocities have occurred.”

My conclusion is that if General Ne Win had really wanted to expel Muslims from Arakan, he would never have allowed them to return. He was totally impervious to protestations against his deliberate expulsion of some 300,000 Indians – Muslims, Sikhs and Hindus – from Burma between 1963 and 1966 and the notion that in 1978 he might have relented under external pressure from his original alleged intent I find unconvincing. The British Ambassador at the time went so far as to congratulate the General for his intervention in resolving the issue and his First Secretary gave a persuasive account of the peaceful and voluntary return of three groups of refugees encountered during his visit to repatriation centres in Arakan.

If Maung Zarni’s German is good enough, I would warmly recommend that he read the comprehensive and detailed study published in 1981 by Klaus Fleischmann “Arakan: Konfliktregion zwischen Birma und Bangladesh: Vorgeschichte und Folgen des Flüchtlingstroms von 1978” which he will find in both the British Library and the library of the School of Oriental and African Studies. Even if his German is not up to it, there are some excellent tables in this publication which are easily comprehensible and there are also extensive quotations in English from English-language sources. In a section “Expulsion or Verification?” Fleischmann concludes (my translation):

“From everything that we know about this operation, there is nothing to suggest that an expulsion of all Muslims from Arakan was planned. It seems rather that setting such an intent was fostered internationally in certain localities, above all at the start in Pakistan (see pages 130 +), as a deliberate, rabble-rousing exaggeration and later, because of the growing number of refugees and events connected with this, was disseminated by others, who did not have any knowledge of the background, out of fear - understandable however in the circumstances.”

I think we should be careful not to demonise General Ne Win. His established record of incompetence and ruthlessness is bad enough as it is. In this context it is worth noting that the Mayu Frontier District, which Maung Zarni says was established under U Nu’s premiership, was the brainchild of Ne Win himself. This is confirmed in a letter from the Head of the Political Section in the British Embassy in Rangoon to the Burma Desk in the Foreign Office in October 1965. It was Ne Win who set up the Frontier Areas Administration (FAA) in October 1959 during his caretaker administration.

Again, to put this all in context as with Operation Naga Min, the FAA set up at the time a number of special administrative zones in border localities which were internationally sensitive. Some were given their own radio programmes and other local support. When the situation was thought to have stabilised, the zones were returned to normal administration. Neither Naga Min nor the Mayu Frontier District were, as has been so often depicted, exclusively Arakan operations, but should be understood in a nation-wide context.

By way of further confirmation of Ne Win’s direct responsibility, Jacques Leider has recorded (Footnote 65 at the link) that:

“General Ne Win the Head of the Caretaker Government and now Chairman of the Revolutionary Council was pleased to fulfil the repeated demand of the Rohingyas on 1st June 1960 by creating a District consisting of Maungdaw, Buthidaung and a part of Rathedaung Township in the shape of Mayu Frontier District and placed it under the Frontier Administration. This single act of service to the Rohingyas by General Ne Win is uppermost in the mind of every Rohingya and will be remembered for generations.” Extract from a letter of the President of the United Rohingya Organisation of Mayu District to Gordon H. Luce, 3 May 1963. National Library of Australia (NLA) MSS Collection, Papers of Gordon Luce MS6574. Copy of the letter kindly provided by Pamela Gutman, 7 November 2013.”

I am not about to suggest that today’s Rohingyas might wish to honour the memory of General Ne Win for his support for their welfare in the 1960s and 1970s, but I would suggest that historical facts should be given due weight in our assessment of that period.

Maung Zarni says in the paper that “Rohingya is not simply a self-referential group identity, but an official group and ethnic identity recognized by the post-independence state.” While it is true that between the mid-1950s and the mid-1960s occasional references to Rohingya are to be found in official documents and speeches, and while organisations using the name “Rohingya” were permitted to register, I have been struck by the relative paucity of such references. He has himself listed some of them, but I am doubtful that this evidence taken together amounts to official recognition.

The acid test is surely whether the designation “Rohingya” was ever incorporated in Burmese legislation. I have found no evidence that this was the case. In those areas where I would have expected to find it, such as the post-independence censuses, “Rohingya” was not a classification on offer. The 1953-54 census used the British nomenclature, with suitable modifications. By the time of the 1973 Census, the list of national races included some 144 designations, six of them Muslim including “Arakan-Chittagonian” which would have covered most Muslims in Arakan. If “Rohingya” had been officially recognised, that is surely where it would have appeared.

It would in my view have been so much better if Arakan Muslims had stuck to this and other designations (as the Kaman have done) instead of reaching for the stars with their ill-advised “Rohingya” enterprise which has brought the full fury of Rakhine Buddhists down on them. It may not be too late to revert to “Arakan Muslims” or something of that kind.

This list of 144 had, intriguingly, not been amended by the time the 1982 Citizenship Act came into force. What happened at the 1983 Census is not clear, but the actual census reports only contain the eight main group ethnicities and most Arakan Muslims were wrongly bundled into a supposed foreign ethnicity called “Bangladeshi”. The list of 144 was formally reduced to the present list of 135 only when a new list was published in Loktha Pyithu Neizin (Working People’s Daily in Burmese) on 26 September 1990, or eight years after the Act. (Footnote 34 in Maung Zarni’s article refers to Col. Hla Min’s 2001 publication, but it is always better to quote original sources if available). It follows that when he says that the 1982 law “draws on a list of 135 ethnic groups, which excludes some minority groups such as the Rohingya”, he is mistaken. As the Australian scholar Nick Cheesman has
put it, the exclusion of the Rohingya is de facto rather than de jure, it is a result of administrative obstruction and mischievous regulation under the 1982 Act, not because of the Act itself, despite its manifest faults.

Maung Zarni says that “there are clear references [sic] to the Rohingya even before the colonial period” and he quotes Buchanan (visit to Ava in 1795) and Paton (1826). Buchanan is in fact his sole
reference and it is debatable whether this isolated reference is an ethnic designation or a geographic locator. Neither Buchanan nor anyone else ever used it again, which strongly suggests that it had no currency as an ethnicity. Paton does not of course mention “Rohingya” and his one-line reference (actually, it was his colleague Thomas Paterson who completed the survey) to 60% Mughs and 30% Mussulmans in 1826 should be contrasted with what the British actually found as their administration got under way in Arakan and should be compared with the annual capitation censuses from 1829 onwards and the full decennial censuses from 1872 onwards.

These give a totally different picture - an initially eight to one dominance of Buddhists to Muslims in Arakan as a whole, reducing to a two to one dominance in Akyab District (present-day Sittwe and Maungdaw Districts combined) in Northern Arakan by 1931. This was a result of course of massive Chittagonian migration of agricultural labour in the intervening years, though this is generally denied by Rohingya ideologues who would build an impenetrable “Chinese” wall between Bengal and Arakan. As the Muslim Council of North Arakan put it incredibly to Prime Minister U Nu on 25 October 1948:

“We are dejected to mention that in this country we have been wrongly taken as part of the race generally known as Chittagonians and as foreigners. We humbly submit that we are not. We have a history of our own distinct from that of Chittagonians. We have a culture of our own. Historically we are a race by ourselves…..”

The good news is that former President Thein Sein has publicly stated that migrants from Bengal came legally to Arakan during British rule and that their descendants are recognised as Myanmar citizens. This would seem to be an excellent point of departure in negotiating citizenship for Arakan Muslims today and which the Oxford Conference might wish to recommend as one of several nodal arguments to be put to Daw Aung San Suu Kyi.

Maung Zarni mentions by name a number of worthy persons who have commented on the depressing state of affairs in Arakan. I have read carefully what they say, and find myself in full agreement with the general thrust of their concerns. None of them however is what I would call an authority on Burmese affairs. Those who provided messages for the Oslo Conference took care not to use the term “genocide” as their personal characterisation of recent events. Soros went so far as to say that: “Fortunately, we have not reached a stage of mass killing”. Bishop Tutu was the closest to “genocide” when he said that “I would be more inclined to heed the warnings of eminent scholars and researchers, including Amartya Sen……..[on] the slow genocide being committed against the Rohingya people.” Quite who these “eminent scholars and researchers” might be who supposedly hold these views he does not say, and I do not know, but what is clear from Bishop Tutu’s statement is that he has been briefed by mischievous propagandists who have fed him a line which is seriously inaccurate. Thus we read that:

“The Rohingya people were not consulted when the British drew the Burmese border on the map. With those strokes of a pen, they became a borderland people; people whose ancestral land traverses political boundaries. Burma’s post-colonial government elected in 1948 officially recognized the Rohingya as an indigenous community, as did its first military government that ruled from 1962 to 1974.”

According to the Bishop, it was not the natural boundary of the Naf River which has historically divided Bengal from Arakan well before the British came to India and the Burmese to Arakan, but the wicked British imperialists who, inspired perhaps by Moses, parted the Red Sea of Naf and split the Rohingya (or should I say Bengalis?) into two, leaving some on the Bangladeshi side of a wet, but artificial border and some on the Myanmar side. Bangladesh denies that there have ever been any historic (pre-1948) Rohingya communities on their side. Some like myself might ask whether there are any historic (pre-1948) Rohingya communities on the Myanmar side either.

Does the Bishop understand the implications of what he has said? Today’s Rohingya must be furious that he has effectively stated that Bengalis and Arakan Muslims are all of the same ethnicity. Some might feel even so that he is not far wrong. I hope too that the Bishop has not gone soft on General Ne Win who headed the military government after his 1962 coup.

In the article there are many other points of detail whose accuracy I would contest, but in the short time available before the Oxford “Research” Conference next month, I felt I should at least record some that came immediately to mind. Maung Zarni might feel that at some point he and Natalie Brinham might wish to recast their article in the interests of historical accuracy. It is always best to take account of all available material, not just to cherry-pick what supports an argument and overlook what does not. That is the path of the propagandist and ideologue, not of the scholar and researcher.

Maung Zarni seems concerned lest my interventions might reflect some action involving the US and UK governments to undermine his genocide-thematic conferences in the interests of wider US and UK politico-strategic objectives. I am happy to reassure him that this is not the case. Tony Blair, who visits Myanmar regularly, could do that far more effectively than I ever could, and I for sure have not been asked.

Maung Zarni is welcome to circulate this paper to Oxford Conference participants. As he will appreciate, the observations recorded in this document would be very difficult to make through interventions from the floor.

Derek Tonkin
Editor ‘Network Myanmar’ www.networkmyanmar.org
Heathfields, Berry Lane, Worplesdon, Guildford, Surrey GU3 3PU UK
Tel. + 44 (0)1483 233576 – Mobile + 44 (0) 7733 328832 – Email



22 Feb. Pembroke College, Oxford 

#OxfordUniversity Islamic Society is hosting an evening devoted to "#Rohingya: The Silent Genocide?". 

Senior General Min Aung Hlaing openly calls it "an unfinished business". 

Imagine what "a finished business" to them looks like. 

We'll call a spade a spade: Myanmar is committing a genocide.

Zarni

--

The Rohingya crisis in Myanmar is one of the biggest humanitarian crisis the world has seen in the 21st century. Close to a million people have been ‘ethnically cleansed’ of their own land in the space of less than a year. To what extent is the Aung San Suu Kyi-led government to be blamed? Has the international community failed to tackle this disaster? Has the west been too soft with their words? What is our role as students of the University of Oxford, the very same institution Aung San Suu Kyi graduated from and is the recipient of an honorary DPhil? Is there a solution to end the human rights abuses that the ‘most persecuted minority’ has been facing for almost half a century? And many more questions that challenge the current regime in Myanmar and the stance that the global community has taken. 



Join us as some of the best academics and activists who have field work experience in Myanmar address these topics. It will be one of the biggest events held this term by any society and arguably one of the biggest in recent history.


Speakers:

Professor Azeem Ibrahim: 
-PhD, Cambridge University
-Research Professor at the Strategic Studies Institute, US Army War College.
-Senior Fellow at the Centre for Global Policy in Washington
-International Security Fellow at the Kennedy School of Government, Harvard University
-World Fellow, Yale University
-Rothermere Fellow, University of Oxford
-Board of the International Centre for the Study of Radicalization and Political Violence, Department of War Studies, Kings College London University.
-Ranked as a Top 100 Global Thinker by the European Social Think Tank in 2010.
-Ranked Young Global Leader by the World Economic Forum

Professor Maung Zarni:
-Blogger, writer, columnist, poet, and fellow with the Genocide Documentation Center of Cambodia.
- PhD specializing in the politics of education and propaganda under military rule in Burma
(1962-88) University of Wisconsin at Madison.
- He was also schooled at the Universities of Mandalay, California and Washington
-Taught and/or held research and leadership fellowships at National-Louis University in Chicago, Georgetown, Harvard, Oxford, LSE, UCL Institute of Education, Malaya, and Brunei.
-Co-author, ‘The Slow Burning Genocide of Myanmar’s Rohingyas’
-Recipient of the bi-annual "Cultivation of Harmony" award from the world's oldest inter-faith organization, the Parliament of the World's Religions in 2015.

Tun Khin:
-Actual Rohingya born and brought up in Arakan, Myanmar.
-Grandson of the Parliamentary Secretary during the democratic period in Myanmar.
-President of Burmese Rohingya Organisation, UK which has been a leading voice for Rohingya people around the world.
-Actively involved in informing US Congress and State Department, British Parliament, Swedish Parliament, European Union Parliament and Commission, the UN Indigenous Forum in NY and the UN Human Rights Council in Geneva.
-Recipient of a leadership award from Refuges International Washington DC in April 2015 for his relentless effort working on the Rohingya issue.








By AFP
February 16, 2018

Bangladesh Friday handed over a list of more than 8,000 Rohingya to Myanmar as it moves to kick-start their repatriation weeks after the process was halted due to lack of preparation.

Dhaka's home minister Asaduzzaman Khan formally gave the list to his Myanmar counterpart Lieutenant General Kyaw Swe after officials of the two nations held a meeting in the Bangladeshi capital.

"We've today handed over a list of 8,032 people from 1,673 families to them. The (Myanmar) delegation received it very cordially and told us they would start processing their repatriation," Khan told reporters.

Bangladesh reached a deal with Myanmar late last year to repatriate nearly 700,000 Rohingya who have fled across the border since August to escape a brutal military crackdown.

That was meant to start last month, but was delayed by a lack of preparation and protests by Rohingya refugees, most of whom say they do not wish to return without guarantees of safety.

Khan said more than one million Rohingya now live in squalid camps in Bangladesh's southeast and Dhaka hoped all of them would be repatriated to Myanmar.

"We discussed how would they repatriate these people. The Myanmar delegation was very cordial about it and said they will take them back gradually," he said.

Bangladesh's refugee commissioner Abul Kalam told AFP Dhaka had already started construction of a transit camp and would start building another next week to facilitate the return of the Rohingya.

This week Bangladesh's junior foreign minister said they had signed a deal to involve the United Nations in the process of returning Rohingya refugees to Myanmar.

He said the government was involving the UN refugee agency so that it could not be accused of sending anyone from the stateless Muslim minority back against their will.

He gave few details, but said refugees would be asked to fill out repatriation forms in the presence of UN officials.

But Rohingya refugees are still entering Bangladesh with claims of rights abuses by Buddhist mobs and the military in their native Rakhine state.

Home minister Khan acknowledged people were still crossing the border.

"The (Myanmar) delegation has admitted it and told us they will try their best to stop it as soon as possible," he said

Many Rohingya have lost their homes to arson attacks in their villages, where witnesses and rights groups say entire Rohingya settlements have been burned to the ground.

New arrivals have brought harrowing tales of rape, murder and torture.

The Rohingya also want guarantees of citizenship before returning to Myanmar, which views them as illegal immigrants from Bangladesh even though many have been there for generations.

Khan said there was no specific timeframe to start the repatriation but he hoped it would start soon.

"No specific date came for repatriation but they showed sincerity and are taking preparations to take their nationals back," he said

He urged Myanmar to ensure the refugees' return was "sustainable", adding the Rohingya "may face difficulties in resettling back into their land".

The two sides also discussed the fate of some 6,000 Rohingya refugees who have been stranded in no man's land on the Bangladesh-Myanmar border since September.

"They said they have started processing repatriation of those refugees living on the (border's) zero line," Khan said, adding Myanmar has "requested" a joint meeting on their repatriation on February 20.

Last week a Myanmar government minister told refugees stranded on the border that they should take up a government offer to return, warning they will face "consequences" if they stay where they are.

A video circulated on social media apparently shows Myanmar's Deputy Minister for Home Affairs Aung Soe addressing a group of refugees through a barbed wire fence last Friday.

Myanmar military troops take part in a military exercise at Ayeyarwaddy delta region in Myanmar, February 3, 2018. (Lynn Bo Bo/Pool/REUTERS)

By Levon Sevunts
February 16, 2018

The federal government has imposed sanctions on a high-ranking member of the Myanmar military under Canada’s newly adopted Justice for Victims of Corrupt Foreign Officials Act, Foreign Affairs Minister Chrystia Freeland announced Friday.

Maj.-Gen. Maung Maung Soe is being targeted for sanctions due to his role in the brutal security crackdown against the Rohingya Muslim minority in Myanmar’s Rakhine State, Freeland said.

“This individual is, in the opinion of Canada’s Governor-in-Council, responsible for, or complicit in, gross violations of internationally recognized human rights committed against individuals in Myanmar who sought to exercise and defend their human rights and freedoms,” Global Affairs Canada officials said in a statement.

“These sanctions impose a dealings prohibition, which effectively freezes the individual’s assets in Canada and render him inadmissible to Canada under the Immigration and Refugee Protection Act.”

The crackdown by Myanmar’s military and security forces, as well as Buddhist vigilante groups, described the United Nations as “a textbook example of ethnic cleansing” has forced more than 688,000 Rohingyas to flee Myanmar, also known as Burma, to seek refuge in neighbouring Bangladesh.

Rohingya refugees Mohamed Heron, 6, and his brother Mohamed Akter, 4, pose for a portrait to show burns on their bodies at Kutupalong refugee camp, near Cox’s Bazar in Bangladesh, October 14, 2017. Boys’ uncle Mohamed Inus said burns resulted from Myanmar’s armed forces firing rockets at their village. Two of their siblings, one seven years old and the other a 10-month-old infant, died in the attack, according to the uncle. Their father was held by the military and has not been heard of since. (Jorge Silva/File/ REUTERS)

“Canada will not stand by silently as crimes against humanity are committed against the Rohingya,” Freeland said in a statement. “We stand in solidarity with the Rohingya people and other ethnic minorities as they struggle to see their rights respected.”

Myanmar’s military and civilian leaders have an obligation to respect the human rights of all people and those responsible for these atrocities must be held to account, Freeland added.

The Justice for Victims of Corrupt Foreign Officials Act, also known the Sergey Magnitsky Law, was named after a Russian tax accountant and whistleblower, who was jailed and later died in prison after he exposed a giant tax fraud scheme allegedly involving government officials.

In November, less than three weeks after Canada became the fourth country in the world to adopt its version of the Magnitsky Act, Ottawa unveiled a new sanction list targeting 52 individuals in Russia, South Sudan and Venezuela suspected of corruption and gross human rights violations.

The latest sanctions against the Burmese general come just a day after Bob Rae, Canada’s Special Envoy to Myanmar, issued a statement warning that conditions in Myanmar were not conducive for the return of Rohingya refugees.

“Everything I saw last week has reinforced the deep challenges facing the Rohingya population in Myanmar, the need for accountability for potential crimes against humanity, and the urgency of greater co-operation and action,” Rae said.

Prime Minister Justin Trudeau appointed the veteran Liberal politician and former Ontario premier last October to give him advice on the humanitarian crisis.

Despite having lived in Myanmar for generations, the Rohingya Muslim minority is perceived by many in the country’s Buddhist majority as an illegal fifth column, squatters from Bangladesh who should have no residency or citizenship rights in Burma.

Even the term Rohingya, which means of the Rakhine state, is extremely controversial in Myanmar, where many Buddhist use the term Bengali to refer to the persecuted Muslim minority.

The latest crackdown against the Rohingya began in late August of last year following attacks by Rohingya militants against 30 Burmese security forces posts.

Despite well-documented allegations of human rights abuses committed by its security forces, the Burmese government continues to deny any wrongdoing and is blaming the violence on the actions of Rohingya militants.

Rohingya refugees line up for daily essentials distribution at Balukhali camp, near Cox's Bazar, Bangladesh January 15, 2018 (Photo: Reuters)

By Tarek Mahmud
February 14, 2018

The situation of the refugees living in the No Man's Land has worsened after the visit of a team of delegates from the Myanmar government

Warnings are blasted out through loud speakers throughout the day, and shots are fired at night at the Rohingya refugees living in No Man’s Land at Tambru between Bangladesh and Myanmar.

“In daylight, the Border Guard Police and the Myanmar Army ask us to leave the no man’s land and return to Rakhine by announcements through loud speakers,” said Md Arif, one of the Rohingya refugees currently living in Tambru. “But at night, they fire blank rounds to scare us so we cannot go back.

“How can we go back to our villages if the security forces continue to act like this?” asked Arif.

He said the Bangladeshi government had taken all the necessary information to send them to camps in Cox’s Bazar’s Ukhiya upazila, yet no progress has been made on the issue.

The situation of the refugees living in the No Man’s Land has worsened after the visit of Myanmar’s Deputy Home Minister Major General Aung Soe, along with a team of delegates from the country’s Ministry of Home Affairs, to the area on February 8.

The team asked the Rohingya people there either to return to their homes in Rakhine by accepting the conditions offered by Myanmar, or to leave Tambru giving it up according to Myanmar’s claims that the area is its own territory.

Since Myanmar Army’s crackdown in Rakhine state on August 25 last year, 6,500 Rohingya people have been living on the Tambru border, adjacent to Naikhyangchhari’s Ghumdum of Bandarban district.

Rohingya people who had fled from the villages of Tambru, Medipara, Raimongkhali, Deybuinna, Laipuiya, Ponduiya, Khuyangcipong and Panirchhora under the Maungdaw township, have been living there.

Even after the intense pressure put forth by the border security and the Myanmar Army, the refugees refuse to leave the No Man’s Land as they are scared to go back to their villages.

“Almost everyone living in the makeshift camps do not want to go back to Myanmar unless the government recognizes them as their own citizens,” said Mohammad Siddique, an elderly Rohingya man from Deingla village under Maungdaw township in Rakhine.

Kawsar, from Panirchhara village, said: “We did not come here to make permanent settlements. If the Myanmar government accepts Rohingyas as its own, we will return to our country.”

The refugees complained that the Myanmar Army had constantly been planting landmines along the border, and threatening any Rohingya who crossed the barbed wire fence over to the No Man’s Land.

Naikhyangchhari Upazila Nirbhahi Officer (UNO) Md SM Sarwar Kamal told the Dhaka Tribune that the administration was observing the circumstances and keeping higher authorities in the loop on the overall situation.

Border Guard Bangladesh’s Cox’s Bazar ad-hoc Regional Director (Operation) Lt Col Khalid Hasan told the Dhaka Tribune: “We hear a lot of things from locals and our intelligence. We are constantly monitoring the situation.”

After August 25, 2017, more than 10,000 Rohingyas took shelter at no man’s land bordering to Gundhum union’s Konarpara area, Sadar union’s Sapmara Jhiri, Boro Chonkhola and Dochhari union’s Bahir Math area under Naikhyangchhari upazila of Bandarban.

In January of this year, all the Rohingyas living in no man’s land were taken to the Kutupalong Rohingya camps. However, the refugees living in the Konarpara bordering area, despite promises that they would be taken to the Ukhiya camps, are still living in Tambru.

Bangladesh government’s Refugee Relief and Repatriation Commission reported that 689,490 Rohingyas have entered into the country from last year August 25 till February 11 this year, fleeing the Myanmar military’s oppression termed as “ethnic cleansing” by the UN. They joined the Rohingyas who had been living in Cox’s Bazar district for years.

In this photograph taken on January 23, 2018, Rohingya Muslim refugees cross a canal next to a settlement near the 'no man's land' area between Myanmar and Bangladesh in Tombru in Bangladesh's Bandarban district./AFP

By AFP
February 14, 2018

Myanmar has failed to put in place conditions for the safe return of 688,000 Rohingya refugees who fled an army crackdown six months ago, the UN refugee chief said Monday. 

The refugees are sheltering in makeshift camps in Bangladesh despite an agreement reached between Myanmar and Bangladesh allowing for their return to their homes in Rakhine state.

"Let me be clear: conditions are not yet conducive to the voluntary repatriation of Rohingya refugees," UN High Commissioner for Refugees Filippo Grandi told a Security Council meeting, speaking by videoconference from Geneva.

"The causes of their flight have not been addressed, and we have yet to see substantive progress on addressing the exclusion and denial of rights that has deepened over the last decades, rooted in their lack of citizenship."

Myanmar regards the Rohingya as immigrants from Bangladesh and denies them citizenship, even though they have been there for generations.

US Ambassador Nikki Haley urged the council to ensure Myanmar's military is held accountable for its campaign against the Rohingya, following accounts of killings, burning of villages, rape and mass graves.

"This council must hold the military accountable for their actions and pressure Aung San Suu Kyi to acknowledge these horrific acts are taking place in her country. No more excuses," Haley said.

The United Nations has accused Myanmar of carrying out an ethnic cleansing campaign by forcing the Muslim Rohingyas into exile.

China, a supporter of Myanmar's former ruling junta, called for patience and noted that "stability and order" had been restored to Rakhine state.

The Rohingya crisis "cannot be solved overnight," said Chinese Ambassador Ma Zhaoxu.

Measures should be adopted by Myanmar "to address the root cause of poverty through development" in Rakhine, he said, sidestepping appeals for citizenship rights for the Rohingya.

'Too scared to return'

The meeting came nearly three months after the council adopted a statement demanding that Myanmar rein in its security forces and allow the Rohingya to voluntarily return.

The UN refugee chief said that while the exodus had significantly decreased, the flow "still continues," with some 1,500 refugees arriving in Bangladesh this month.

Haley said the refugees should not return to Myanmar until they feel confident that "they will not fall victim to the same horrors that drove them from their homes in the first place."

"Right now, these refugees don't have this confidence," she said. "Many are too scared to return to their country."

Haley's concerns were echoed by France, Britain and Sweden, among other countries, but Myanmar's ambassador said his government was ready to move ahead with plans to take back refugees.

Myanmar has made "great strides" in restoring stability and has given Bangladesh a list of "508 Hindus and 750 Muslims" to be among the first returnees, said Ambassador Hau Do Suan.

- Moonsoon puts 100,000 refugees at risk -

The UN refugee chief also raised alarm over the monsoon rainy season starting next month, warning that 100,000 refugees were living in flood-prone areas and must be urgently relocated.

International support to Bangladesh's government must be stepped up "to avert a catastrophe," he warned.

The council is demanding that aid workers be allowed to reach those displaced inside Rakhine state and wants UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres to quickly appoint a special envoy to Myanmar.

© AFP | Rohingya refugee children play with plastic bags at Hakimpara refugee camp in Bangladesh's Ukhia district

By AFP
February 12, 2018

COX'S BAZAR (BANGLADESH) -- Bangladesh has signed a deal to involve the United Nations in the controversial process of returning Rohingya refugees to Myanmar, a minister said Monday.

Junior foreign minister Shahriar Alam said the government was involving the UN refugee agency so that it could not be accused of sending anyone from the stateless Muslim minority back against their will.

He gave few details, but said refugees would be asked to fill out repatriation forms in the presence of UN officials.

Bangladesh reached a deal with Myanmar late last year to repatriate the nearly 700,000 Rohingya who have fled across the border since August to escape a brutal military crackdown.

That was meant to start last month, but was delayed by a lack of preparations and protests by Rohingya refugees, most of whom say they do not wish to return without guarantees of safety.

"We have repeatedly said this repatriation process is very complex," Alam told reporters.

"We want to fill up the (repatriation) forms in their (UN) presence so that no one can say they been forced by someone or sent back against their will," he told reporters at a Rohingya refugee camp in Bangladesh's southeastern border district of Cox's Bazar.

There was no immediate comment from the UN, which has said previously that any repatriation must be voluntary.

Alam urged patience and said Bangladesh did not want to send back the refugees only to have them return, as has happened after past rounds of repatriation.

Bangladesh "wants to make sure the situation in Myanmar is safe and secure", he said.

Refugees are still entering Bangladesh with claims of rights abuses by Buddhist mobs and the military.

Many have lost their homes to arson attacks in their native Rakhine state, where witnesses and rights groups say entire Rohingya settlements have been burned to the ground.

New arrivals have brought harrowing tales of rape, murder and torture.

The Rohingya also want guarantees of citizenship before returning to Myanmar, which views them as illegal immigrants from Bangladesh even though many have been there for generations.

© HANDOUT/AFP | The haunting pictures show a scarred territory with large patches of levelled land

By AFP
February 12, 2018

YANGON -- Aerial photos of Rakhine state have emerged that appear to show several bulldozed Rohingya settlements, renewing accusations Myanmar is wiping out the homes and history of the Muslim minority.

Nearly 700,000 Rohingya have fled Myanmar's Rakhine state to Bangladesh since insurgent attacks on police posts triggered a brutal military crackdown.

The UN has led global condemnation of the army action, describing it as ethnic cleansing.

Rights activists also say the systematic destruction of hundreds of villages, mosques and property is effectively rubbing out the Rohingya's ties to their ancestral lands.

The Muslim minority are not recognised as an ethnic group in Myanmar and have faced decades of persecution.

Many fear the recent crackdown is a push to rid the country of the Rohingya for good.

Photos posted on social media after a diplomatic tour of the conflict zone in northern Rakhine state last week appear to back that up.

The haunting pictures, posted on the Twitter account of the European Union Ambassador to Myanmar Kristian Schmidt, show a scarred territory with large patches of levelled land.

Villages incinerated during the army crackdown now appear to have been completely bulldozed, devoid of all structures and even trees.

"The Rohingyas are shocked to see their villages razed," said Chris Lewa, head of the NGO the Arakan Project, which has worked for years with Rohingya in Rakhine state. 

They fear the upcoming rainy season will further wash away any signs of their past lives, she added.

"The Rohingya have the feeling that they (the military) are doing away with the last traces of their presence in the region," she said.

Myanmar and Bangladesh signed a repatriation agreement last year that was supposed to commence in January.

But many Rohingya refuse to return without the guarantee of basic rights and safety.

Authorities in Myanmar also insist they will heavily vet all returnees and only take back those "verified" as residents -- a complex and controversial process critics say is likely to exclude large numbers of people.

Myanmar's Social Welfare Minister Win Myat Aye, the lead official in the resettlement process, said the bulldozing was part of a plan to "build back" villages to a higher standard than before.

"We are trying to have the new village plan," he said. "When they come back they can live in their place of origin or nearest to their place of origin."

He said it is taking time because of a labour shortage sparked by the Rohingya exodus and that the government plans to pay returnees to help rebuild their own homes. 

Accusations of a systematic campaign to rid Rakhine of Rohingya history are not new.

Last year the United Nations human rights office alleged efforts were underway to "effectively erase signs of memorable landmarks in the geography of the Rohingya landscape and memory".

Access to Rakhine remains tightly controlled, despite a snowballing number of allegations of massacres of Rohingya villagers in Rakhine.

The arrest of two Reuters journalists investigating the extra-judicial killing of ten Rohingya "terrorist" suspects in custody has upped pressure on civilian leader Aung San Suu Kyi to condemn the army.

Her administration is in a delicate power-sharing arrangement with the army, which ruled with an iron fist for five decades.



Media Release from Burmese Rohingya Organisation UK (BROUK)

For Immediate Release 12th February 2018

Myanmar’s Genocide of Rohingya Is Not Over: Rohingya Need UN-Protected Safe Zones

Nayapara Camp, Cox’s Bazar, Bangladesh: The genocide of Rohingya in Myanmar is far from over, said the Burmese Rohingya Organisation UK (BROUK) after a 4-day fact finding trip to Cox’s Bazar, Bangladesh.

“The evidence is mounting that the Myanmar military, led by Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, and supported by the civilian government led by State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi, continues its genocidal campaign of the Rohingya people,” said BROUK President Tun Khin, who met with dozens of Rohingya who arrived in Bangladesh in late January and early February from villages in Buthidaung and Rathedaung Township.

The events that have unfolded and the evidence that has come to light prove that the government's claim of carrying out a security operation is a farce. The Myanmar military's actions clearly show an intent to destroy the Rohingya's homes, their livelihoods, and their very lives. 

New arrivals spoke of ongoing military abuse, including arbitrary arrests, disappearances, forced starvation, extortion, denial of access to rice fields, denial of access to humanitarian assistance, prevention of access to markets, forced labour and increasing pressure to accept the National Verification Card (NVC), part of a government plan which effectively denies Rohingya identity and citizenship. New arrivals in Bangladesh also reported that movement restrictions, pressure from local Rakhine extremist groups and lack of aid had created major shortages which forced them to flee to Bangladesh.

“We were forced to leave our homes by security forces, who said we had to have our pictures taken for a family list, but when we returned to our houses they had been burnt down by security forces and Rakhine extremists. Later we were accused of burning down our own homes and arrested. After paying bribes, we were released and fled from the country,” Anuwar, 25 years old from Kyauk Phyu Taung village, Buthidaung Township, told BROUK.

Residents of Sin Daung say many Rohingya are still living in Buthidaung Township. The refugees told BROUK that soldiers have built a military camp in the village and are using Rohingya for forced labour. Villagers also report that military personnel have threatened the remaining residents with “clearance operations” and a repeat of the massacre in Gu Dar Pyin, where the Associated Press has uncovered evidence of five mass graves.

Recently arrived refugees also reported that pressure from local Rakhine groups had effectively buffered a policy of starvation. “Rakhine extremists threatened us if we left the village. We can’t get out to get food. We were without food for two to three days. Our village was surrounded by Rakhine people. Rakhine people have taken all our rice stock piles,” said Hameed Hussein, 29 years old from Anauk Pyin village, Rathedaung Township.

“It is clear that the Burmese military want the remaining Rohingya to leave Rakhine State and are using different tactics to drive them out. Genocide does not have to be a military attack, these are genocidal policies and they are still getting away with it,” said Tun Khin.

Also adding to the evidence of genocide is the investigative report by Reuters: “Massacre in Myanmar” (https://www.reuters.com/investigates/special-report/myanmar-rakhine-events/) published on 9 February, which draws for the first time on interviews with Buddhist villagers who confessed to torching Rohingya homes, burying bodies and killing Muslims.

The arrest of Reuters journalists Wa Lone and Kyaw Soe Oo while reporting this atrocity indicates the Myanmar government and military's attempt to cover up their crimes and muzzle those who speak against them.

“Almost six months after this brutal campaign began, the military operation against the Rohingya continues, only now they are using different tactics to drive our people out. The UN Security Council meeting on February 13th provides an opportunity for the international community to finally take steps to stop Myanmar’s genocide of the Rohingya and put in place UN protected safe zones for Rohingya communities in Myanmar.” said Tun Khin. 

“Not a single country has taken any serious action against the Burmese military and this has sent the message that the military can simply carry on its operations, driving more Rohingya out of the country. At the same time, the army has stepped up attacks against other ethnic minorities, in particular the Kachin. The international community's failure to respond has created a system of impunity. Rohingya have no means to defend themselves. The international community: the EU, USA, UK, Canada and OIC members have a responsibility to protect them and must take concrete steps to save this community, including the elderly, women and children, from Myanmar’s brutal campaign of killing, rape and destruction, and be given access to provide life-saving humanitarian aid and services. Furthermore, action should be taken to refer the situation in Burma to the International Criminal Court, impose a UN-mandated global arms embargo, and issue targeted sanctions on military companies."

For more information, please contact Tun Khin +44 7888714866.

Rohingya refugees who crossed the border from Myanmar a day before, wait to receive permission from the Bangladeshi army to continue their way to the refugee camps, in Palang Khali, near Cox's Bazar, Bangladesh October 17, 2017. REUTERS/ Zohra Bensemra


Min Khant
RB Opinion
February 11, 2018

The Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN), which was first, established in 1967 and with the last entrant-nations: Myanmar, Laos, and Cambodia in the year 1997 and then becoming a ‘TEN countries BLOCK’ is said the region of 550 million people who with different faiths and unusual values to dealing with regional and world community. 

Every country is with each policy to maintain its relations with esteemed country. None of those countries is well known among world community due to practicing the democracy and respecting the human rights of its own people rather the entire block (ASEAN) will end up to summarize the BULLIED declaration of respective chair-ship of the ASEAN tenure to favored nation’s cruelties against its minority. 

The parable is the last December 2017 declaration made by ASEAN Chair the Philippines President Rodrigo Duterte due to Rohingyas massacres & nightmares, which are well recorded via satellite imageries, hand phones videos shots by the Rohingyas runners and at last by the extraordinary efforts of two Reuter’s reporters, arrested by Myanmar authorities now. 

Daw Suu Kyi was advised by Duterte _ who is facing now the investigation by the international criminal court _ not to care the world’s criticism of Myanmar’s Military BRUTALITES on ordinary Rohingya targeted by the order of S. General Min Aung Hlaing whom the state Counsellor Daw Suu Kyi has been shielding from the world community’s harsh criticism. 

The ASEAN’s policy of non-interference in internal matter of one another nation is likened by Myanmar brutal regime after regime to stay within ASEAN community without much annoyance. 

Since 1990-2017, Myanmar has been the survival moments of succeeding regimes from the economic sanctions, imposed by the west. 

To exploit the least & endurance advantages via state to state economic institution particularly with Thailand, Singapore, Vietnam, and the dynamic die-hard & Buddhist-minded nations; Laos, Cambodian and Vietnam as the same last entrants to the ASEAN business CLUB. 

Myanmar carefully maintains through the dynamic relationships with the die-hard nations to be the allies to stand by the side of Myanmar in need of help in ASEAN and UN. 

Now, Myanmar thinks the giant People Republic of CHINA, the second most world populous INDIA and the third largest economic might JAPAN, culturally dominated South Korea, and the ASEAN nations are too much enough to survive in economy rather than to have good relationship with the west, USA and others which have been advocating due to Myanmar’s in time democratization, led by Daw Suu Kyi. Those nations have been crying out to protect the minorities and demanding the international investigations into the brutal massacres on Rohingyas, and scorch-earth policy campaigns against Kachin, Karin and Shan and other people across the nation.

Rohingyas Muslims have been clogged up in their localities in Rakhine state north and central since 1990. 

All their rights, which had been rendered before 1990 have been stripped off by the military regime that commenced since 1990. 

Rohingyas have never ever shown any of their collective opposite sentiments against the government’s harsh atrocities. They have been in great patience without complaint in both Rakhine brutal authorities and military. 

Having seen all these merciless dealings on innocent Rohingyas by the world community, the innocent Rohingyas’ suffering have been dubbed as “Rohingyas are the most persecuted people in the world” by the United Nations organization. 

The ARSA attacks on so-called police out-posts in October 2016 and August 2017 are “a load of bullshit dirty policy” of the ruling government and Senior General Min Aung Hlaing to get hold of “a lame excuse” to exterminate Rohingyas completely from their localities. 

Authorities’ confiscated so-called ARSA terrorists’ weapons, which have been shown through all kinds of media -- sticks, bamboo rods, knives, short-machetes, shovels, several kinds of nylon ropes, grubbing hoes, sledgehammers, crowbar-like tool for digging and sickles -- have been either the people’s belongings as the tools for their agricultural works in paddy fields or household materials. Then again, the Myanmar authorities have intentionally arranged to brag the world to be the ARSA terrorist weapons (plaything) to attack the police-posts. 

Are the sticks, bamboo rods, knives, short-machetes, shovels, several kinds of nylon ropes, and the sickles fighting weapons to attack the government forces? What a gruesome idea of the government!

Actually, if the ARSA were the real revolutionary and strategically terror fighters, they would have been fighting with guerilla-strategy by equipping with destructive arms and ammunitions to counter attack the government forces who are being outfitted with modern armaments. 

After creating excuse of ARSA terror attack and to hide behind the crook plan of the government, which has driven nearly 700,000 Rohingyas since October 2016-17, and up to now; more than 350 villages have already been torched; many more innocent people were massacred; many girls and women were being gang-raped; invaluable Rohingyas belongings were being destroyed, looted and herded away. Yet a few people still residing in localities to be driven out within a month is a total annihilation-master plan of the military and the current democratic regime of Myanmar. 

Due to the 2012 Rakhine state unilateral violence against Rohingyas in central Rakhine and KAMAN who are recognized as indigenous one in south by Rakhine Buddhists and military combination. Myanmar authorities have not been talking about locally displaced persons in squalid camps to resettle them to their original locations and the Rakhine criminals have not been arrested to punish publicly by both U Thein Sein and Daw Suu Kyi governments. Where are mass Rakhine Buddhist instigators and those criminals who involved in torching Rohingyas and KAMAN houses, shops, and looting the properties from houses and torn the Muslims houses and shops apart by the Rakhine hooligans? 

The current Daw Suu Kyi Led government has been trembling with anger whenever the world community’s repeatedly demands to investigate the heinous criminalities against Rohingyas, saying, “The military aggression or OPERATION CLEARANCE by military forces against Rohingyas is the internal affair which is supported openly by China and secretly some ASEAN’s Myanmar darling countries”.

Although there have been multiple talks and bilateral agreement between Myanmar and Bangladesh in regard swift repatriation of Rohingyas. In fact Myanmar government should make clear first the alleged massacres that have been strong evident; random merciless torching of villages all along the three townships; for gang-raped cases against the girls and women; guarantee of the rule of law in localities & citizenship settlement. 

While innocent Rohingyas who have fled from the aggressive operations of Myanmar regime in the heavy rainy season after abandoning all their belongings, to recall back them by Myanmar government again without firm commitment before the world community, this cannot be happened by the side of Rohingyas ever to believe Myanmar regime and be killed mercilessly again behind the bar. In that ground, Myanmar should grant firm pledge what all returnees want for “secure, safety and dignified,” return of them to their locations. 

Myanmar does not want the world-wide alleged accusations of genocide, be investigated, against Rohingyas in places; Tulatuli, Inn-Din (Andan), Gudar Pyin(Gudampara), Paung Daw Pyin(Fun-du-farang), and possibly many other places in Maung Daw, Buthidaung and Rathedaung townships. To where the world-unimpeded access demands have long been barred by Daw Suu Kyi, fearing the crimes committed by the government be plainly exposed to the world then come actions by the world.  

For pretension to the world, the strong barbed wire transit camps seems to be jails, which have been built for a transit camps before transferring returnees to the original villages, were occasionally happened to be shown to the world dignitaries of ASEAN & Myanmar darling nations for the acknowledgement of Myanmar’s attempts to accept Rohingyas returnees quickly. 

Myanmar Union Minister for International Cooperation U Kyaw Tin attended on the working dinner hosted by Foreign Minister of Singapore Dr. Vivian Valakrishnan on Monday (5.2.2018) and ASEAN foreign Ministers’ Retreat held on Tuesday (6.2.18) together with other ASEAN foreign Ministers. In that, Union Minister U KYAW TIN briefed the ASEAN foreign Ministers in an informal setting on the recent development in Rakhine State and Myanmar’s efforts in preparation for the return of the displaced people. In his briefing, he stressed: “the current humanitarian situation in Rakhine state was caused by brutal terrorist attacks against 30 police outposts, not by clashes between the two communities. The issue of Rakhine was not a religious one, but a political and economic issue involving illegal migration, rule of law, resources competition, and poverty. At a time when the Myanmar government has been exerting serious efforts to resolve the issue, the ARSA terrorist group has worsened the situation through provocative acts and disinformation campaign. And he emphasized the need for ASEAN darling brother nations to assist Myanmar in enhancing humanitarian assistance and in implementation of Dr.Kofi Anan commission’s recommendations in the needed areas and not to support actions that could inflame the already complex situation and further polarize the two communities.” 

Oh! Really, what a pity of Myanmar newly assigned savior Minister U Kyaw Tin for the government of Myanmar from genocidal criminality?

WELL, U Kyaw Tin may have rhetorically expressed to his ‘darling partners’ at the last ASEAN retreat in regards 30 police-outposts that may have been exactly kicked out by Myanmar’s cunning secret servants to censure on ARSA shoulder. Due to that, the world community’s continuous demand to explain more about ARSA, since then Myanmar has been shutting up but it has been finding additional faults on Rohingyas civilians in village wise.

However, U Kyaw Tin has failed to express that Myanmar military has burned 350 more villages of Rohingyas, killed many more people that are innocent, raped young Rohingyas girls and women, drove nearly 700,000 innocent People to neighboring Bangladesh. He shamelessly explained to his partners that the issue has been economic and illegal migration of Rohingyas into Rakhine state. He failed again to explain that there has not been a single illegal immigrant found who sneaked into Rakhine from Bangladesh in search of pasture escaping starvation in neighboring Bangladesh. All these cheating-fashion has been a foolish nature of Myanmar authorities to disgrace not only Bangladeshi but also Rohingyas

Now, simply do find the interlopers in the camps throughout the world cooperation in advance before being repatriated them into Rakhine, otherwise Rohingyas repatriates be afraid of being arrested & prosecuted under the illegal migration law of Myanmar after arriving into their locations. Such things have been happened before. If Myanmar authorities find any one of illegal as immigrant in check-balance process with cooperation of Bangladesh & world trusted body, before repatriation from Bangladesh, then neglect to accept the respective person and abandon them on shoulder of Bangladesh. It will be so clear THAN blatant cheating from time to time.

The dignitaries from all regions of the world would usually pay humanitarian & charming visits to the Rohingyas camps in Bangladesh in a manner of sympathetic attitude to fellow human beings. 

[As a matter of fact, the 2020 ASEAN superb goal to become entire ASEAN region as one family is so great ambition of the founding father of ASEAN leaders. Rohingyas are the legitimate citizens of Myanmar and so they are that of ASEAN’s too. Nevertheless, except Myanmar dignitaries who are responsible the overall social destructions of Rohingyas happened in Rakhine and her darling partner nations from Laos, Cambodia, Vietnam, Singapore, and the Philippines, they have never paid any humanitarians and diplomatic visits to the ROHINGYAs, ASEAN citizens’ camps in Bangladesh. WHY? This underrated terrible mindset of some ASEAN nations’ immorality has been the appalling scenario among world community. What will those nations wrongdoing on ROHINGYAs innocent?] 

Though, all the relevant people of world communities had paid visits and will be paying officials visits to the camps due to how Rohingyas be repatriated in safety, dignity and voluntarily to their locations again. What the rules, and necessary steps to be done before repatriation that shouldn’t be ensuing exodus again because of next appearing brutal oppressions again by Myanmar authorities on repatriated Rohingyas in their locations. For that grounds Myanmar high-level officials have never been in touch with Rohingyas runners (who are in Bangladesh now) the sons of Myanmar and talking for them with the world authorities to be repatriated.

While MYANMAR International Cooperation Minister U Kyaw Tin was first time in Bangladesh in October 2007 to talk with FM of Bangladesh in regard Rohingyas’ repatriation, Bangladesh Foreign Minister’s invitation, to Kyaw Tin to pay visit to Rohingyas camps, was strongly denied by Mr. Kyaw Tin. Meaning, he does not have either sympathy on Rohingyas as human being of similar to other people of the world’s dignitaries or he has been in cruel mind of similar partners of those WHO have been crushing Rohingyas. 

WHY does not Myanmar government hear and cooperate with the world community or the United Nations Security Council as being the member of the world organization to settle honestly the longstanding unsolved issue rather than wasting much of the global valuable times? For which, Myanmar’s amoral ministers, right now Minister U Kyaw Tin, “under the term of witnessing repatriation readiness” accompanying many diplomats, ambassadors, UN staffers and so on to the localities where absconded Rohingyas to be back? All their attempts have been falsehoods of Daw Suu Kyi’s filthy diversion to be instilled into the minds of her foreign partners. 

Rohingyas displaced persons who are now in Bangladesh’s many scattered refugees’ camps and remaining Rohingyas who are yet in all around localities are “the people born of the same mother”. They have been all the time constant flow of information of the update military and Rakhine armed people’ aggressions and multiple atrocities against Rohingyas of Rakhine state by one way or another. Rohingyas, yet who adhere to reside in Rakhine state, have been facing the continuous accusations of regional military authorities as being ARSA terrorists and sympathizers. They have been arrested; tortured, squeeze money whatever they have, and then they are usually ordered to disappear from their villages; or face the similar situation of “Inn Din, Tulatuli, Godar Pyin, Paung Daw Pyin”, where mass Rohingyas males were being persecuted, and entire villages were being burned down. No military authorities and Rakhine officials are standing in their ethics to maintain law and orders but as they are the devils-money-grubbing against helpless Rohingyas after designing many unfound excuses. Villagers from the localities are leaving from their villages and no one can stop them from absconding from military’s genocidal constant cleansings.

Right now, Daw Suu Kyi is running two-way policy: (1) repatriation camps built by the money of local entrepreneurs or partner nations of the world for show off acceptance of displaced Rohingyas without creating favorable conditions which can be accepted by Rohingyas returnees and which agreeable to the world community. (2) The remaining Rohingyas have been cleansed through the military operation with understanding of military to vacant the north Rakhine to hand over to the partner-nation selectively to CHINA to do corridor for Geographic strategic plan. 

Due to durable and honest solution by Myanmar government to the issue, rather than unilateral construction of transit camps, which are believed to be graveyards again for Rohingyas returnees? And a fine escape of international constant pressure without confirmation of any firm agreement, firstly Daw Suu Kyi should have discussed and accepted world opinions how to settle the standing issue in a way of perfect that be acceptable for all RATHER hearing the destructive voices of Rakhine fanatic, morally wrong monks and wicked parliamentarians, and military authorities. 

After having understood of above-mentioned criminal nature of Myanmar regime led by Daw Suu Kyi and EVEN THOUGH many earlier dignitaries of the world bodies have had expresses: “textbook examples of ethnic cleansing; hallmarks of genocide and mass people killing; and nothing more than genocidal activities” against Rohingyas have been widely, clearly known to the world people. 

THEN what are THE world powerful authorities thinking about the slaughter of mass Rohingyas human beings and destructions of their houses and other properties in many forms by the government of Myanmar without taking swift actions?

Rohingya Exodus